S The source of this uncorrected OCR text may be viewed as a digital facsimile at: http://fax.libs.uga.edu/ t; \ \ & BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SISETEENTH' MSUAi ΚΕΡΟΚΓ NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. FRONTISPIECE OF THE BUEEAÜ OF AMEBICM ETHNOLOGY TO THE «'i \ \ -"*. .' ';· W" .Ϊ. y·· SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSÜNIAN INSTITUTION 1897-98 BT J. «IKECTOJl TWO PAÜTS —ΓΆ11Τ 1 §¿ 4 \ \ f. - WITHIN THE KIVA \VASHINGTON GOVEBNMENÏ FEINTING OFFICE 1900 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, I). C., July 1, 1898. SIR: I have the honor to submit my Nineteenth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The Report opens with an. account of the operations of the Bureau during the past fiscal year and with some exposition of the principles pursued in the work; the remainder com prises nine memoirs prepared by collaborators, which illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. It is a pleasure to express my appreciation of your constant aid and support in the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, Erector- S. P. LANGLEY, Secretary of the Smithsoman Institution. MAR 2 9«! CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page Introduction ......................................................... xi Field research and exploration ........................................ xin Office research ....................................................... xix Work in esthetology.............................................. xix Work in technology .............................................. xx Work in sociology-_----_-----__---------------------------------. xxn Work in philology ............................................... xxv Work in sophiology .............................................. xxvn Descriptive ethnology ............................................ xxvni Collections.__--_-_----.---.------------------------------_------. xxix Publication ,...^................................................. xxix Bibliography...__-----------_--._-..----..-----.--------------.-. xxx Library..--.-.--..------.--..----..-.--..........-...-------..... xxx Illustrations _...-.--.-----.-.--..------.--------------.--_--.-.-. xxx Property.. ---...-..'........-....-.-....--.--..-----......-.-..... xxxi Financial statement .................................................. xxxiv Characterization of accompanying papers .............................. xxxv Subjects treated .................................................. xxxv Myths of the Cherokee .-.-......-......--...---........-.----.... xxx vu Tusayan migration traditions...................................... xxxix Localization of Tusayan clans ..................................... xi.i Mounds in northern Honduras .................................... xi.i Primitive numbers ............................................... XLIH Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America..--.-....._.______ XLIV Mayan calendar systems .......................................... xui The wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes.......................... MI Tusayan flute and snake ceremonies ............................... xi.v Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give pleasure ........ i.v General considerations-........................................... LV Ambrosial pleasures .............................................. MX Decorative pleasures..-...-.--------------------..-...-.---....... LX Athletic pleasures _._.--------------..-.-...---------............. LXJII Cîames........................................................... LXVIII ®r VI CONTENTS Esthetolog}', or thé science of activities designed to give pleasure — Cont'd Fine art« ........................................................ Mußic ..-------.-------------_------------------------------- Rhythm .......................".......................... Melody .................................................. Harmony ................................................ Symphony ............................................... Graphic art .....--____....______-----..-.-..._......-..-.-... Sculpture ................................................ Relief ................................................... Perspective .............................................. Chiaroscuro ........^... .................................. Drama. .........----..............--...----..............-.-„ Sacrifice ....... Ceremony ...... Histrionic art. .. Romance ......... Bea«t fable. ... Power myth .. jSecroniaucy ... Novels. .......- Poetr\' .-.-.-------- Personification . Similitude ..... Allegory ...... Trope ........ Page LXX LXX LXXI LXXI LXXII LXXIII LXXIV LXXIV LXX v I.ÄXVI LXXVI LXXVII LXXVII LXXVII ι LXXVIII LXXIX LXXXI LXXXII LXXXIII LXXXV LXXXVI ι,χχχνιι LXXXVII LXXXVIII LXXXIX xc ACCOMrANYING PAPERS Myths of the Cherokee, by James Mooney ...-----................-.... 3-548 Index to Part 1 ................. i.... ................................ 549-576* Tusayan Migration Traditions, by Jesse Walter Fewkes ................. 573-634 Localization of Tusayan Clans, by Cosmos Mindeleff . ................... 635-653 Mounds in Northern Honduras, by Thomas Gann ...................... 655-692 Mayan Calendar Systems, by Cyrus Thomas. ........................... 693-819 Primitive Numbers, by W J McGee ................................... 821-851 Numeral Systems of Mexico and Central America, by Cyrus Thomas. . . . . 853-955 Tusayan Flute and Snake Ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. ......... 957-101 1 The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, by Albert Ernest Jenks . . . 1013-1137 Index to Part 2 ...................................................... 1 139-1160 ILLUSTRATIONS Withinthekiva— — — — — —— — — — — — — - — - — — Frontispiece Myths of the Cherokee ...........— . — — — — — "ates i-xxvm; Figures 1-3 Mounds in northern Honduras .............. — .- Plates xxix-xxxix ; Figures 4-7 Mayan calendar systems .....-..-------- ---------- Platee XL-XUV; Figures 8-22 Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America ................... Figures 23-41 Tnsayaii flute and snake ceremony.....- — ----- Platea XLV-LXV; Figures 42-46 The wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes ....... Plates LXVI-LXXIX; Figures 47-48 VII REPOET OF THE DIRECTOR I o^ NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY By J. W. POWELL, Director INTRODUCTION Ethnologic researches have been conducted during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, in accordance with the act of Congress making provision "for continuing researches relating to the American Indians, under the direction of the Smithsoiiian Institution," approved June 4, 1897. The work has been carried forward in accordance with a plan of operations submitted on June 1.4, 1897. The field operations of the Director ami the collaborators have extended into Arizona, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Indian Territory, Maine, New Brauswick, New Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, Ontario, 'and Texas, while special agents have conducted operations in Alaska, Argentina, British Columbia, California, Chile, Green land, Oregon, Wisconsin, and Washington state. The office work has included the collection of material from Indian tribes in Arizona, Idaho, Indian Territory, Kentucky, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, New York, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Texas. The researches in the office have dealt with material from nearly all of the states and from other portions of the American continent. The organization of the work has. grown out of a classifica tion of ethnic science based on the researches of the Bureau. \ ,'ίρ. âf~ \ XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY It is worthy of note that, while the science of man has advanced rapidly during the last twenty years through the efforts of able investigators in different countries, the advance has been particularly rapid in the United States. No small part of this advance must be ascribed to the farsighted gov ernmental policy of maintaining researches among the abo riginal tribes of the American continents, yet a part of the progress would seem to be due to the wide range in ethnic phenomena with which American students are favored. The investigator in this country may easily come in contact with representatives of every race and of every important strain of blood; at the same time he may study every important grade in culture, from the savagery of some of the Indian tribes, through the barbarism of others, up to the civilization and enlightenment represented by the greater part of our pop ulation. Among the consequences of this favorable condi tion for study have been the stimulation of observation and the encouragement of strictly scientific methods of research. Another result is found in the amassing of trustworthy data, in unequaled amount, for comparative study. The general result is expressed in extension and refinement of ethnic science, and to some degree in the application of ethnology to practical affairs. The systemization of the science resulting from considera tion of its subject-matter as exhibited in the operations of the Bureau was set forth somewhat fully in the last report, and the same system is followed in the present report. The science for which the Bureau was organized under the act of Congress treats but slightly of the somatic characteristics of the native tribes of America; the researches extend rather over those char acteristics exhibited by men in the tribal state as they are por trayed in cultural elements. These elements of character arise in the methods pursued by the tribesmen for the purpose of securing pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and opinion; these pursuits involve activities which are esthetic, industrial, governmental, linguistic, and educational, and the activities give rise to the sciences of esthetology, technology, sociology, philology, and sophiology. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIII FIELD RESEARCH AND EXPLORATION At the beginning of the fiscal year the Director was engaged in an examination of certain shell mounds on the coast of Maine recounoitered during the preceding season. Limited collections were made, and the associations were noted with care and compared with those characteristic of the Indians still liv ing in the vicinity. The work resulted in the complete iden tification of the mound-builders with the tribes found on the same coast by white men early iii the settlement of this country. During July Mr F. W. Hodge repaired to Arizona, joining Dr Fewkes during the excavation of the ruins near Snowflake, south of Holbrook, and later accompanying him to Tusayan for the purpose of gaining further insight into the summer ceremonies of the Hopi Indians and additional knowledge of the ruins of their former villages. Leaving Dr Fewkes and his party late in August, he visited the remarkable, but little known, ruins on the mesas surrounding Cebollita valley, about 35 miles south of Grant, New Mexico, making photographs of noteworthy features and ground plans of some of the more interesting structures. After spending several days in this work, Mr Hodge visited the pueblos of Laguna and Acoma, witnessing at the latter village the interesting Fiesta de San Estevaii, and on September 3 he proceeded with his party to the widely known Mesa Encantada, some three miles from Acoma, the traditional home of the Indians of the pueblo during prehistoric times. The precipitous height was climbed, the night was spent on the summit, and after carefully examining its entire surface Mr Hodge succeeded in finding traces of Indian occupancy at a remote period. He also found traces of an ancient pathway leading toward the summit and quantities of prehistoric ware in the talus, to which it had evidently been washed from the summit of the mesa; accordingly, he was able to substantiate the essential features of an Acoma tradition. The beginning of the year found Dr J. Walter Fewkes occupied in collecting aboriginal material from a prehistoric rum known as Kintiel, or Pueblo Grande, located on an upper wash of the Colorado Chiquito, between Navaho station and Ganado, in eastern central Arizona. Situated midway XIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY o« between the Tusayan and Zum groups of pueblos, this ruin has for a number of years been a problem to investigators in this field; but the researches of Dr Fewkes show quite conclusively that the art remains unearthed resemble more closely those of Halona, Heshotauthla, and other ancient Zuñi villages than those of the prehistoric pueblos of Tusayan. Excavations were conducted in the cemetries, as well as in the ruin of the village, and in each an interesting· collection of pottery and of bone and stone implements was unearthed. Fully satisfied with the results at this point, Dr Fewkes returned to the railroad, and from Holbrook proceeded to the vicinity of Pinedale, near the northern border of the White Mountain Apache reservation, where another interesting col lection of objects was made. Although the ruins from which they were recovered are more remote from the present Tusa yan villages than are those of Kiutiel, they are more closely similar in form and in symbolic decoration to ancient Tusayau art products than are the specimens obtained from the latter place. Excavations were next conducted in some interesting ruins about four miles west of Snowflake, which, like those of Pine- dale, were hitherto unknown to archaeologists. Researches at this point extended over a period of a fortnight, being con ducted both in the house ruins and in the cemeteries north and southwest thereof. An unusually large collection of fictile ware, as well as a very interesting but smaller collection ot bone, stone, and shell objects, was here obtained. By the middle of August Dr Fewkes returned with his party to Hol brook and proceeded thence to the Tusayan villages, where he made observations supplementary to those conducted in pre vious years in connection with the Snake dance and related ceremonies. During September Dr Fewkes visited that part of the upper Gila valley called Pueblo Viejo, and examined certain ruins in that region which were discovered and described by Emory and Johnstoii in 1846. He conducted archaeological work in mounds near Solomoiiville and San José de Pueblo Viejo, and collected several hundred objects from these localities. These ruins were found to bear close architectural resemblance to ADMINISTBATIVE BEPORT XV those near Phoenix and Tempe, and to indicate adobe houses with walls supported by logs and stones, clustered about a central building which served for protection or for ceremonial purposes. Pottery and other objects from these ruins were found to be identical with those from near Casa Grande. It was discovered that the ancient people of this valley some times buried their dead in their houses, but that the larger number were cremated. The calcined houses and ashes of the latter were placed in decorated jara and buried in pyral mounds. Remains of extensive prehistoric irrigating ditches, reservoirs, and terraced gardens show that the valley was extensively farmed in ancient times, and the large number of ruined houses indicate an extensive population. An instructive collection of potteiy, beads, shells, and sacrificial objects was obtained from a cave in the mountains north of Pueblo Viejo. During a part of his field season Dr Fewkes had the coopera tion of Mr F. W. Hodge, and during the entire summer the assistance of Dr Walter Hough, of the United States National Museum. The researches of Dr Fewkes conducted during this summer were remarkably successful, both in the extent and value of the collections acquired and in the archaeologic and ethnologic data recorded. Toward the end of September Mr James Mooiiey took the field in New Mexico, Texas, and contiguous Mexican states, for the purpose of collecting, among various tribes, information additional to that obtained among the Kiowa and Kiowa- Apache of Oklahoma concerning the primitive rites in which peyote (more popularly known as "mescal") is used as a nar cotic and stimulant. Incidentally to this work, Mr Mooiiey made a brief visit to a series of interesting pueblo ruins, attributed to the neighboring Tewa Indians, 011 a mesa 12 miles west of Española, above Santa Fe, 011 the Rio Grande, in New Mexico. These remains are of considerable local repute, but thus far they have not been seriously excavated. The Jicarilla Apache, numbering 850, 011 a reservation in northern New Mexico, were the next object of Mr Mooney's attention. This tribe formerly roamed over the section east of the mountains of New Mexico, 011 the headwaters of Arkansas and Canadian rivers, but affiliated with the Ute rather than XVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY witli tlie Plains tribes. It was found that they knew of peyote only through temporary association with the Mescalero a few years ago, when the two tribes were for a time on one reserva tion. The Mescalero Apache, numbering 450, on a reservation in southeastern New Mexico, were next visited. These Indians, whose popular name is derived from their use of the "mescal" or peyote, are regarded by the Plains tribes as mas ters in all that concerns the plant; but from information received through their best informants, as well as from actually witnessing the ceremony, Mr Mooney found the rite to be declining among them, largely through the difficulty of pro curing the plant in their isolated condition, as it requires five days' journey on horseback to obtain a supply. Mr Mooney discovered a number of Lipan and a few Kiowa-Apache Indians living with the Mescalero. The Lipan were a predatory tribe of eastern Texas, and were almost exterminated some thirty years ago on account of their raiding propensities against both Texas and Mexico. Of the remnant a few are incorpo rated with the Tonkawa, a few joined the Mescalero and Kiowa-Apache, while others, probably the larger number, fled to Santa Rosa mountains, in northern Mexico, where they still live. Mr Mooney obtained through the Lipan further infor mation in regard to several Texan tribes, including the Karan- kawa and Tonkawa, of whom little has been known; and from _ them also definite information was obtained in regard to the use of peyote among the Tarahumari of Mexico. Having completed his investigations among the tribes of New Mexico in the early part of December, Mr Mooney devoted attention to the remnants of the Piro, Tiwa, Suma, and Manso tribes on the Rio Grande below El Paso, in both Texas and Chihuahua. These Indians, now practically Mexi- canized, are the descendants of a large number of natives who were taken by Governor Otermin on his retreat from Santa Fe to El Paso, and settled at their present location during the Pueblo rebellion in 1680. He obtained valuable information in regard to the former status of these people and conducted also some linguistic researches, to which reference will later be made. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XVII Mr Mooney next proceeded to the mountain country of Texas, southeast of El Paso, for the purpose of locating the peyote, from information given by the Mescalero. Two or more varieties of the plant were found in this section, oil both sides of the Rio Grande. In January Mr Mooney continued southward to the Tarahumari country in quest of additional information concerning the lites and customs of that tribe of which peyote forms the feature. The Tarahumari form one of the most populous tribes in North America, their number being variously estimated at from 50,000 to 80,000. They occupy nearly the whole mountain region of the state of Chihuahua. They perform a number of interesting ceremonies in which peyote plays an important role. Indeed, the plant is a prominent part of the medicine man's stock in trad,e, rather than something used by the tribe at large, as among the Kiowa and associated tribes to the northward. Several varieties of peyote are recognized by the Tarahumari, who procure the plant chiefly about Santa Rosalia, in southeastern Chihuahua. Information concerning the ceremonial use of peyote by the neighboring Tepehuaii tribes was likewise gained, and the southernmost limit of its use in Mexico was also determined. Aside from his researches in this interesting subject, Mr Mooney made an examination of some large burial caves near Aguas Calientes, about 200 miles southwest of Chihuahua city. Although the principal one of these caves had been excavated by residents, in the hope of finding buried treasure, and their contents thereby disturbed, Mr Mooney succeeded in recov ering a well-preserved mummy with its original wrappings of matting and native cloth and the accompanying food and water vessels, which have been deposited in the National Museum. These and kindred, observations tlirow much light on the little- known mortuary customs of the region. During August and September Dr Albert S. Gatschet was occupied in linguistic researches begun during the preceding year among the Algonquian tribes in Maine and contiguous parts of New Brunswick. His work resulted in the enrich ment of his vocabularies, and in the preparation of numerous « 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -II XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY texts which are especially valuable not only as indices of lin guistic structure but as records of tribal history, customs, social organization, and beliefs. Mr J. N. 13. Hewitt spent the autumn in the field in northern New York and neighboring parts of Ontario, collecting lin guistic and sociologie data required for the full comparative study of the Iroquoian tribes. He was also able to obtain new and valuable additions to the series of creation myths for which these Indians are notable, and through which their names have become extensively incorporated in the literature of the world. on November 4, 1897, Mr J. B. Hatcher, of Princeton Uni versity, who was about to sail for Argentina, was specially com missioned to make collections among the Indian tribes of South America; and to ward the end of the fiscal year he sent his first shipment of material, representing the natives of Patagonia, whose characteristics have attracted attention for centuries. On January 11, 1898, Mr Gerard Fowke was employed tem porarily to make archseologic surveys and excavations in an interesting locality in Kentucky. These excavations were par ticularly successful, yielding a considerable quantity of valua ble material, which has been forwarded to Washington. Shortly before the opening of the fiscal year Dr Robert Stein, attached to Lieutenant R. E. Peary's Arctic expedition for the purpose of exploring a little-known stretch of the coast of western Greenland, was commissioned to make archéologie researches and collections. He was landed on August 10,1897, and remained until September 1, when he was taken up by Lieutenant Peary on his return trip. During Dr Stein's stay on a part of the coast not now inhabited, he discovered abun dant traces of ancient habitation by the Eskimo, and collected a quantity of soinatologic and other material. The objective material collected during these explorations has been placed in the National Museum ; portions of the new data have been added to the archives, but the greater part are incorporated in memoirs now in preparation or completed for publication, as is indicated in other paragraphs. The scientific results of the work are summarized in the following pages. XIX ADMINISTRATIVE KEPÓET. OFFICE RESEARCH WORK IN ESTHETOLOOT Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing has continued the study and arrangement of his collections of aboriginal handiwork from western Florida, and has made progress in the preparation of a report on the prehistoric key-dwellers of the eastern shore of Gulf of Mexico. During the greater part of the year the collections were kept in the Museum of Archœology of the University of Pennsylvania, where they were shipped on account of the inadequate space then afforded by the National Museum for unpacking and assembling; toward the end of the fiscal year, as the capacity of the Museum was increased by the introduction of galleries, the greater part of the col lection was brought to Washington and arranged in cases and on tables for purposes of comparison and study. In the course of his work Mr Gushing has made extensive comparisons between his specimens and those obtained by other archaeolo gists from different portions of the United States, and the comparative studies are highly significant. The Florida col lections are rendered exceptionally valuable by reason of the large number of specimens made from and decorated with animal and vegetal substances, which are ordinarily perish able, though preserved in high perfection in the muck beds associated with the Florida Keys. Accordingly, the material serves better than any other collection thus far made to con nect the records of the early explorers with the observations of later times; at the same time it serves to round out knowl edge concerning the pre-Columbian handiwork of the Indians in all of the softer, more flexible, and more easily destructible substances, and, accordingly, permits comparison of designs wrought in a wide range of materials. Dr J. Walter Fewkes has continued the preparation of reports on his archgeologic researches in Arizona and New Mexico. These researches were undertaken primarily for the purpose of enriching the collections of aboriginal art products in the National Museum. The large collections embrace a re markably complete series of primitive designs and motives in XX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXI / \ \ l 4 fictile ware, including the adaptation of mythologie, animal, bird and feather, insect, and reptilian figures. Many of these are so highly conventionized that they would have been practically uninterpretable without the knowledge of Tusayan mythologie and sociologie concepts which Dr Fewkes fortunately pos sesses, and by means of which he has been enabled to make substantial contributions to knowledge of the development of artistic concepts. The results of his work are incorporated in two memoirs for publication, respectively, in the seventeenth and twentieth annual reports. In connection with other researches, and with administrative duties in the office as Ethnologist in Charge, Mr W J McGee has made inquiries from delegations of Indians visiting Wash ington concerning the symbolic use of feathers, especially in connection with headdresses. It is well known to students that the use of feathers, which at first sight would seem to be deco rative merely, is essentially symbolic; but the meanings of the symbols have not been ascertained hitherto, save casually and among a few tribes. During the year the feather symbolism of the Poiika and Ojibwa tribes has been discovered and recorded with tolerable completeness. WORK IN TECHNOLOGY Arts and industries are correlative factors in human progress, and the lines of conceptual development traced through the study of art motives elucidate the growth of industrial devices. Accordingly., the work of the collaborators in connection with art motives has contributed both directly and indirectly to aboriginal technology. During the year special attention was given to lines of technical development, as indicated in previ ous reports, and to the acquisition of material for study and preservation in the Museum. Especially valuable is the Steiner collection, from the mounds of Etowah valley, Geor gia. It comprises 3,215 specimens of stone implements, earth enware, and symbolic and decorative objects of copper, shell, and stone. ( The Indians of this district, builders of the great Etowah mound and other monuments, were peculiarly fertile in artistic and industrial devices. In this, region the progres sive tribes of the Siouan stock, the vigorous Clierokee, one or more of the wide-ranging Algonquiaii tribes, the little-known Yuchi, and some of the Muskhogean tribes came in frequent contact, while the influence of the arts and industries of the key-dwellers of Florida was constantly felt. Here, as else where, ideas and ideals were stimulated by contact, whether peaceful or not; and the devices representing the rapidly growing concepts are especially significant and useful in trac ing the course of industrial development among the aboriginal tribes. Another noteworthy acquisition is the Morris collec tion from Arkansas, comprising 181 pieces of pottery, together with a number of stone implements and other objects. The collection is especially valuable as an illustration of types of pottery hitherto rare or unknown. The most important acqui sition of archseologic objects procured during the year is com prised in the collections made by Dr J. Walter Fewkes from the ruins of Kintiel, Pinedale, Fourmile, Solomoiiville, and other ancient sites in eastern and southern Arizona and south western New Mexico, an elaborate report on which is now being prepared. Like the collections obtained at Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Other Tusayan ruins, these include fictile and textile products, stone, bone, and wooden implements, and objects of shell and stqiie used for personal adornment. In symbolic decorative features the mortuary food and water ves sels, as well as many of the utensils recovered from the houses, are exceedingly rich. The collections have been deposited in the National Museum. The process of culture in all the five departments is by invention and acculturation. The invention is at first individ ual, but when an invention is accepted and used by others it is accultural, and the invention of the individual may be added to the invention of others, so that it may be the invention of many men. Objects may be used without designed modifica tion, or they may be designedly modified for a purpose; the use of objects without designed modification, like the Seri stone implements, has been studied by Mr McGee, and he calls such unmodified implements protolithic, while the mod ified stone implements he calls technolithic. The two phases are widely distinct, not only in type of object, but even more in the mental operations exemplified by the objects; for the XXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY protolithic objects represent undesigned adaptation and modi fication, as of cobbles picked up at random, while the others represent designed shaping in accordance with preconceived ideals, as of chipped arrowpoints. The coexistence of these incongruous types among the Sen seemed puzzling at the outset, but was provisionally ascribed to the difference in occupation between the sexes, the women using the protolithic implements, and the warriors making and using the technolithic weapons. Further study showed that the objects of chipped stone imitate in every essential respect the aboriginal weapons of the hereditary enemies of the Seri, including the Papago and Yaki, and this fact, coupled with the mysticism thrown around the stone arrowpoints by the Seri shamans (most of whom are aged matrons), indicated that the idea of the tech- nolithic weapon was acquired through warfare. Examination of other characteristics of the Seri in the light of this interpre tation served to explain various puzzling features and at the same time established the validity of the interpretation. The Seri have been at war with alien tribes almost constantly since the time of Columbus, and indeed long before, as is indicated by archseologic evidence. Most of their arts and industries are exceedingly primitive; yet here and there features imitating those characteristic of neighboring tribes, or even of white men, are found. Thus they substitute cast-off rags and fabrics obtained by plunder for their own fabrics, wrought with great labor from inferior fibers; since the adjacent waters have been navigated, they have learned to collect flotsam and use tattered sailcloth in lieu of pelican-skin blankets, cask staves in lieu of shells as paddles for their balsas, hoop iron in lieu of charred hardwood as arrowpoints for hunting, and iron spikes in lieu of bone harpoons for taking turtles; and almost without exception these modifications in custom have arisen without amicable relation, and despite—indeed, largely by reason of—deep-seated enmity against the alien peoples. WOKE IN SOCIOLOGY In sociology Mr McGee has observed some interesting facts which shed light on that form of development of institutions among the tribes of America which he calls piratical accultu- ADMINISTKATIVE KEPOKT. XXIII ration—spreading from one unfriendly tribe to another.1 The Apache and Papago tribes have been bitterly inimical from time immemorial, the oldest creation legends of the Papago describing the separation of the peoples in the beginning; yet there is hardly a custom among the latter which has not been shaped partially or completely by the inimical tribe. The habitat of the Papago in the hard desert is that to which they have been forced by the predatory Apache; the indus tries of the Papago are shaped by the conditions of the habitat and by the perpetual anticipation of attack. The traditions recounted by the old men are chiefly of battle against the Apache; even the ceremonies and beliefs are connected with that eternal vigilance which they have found the price of safety, and with the wiles and devices of the ever-present enemy. Perhaps the most important element in the accultu ration is that connected witli belief; for to the primitive mind the efficiency of a weapon is not mechanical but mystical (an expression of superphysical potency), and each enemy strives constantly to coax or suborn the beast-gods and potencies of the other; so the Papago warrior went confidently to battle against the Apache when protected by a charm or fetish including an Apache arrowpoint taken in conflict, and felt assured of victory if his war club was made in imitation of that of the enemy and potentialized by a plume or inscription appealing to the Apache deity. Even later in the scale of development, after the piratical acculturation has become meas urably amicable, this factor remains strong, as among the clans of.the Kwakiutl and some other tribes in which the aim of marriage settlement is the acquisition, not of property or kin dred per se, but of deities and traditions concerning them. The general law of piratical acculturation finds innumerable examples among the more primitive peoples of the world, and phases of it have been recognized in the proposition that con quering tribes take the language of the conquered. Other phases have been perceived, e. g., in the hypothesis of primi tive "marriage by capture." Various earlier students have noted that actual or ceremonial capture of the bride is a part 1A preliminary announcement of this work appears in the American Anthropolo gist, vol. xi, 1898, pp. 244-249. ^ \ XXIV BÜEEAÜ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY of marriage among certain tribes, and have assumed that this was the initial form of mating among primitive peoples: later researches have shown that, in the lowest of the four great cul ture stages, mating is regulated by the females and their male coiisanguiiieal kindred, so that marriage by capture of brides can not occur; yet there is a step early in the stage of pater nal organization in which a certain form of marriage by cap ture has arisen in America, and may easily have become prominent on other continents. When tribes are in that unsta ble condition of amity resulting in peaceful interludes between periods of strife—a stage characteristic of savagery and much of barbarism—the intertribal association frequently results in irregular matches between members of the alien tribes; com monly such mating is punished by one or both tribes, though among many peoples there are special regulations under which the offense may be condoned—e. g., the groom may be sub jected to fine, to running the gauntlet, to ostracism until chil dren are born, etc. Yet while both bride'and groom incur displeasure and even risk of life through such matches, there is a chance of attendant advantage which may counterbalance the risk; for it frequently happens that the groom, especially if of the weaker tribe, eventually gains the amity and support of liis wife's kinsmen, while in some cases the eldermeri and elderwomeii of one or both tribes recognize the desirability of a coalition which can tend only to unite the deities of both, and so benefit each in greater-or lesser measure. Researches among the American aborigines have already shown that, so far as this continent is concerned, exogamy and endogamy are correlative, the former referring to the clan and the latter to die tribe or other group; they have also shown that the limi tations of exogamy and the extension of endogamy are inge nious devices for promoting peace; and it is now becoming clear that intertribal marriage, whether by mutually arranged elopement or by capture of the bride, may be a means of extending endogamy and uniting aliens, and thereby of rais ing acculturation from the piratical plane to that of amicable interchange. The applications of the law of piratical accultura tion are innumerable. In the light of the law it becomes easy to understand how inimical tribes are gradually brought to use ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV similar weapons and implements, to adopt similar modes of thinking and working, to worship similar deities, and thus to be brought from complete dissonance to potential harmony whensoever the exigency of primitive life may serve ; and thus the course of that convergent development, which is the most important lesson the American aborigines have given to the world, is made clear. Some idea may be formed, also, of the history of piratical acculturation. WORK IN PHILOLOGY Dr Albert S. Gatschet has continued the preparation of a comparative vocabulary of Algouquian dialects, making satis factory progress. The Algonquian linguistic stock was the most extensive of North America, both in the number of dia lects and in the area occupied by the tribes using them. For this and other reasons the stock has been a source of much labor among philologists, and there has been considerable diversity of opinion as to its classification. One of the tasks undertaken by the Bureau early in its history was the review of Algonquian linguistic material for the purpose of formu lating a definite and satisfactory classification. Many vocabu laries have been collected and compared; to aid in the deter mination of affinities, grammatic material has also been obtained in considerable volume ; and still further to elucidate relations, a body of records of myths and ceremonies has been accumulated. The lexic, grammatic, and mythologie records of the Algonquian stock collected by collaborators of the Bureau and obtained from correspondents form several hun dred manuscripts ; and it is from this voluminous material that the comparative vocabulary is compiled. In addition to this routine work on the vocabulary, Dr Gatschet has from time to time prepared linguistic material for use in answering inquiries of numerous correspondents. Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has continued the study of the Iroquoian languages during the year. As has been noted in former reports, he has also carried forward a general study of the pro noun as used in primitive tongues, with a view to the prepara tion of a memoir on linguistic development. Partly as a means XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVII \ / \ \ \ ê to this end, partly because of the inherent interest of the subject, he has undertaken a comparative study of the creation myths of the Iroquoiaii and some other tribes. During the later portion of the year the greater part of his time has been devoted to this study, with highly satisfactory results. During his operations among the Mescalero and Jicarilla Apache tribes of New Mexico, mainly for the purpose of gain ing knowledge concerning the ceremonial use of the peyote among those people, as recorded in previous paragraphs, Mi- James Mooney seized the opportunity of obtaining vocabula ries for comparison with cognate dialects, together with the genesis myths. The Mescalero and Jicarilla dialects are prac tically the same, and the cosmogony of the two tribes is also nearly identical, although they were generally at war with each other, the Mescalero cooperating with the Plains tribes "while the Jicarilla were allies of the Ute. Owing to the fact that the Lipan were nearly exterminated a generation ago, and by reason of the isolation of the surviving remnants, doubt has been expressed as to their true affinity; but from a vocabulary obtained by Mr Mooney from members of this tribe associated with the Mescalero on their reservation, it is now known that they speak a well-defined Athapascan dialect. Such linguistic researches as the present meager knowledge of their language would permit were also conducted by Mr Mooney among the modified Tiwa and Piro Indians on the Rio Grande below El Paso. Returning from the field for the purpose of revising proofs of a memoir on the Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians, in course of composition as a part of the seventeenth annual report, Mr. Mooney remained in the office during the last quarter of the year, occupied, in the intervals of proof reading, by the translation and arrangement of a large collec tion of Cherokee myths recorded in the original syllabary as well as in the English. Satisfactory progress was made in pre paring the material for publication. · During the later part of the year the researches in Indian sign language, which were brought to a close by the death of Colonel Mallery in 1894, were resumed through the collabora tion of Captain, now Colonel, Hugh L. Scott, U. S. A. Colonel Scott was stationed for some years on the frontier, where he was in constant contact with various Indian tribes, including the plains Indians, among whom the sign language was highly developed. Early in his stay he became interested in the signs and began acquiring this interesting art of expression, and his studies continued until he became proficient and able to use the sign language habitually in communicating with various tribes. His knowledge of the system is undoubtedly superior to that of any other white man, and his acquaintance with individual signs exceeds that of any Indian with whom he has come in contact. During the winter Captain Scott was trans ferred to Washington, and through the courtesy of the Secre tary of War and the Commanding General of the Army he was authorized to take up the record and discussion of sign language under the direction of the Bureau. Considerable progress had been made in the work when it was interrupted by conditions connected with the war with Spain. - WORK IN SOPHIOLOGY The Director continued the development of a system of clas sification designed to indicate the place of the American abo rigines among the peoples of the earth. During the later part of the year he took up the voluminous material in the Bureau archives relating to aboriginal mythology. While in charge of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky .Mountain region, before the Bureau was instituted, the Director began the collection of .myths among the Indians of the territories, and when the Bureau was created this mate rial, in connection with a body of linguistic manuscripts obtained by the Smithsonian Institution, formed the original archives. Additional material was collected from time to time by the Director and by several of the collaborators, and there are now some hundreds of manuscript records ready for study. Satis factory progress has been made in the preliminary arrangement of the manuscripts and in the extraction and classification of salient features in the primitive mythology prevailing among all of the native tribes before the advent of the white man. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has continued the final revision of her manuscript for a memoir on Zuñi ceremonies, designed for incorporation in an early report. Most of the chapters are Vi \ \ XXVIII BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY now complete, and nearly all of the illustrations are ready for reproduction. The Pueblo Indians well illustrate certain results of environment in the development of belief and ceremony. A harsh environment begets profound faith. This is illustrated by the history of many cults. The Pueblo region was a gather ing ground of primitive faiths, each fertilizing the others in accordance with the law already set forth, and each intensified by hard local conditions. The northern tribes, who furnished much of the blood of the Pueblo peoples, were pressed down from more humid regions and brought into conflict with alien warriors and with an arid habitat in which the specters of thirst and famine were ever present. The southern tribes, who furnished most of the culture of the Pueblos, were in part at least forced up toward the plateaus from the still more arid districts about the present national boundary into which they had fled as the excess of population from the more fertile dis tricts of pre-Columbian Mexico. All of the peoples were shadowed by the dangers of drought and by the hard labor required for the maintenance of existence; all were accustomed to invocations* for rain; all were accustomed to ceremonies connected with the growth of corn; all were accustomed to reverence of beast-gods, and all ascribed their preservation from ever-present danger to their success in propitiating the maleficent mysteries by which the}^ were surrounded—for that which is simply a hard natural condition to the advanced thinker is always a maleficent potency to the primitive thinker. All of the circumstances were such as to develop a profoundly devotional cast of mind among the Pueblo peoples; and their myths and ceremonies became so striking as to attract the attention of students throughout the world, as white men came in contact with them. Mrs Stevenson's researches concerning the myths and ceremonies have been exceptionally thorough, and the results now nearly ready for publication will form a substantial contribution to the knowledge of aboriginal mythology. DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY During the year the important work of compiling a Cyclo pedia of Indian Tribes of North America was continued by ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX Mr F. W. Hodge, with the assistance of Dr Cyrus Thomas, the former carrying forward the work in connection with other duties. Dr Thomas completed the preliminary arrangement of the material relating to the tribes of the Algonquian stock, submitting the material for editorial revision. He afterward took up the manuscript and literature relating to the tribes of the Siouan stock, and has made satisfactory progress in the arrangement of the material. COLLECTIONS A number of collections have been acquired during the year under the more immediate direction of the Secretary. Some of these are noted above ; in addition there have been acquired (1) a collection of Jamaican antiquities by MacCormack, including 160 specimens of ancient stone implements, earthen ware, etc., and 20 petaloid implements; (2) the Palmer collec tion of 98 ethnologic specimens from Mexico; and (3) the Gane collection of cliff-house relics, comprising fictile ware, bone implements, etc., from San Juan valley, Utah. In addi tion, the Muîiiz collection of trephined skulls, illustrated and described in the sixteenth annual report, was finally transferred to the Museum. A considerable number of separate objects and minor collections obtained by exchange for reports and by gift has also been turned over to the Museum during the year; among these was a Muskwaki hand-loom obtained by .Mr McGee for the express purpose of filling a hiatus in the national collection. PUBLICATION Satisfactory progress has been made by Mr Hodge in the revision of the proofs of the seventeenth and eighteenth annual reports and in the editorial work 011 the manuscript of the nine teenth annual report. The seventeenth report was transmitted to the Public Printer through the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution on July 6, 1897. In addition to the usual account of the operations of the Bureau the seventeenth annual report contains four memoirs, bearing the titles, The Seri Indians, by W J McGee; Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians, by James Mooney; Navaho Houses, by Cosmos Mindeleff, and XXX BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Archaeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895, by J. Walter Fewkes. The eighteenth annual report was transmitted to the Public Printer on March 11, 1898. It comprises, in addition to the report of operations for the fiscal year 1896-97, two papers entitled, respectively, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, by E W. Nelson, and Indian Laud Cessions in the United States, by C. C. Eoyce. Like the seventeenth report, this will appear in two volumes. The first galley proofs were received from the Public Printer in the latter part of June. BIBLIOGRAPHY As has been set forth in a previous report, the bibliography of the aboriginal languages of Mexico, which was left uncom pleted at the time of Mr Filling's death, has been continued through the generous services of Mr George Parker Winship, librarian of the John Carter Brown library at Providence, with the courteous permission of Mr John Nicholas Brown. The unusual facilities afforded by the excellent library under Mr Winship's care has enabled him to make marked progress with this work during the fiscal year; much, however, remains to be done ere the work will be ready for publication. LIBBARY The maintenance of the library has continued under the supervision of Mr Hodge, and the distribution of the publica tions of the Bureau has also been conducted under his direction. At the close of the last fiscal year, as is mentioned in the report covering that period, the volumes in the library numbered 7,138; to these 756 volumes have been added, making a total of 7,894 volumes at the close of the year. In addition several thousand pamphlets and scientific periodicals have been received. ILLUSTRATIONS The preparation of the illustrations, including the photo graphic work, was continued under the direction of Mr Wells M. Sawyer until March 17, 1898> when he resigned to accept another Federal appointment. From that time until the close ADMINISTRATIVE BEPOBT XXXI of the year the preparation of illustrations was conducted under the able supervision of Mr DeLancey W. Gill, of the United States Geological Survey, through the courtesy of Honorable Charles D. Walcott, Director of that bureau. During the year about 75 negatives and 610 photographic prints were made for purposes of illustration and exchange. The preservation and cataloguing of the Bureau's negatives have continued with the aid of Mr Henry Walther. PBOPERTY The property of the Bureau of American Ethnology is, with the exception of two or three items, small in amount and value. By far the most important and valuable property in the custody of the Bureau is the collection of manuscript records, represent ing a considerable part of the work of the collaborators and the contributions of correspondents during the last twenty years, as well as the collection originally acquired from the Smith- sonian Institution. The greater part of the manuscripts are lin guistic, and these are not in condition for publication, though invaluable for purposes of study and comparison. The entire collection, embracing more than 2,000 titles, is catalogued and arranged in fireproof vaults in the offices of the Bureau. A strict custody is maintained, under the immediate supervision of the director. A related class of property comprises photographs of Indian subjects. So far as is practicable, these are represented by original negatives with a systematic series of prints. The collection comprises about 5,000 negatives, with about 3,000 prints, including 800 prints from negatives which are riot in the possession of the Bureau. The collection is in constant use in connection with the preparation of illustrations for the reports; its custody is vested in the illustrator of the Bureau. Among the minor items the most important is the library, of 7,894 volumes and over 5,000 pamphlets, with plain wooden cases sufficient to'accommodate them. The greater part of the library represents the product of exchange, and in addition there is a fair collection of books of reference and standard works on ethnologic subjects obtained by purchase. The library is in immediate charge of Mr F. W. Hodge XXXII BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY A class of property of some importance is the accumulated residue of publications. The greater part of the edition of the reports available for distribution by the Bureau is sent to ex changes and correspondents immediately on issue, but a lim ited number of copies of each edition remains for distribution in accordance with subsequent demands. The residue of the several editions not completely exhausted is kept under the supervision of Mr F. W. Hodge. The editions of most of the reports are exhausted ; the undistributed residue consists of about 4,300 volumes. A somewhat important class of property, though of limited value, is office furniture, with the requisite stationery for cur rent use, as well as photographic apparatus and material. The aggregate value of the furniture and apparatus is less than $2,500. The custody and use of furniture, apparatus, station ery, and other materials are regulated by a custodial system devised for the purpose, which has been found to work satis factorily. A considerable number of original engravings used for the illustration of reports are catalogued and arranged in cases in the office of the Bureau, while the original copy for illustra tions is also preserved, so far as is practicable, in charge of the illustrator. The stereotype plates from which the reports are printed are, from time to time, turned over to the Bureau by the Public Printer. These are stored partly in the Smithsoman building, partly in the basement of the building in which the office is located. Experience has shown that, under existing conditions, it is inexpedient to acquire field property in any considerable amount, since the cost of purchase and maintenance of ani mals, vehicles, and camp equipage exceeds the charges for hire ; accordingly, there is practically no field property in the possession of the Bureau. The collaborators engaged in field operations collect ethno logical material, in greater or less quantities; for purposes of study. All such material is transferred io the National Museum, and commonly its study is cam -. on within that building. ADMINISTBATIVE TREPOBT XXXIII During the last fiscal year satisfactory progress was made in enriching the manuscript collections, the series of photo graphs, and the collections of material objects for the Museum, as is indicated in other paragraphs. The aggregate expendi- tiu-es for stationery and laboratory supplies were Si,900 ; for furniture, 8750, and for the purchase of necessary books of reference and standard works, $850. The Bureau is domiciled in rented quarters, i. e., the sixth floor of the Adams Building, 1333-1335 F street, Washington. These quarters are limited, hardly meeting the requirements of the work. During the winter, when office work is in active progress, it is sometimes necessary for two or three collabo rators to work in private quarters, while some of the perma nent property (stereotype plates, etc.) of the Bureau is stored in the Smithsouian and National Museum buildings, and the publications are stored in and distributed from the basement of the building occupied by the United States Geological Survey, through the courtesy of the director, Honorable Charles D. Walcott. 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -ITI FINANCIAL STATEMENT Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, "for continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians, under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com pensation of all necessary employees, $45,000, of which sum not exceed ing $1,000 may be used for rent of building" (sundry civil act, June 4, 1897)...-.......----..----.--....-.--.-..--..-..---....----------- $45,000.00 Salaries or compensation for services........-..--.....---.- $32,330.57 Traveling and field expenses.................... $2, 750. 71 Drawings and illustrations .-.__-..__.---....-.. Office rental .__.._„__......................... Ethnic material (specimens, etc.)............... Office furniture................................ 805.30 999.96 482.22 400.. 90 Publications for library......................... 1,972.64 Stationery ..................................... 163.44 .Freight..................--...----.....-------.- 123.16 Temporary services............................. 1,526.09 Supplies........-..-....-----.-------------.-.- 1,126.23 Reports ....................................... 175.20 Miscellaneous.-....-------.-------.---.-------. 312.30 10,838.15 Total disbursements ........................................... 43,168. 72 Balance, July 1,1898, to meet outstanding liabilities.............. 1,831.28 xxxiv CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPERS SUBJECTS TREATED Nine memoirs are appended to this report. The first of these is a comparative study of aboriginal mythology, illus trated by the myths of the Cherokee. The author, Mr Mooney, has spent several years in researches among the Cherokee and other tribes, and has amassed a large body of information con cerning their activities; and the accompanying memoir is one of a number in which the results are incorporated, two or three of these being nearly ready for publication. The second paper is a compilation of Tusayau migration traditions col lected and interpreted by Dr Fewkes; this, too, being one of a number of productions by its author, others of which are well advanced in preparation. To it the third paper, by Mr Mindeleff, is complementary. This author spent several years in researches in the Pueblo country, and his sketch of Tusayan migrations, with special reference to the localization of clans in the pueblos, represents one of the final products of his work. The fourth paper, treating of mounds in northern Honduras, is the contribution of a valued correspondent. It deals with a little-known region in which the archseologic record is of exceptional interest and such as to throw much light on the attributes of the ancient aborigines of various North American districts. The fifth and seventh papers together represent the results of long-continued researches in the Bureau, conducted by Dr Thomas; the former relating· to the highly interesting calendar systems of ancient Yucatan, and the latter to the numeral system of the Mexican and Central American tribes. Both are based largely on codices and other inscriptions, as well as on molded and sculptured glyphs, which during recent years have been made accessible to students through numerous XXXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY reproductions. The.sixth paper is a general discussion of prim itive numbers and of the origin of numeral systems, by Mr McGee, prepared partly as an introduction to the more special paper by Dr Thomas. The eighth paper is another product of the researches in the pueblo region by Dr Fewkes. It represents a critical study of certain important ceremonies of Tusayan. The last paper is a detailed account of wild rice and the wild rice gatherers of the lake region, by Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, a special contributor to the Bureau. It sum marizes the results of extended researches in literature as'well as in the field. The distribution of the tribes treated in these papers is sufficiently broad to afford geographic perspective and give opportunity for tracing the causes and conditions of tribal diversity. Three of the papers find their subjects in the pueblo region and three others in that central portion of the continent whose aboriginal culture was long the marvel of the Old World, while one treats of a northern tribe, and Mr. Mooiiey's memoir deals with one of the most important tribes of the eastern woods. So one of the regions is typically tropical, another represents one of the most arid .portions of the temperate zone, while the third typifies the humid lands of the same zone. As a whole the papers deal chiefly, although not dispropor tionately, with the sophic activities of the aborigines, i. e., with their myths and beliefs and the ceremonies and other cus toms dependent thereon—for it is one of the lessons of ethnol ogy that among primitive folk the arts and industries, laws and languages are in great measure shaped by crude faith. The traditions of the Cherokee and the Tusayan well illustrate the dominance of mythology over the lowly mind of the abo rigine, the numeral and calendar systems tell a similar story, and the relics from Honduran mounds find significant paral lels among the votive objects employed in the ceremonies of Tusayan; while the signs and symbols of the several districts are shown in the general paper to betoken significant stages in the development of thought among the peoples of the world. The time range covered by the subjects is considerable. The Mayan calendars and the Honduran mounds represent ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT .. XXXVII pre-Columbian times ; the traditions of the pueblo region run back into the prehistoric, but come down to the present, and thus bridge the ancient and the modern, while the Cherokee myths and Tusayan ceremonies illustrate the exceeding per sistence of mythologies still surviving centuries of contact with Caucasian culture." The range in culture grade represented by the papers is also wide, stretching from the higher savag ery, marked by the retention of maternal organization, up to that higher barbarism, or incipient feudalism, reached by the city-building makers of the Mexican calendars. MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE Since the times of earliest discovery and settlement along the southern Atlantic section the Cherokee Indians have been known as one of the largest and most noteworthy of our abo riginal tribes. They formed an important factor in both Eng lish and Spanish pioneering; they alone of the more northerly aborigines developed a definite system of writing in the form of Sequoya's syllabary; during colonial times the southern settlers were compelled to reckon with them; their presence exercised a potent influence on the policies of Revolution ary times; they were prominent in shaping our laws relating to Indian affairs; they played a role of no small moment dur ing the Civil war; and the portion of the tribe remaining in their original territory still retain aboriginal characteristics in remarkable degree. Yet, despite the historical importance of the tribe, they have, through a combination of circumstances, received comparatively slight consideration of literary and his torical character. It was largely by reason of their retention of aboriginal ideas and customs that the eastern Cherokee were selected for spe cial investigation; and it is largely by reason of the historical neglect of the tribe that it seemed well to introduce the publi cation of Mr Mooney's rich collections of ethnologic material with an extended historical sketch. The primary purpose of this sketch was to bring together in a form convenient for ref erence the chief events and episodes in the long-continued contact between Cherokee and Caucasian, and to indicate the \ / \ \ XXXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY chief sources of information concerning the tribal develop ment; but as the work proceeded it was found desirable to verify doubtful and incomplete records by comparison with the tribal traditions, so that it became necessary to incorpo rate the traditional history of the tribe; and at the same time it was found desirable to rectify certain important misappre hensions, and even actual errors, connected with the people and the growth of knowledge concerning them. One of the more important rectifications relates to the route taken by De Soto-in his memorable journey, and this alone cost much research among rare original publications in Spanish, in addi tion to involving extended personal acquaintance with the ground. The several verifications and corrections will doubt less serve to render this sketch the most trustworthy as well as the most convenient outline of Cherokee history extant. Although the myths recited in the memoir are those of a single tribe, the method of study is comparative ; the Chero kee tribe is treated as a sophic type, and numerous parallels drawn from the author's personal knowledge as well as from the literature of the aborigines are introduced. One of the ends of research among the natives of the Western Hemisphere is the systemization of knowledge concerning aboriginal beliefs and their attendant ceremonies; and Mr Mooney's memoir forms a step in the progress toward that end. Mr Mooney's collection comprises an extensive series of the myths and traditions of the type tribe, cosmogonie, historical, interpretative, and trivial; for among the Cherokee, as among other primitive peoples, the traditions vary widely in character and purpose. The collections are peculiarly valuable in that they are so complete as to indicate the genesis and develop ment of the tribal traditions. It would appear that the parent myth usually begins as a trivial story or fable, perhaps carry ing a moral and thus introducing and fixing some precept for the guidance of conduct. The great majority of these fables drop out of the current lore within the generation in which they are born, but those chancing to touch the local life strongly or happening to glow with local genius survive and are handed down to later generations. The transmitted fables form a part ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIX of the lore repeated by the eldermen and elderwomen night after night, to while away the long evenings by the camp fire, and in this way they become impressed on the memory and imagination of the younger associates; for under the condi tions of prescriptorial life they come to take the place of learn ing and literature in the growing mind of the youth. In the successive repetitions the weaker fables are eliminated, while the more vigorous are gradually combined and eventually strung together in an order made definite by custom; at the same time they acquire sacredness with age, and some of them become so far esoteric that they may not be repeated by youths, or perhaps even by laymen, but they are the exclu sive property of sages or shamans. Now the-fable, per se, is seldom vigorous enough to pass unaided into the esoteric lore of the tribe; but when it serves to interpret some interesting natural phenomenon, either in its original form or in its subse quent association, it is thereby fertilized, and with the com bined vitality of fable and interpretation enjoys greatly increased chance of survival. Sometimes the historical ele ment is also added, when the composite intellectual structure is still further strengthened, and may persist until history blends with fancy-painted prehistory, and the story becomes a full-fledged cosmogonie myth. Accordingly, the character and the age of myths are correlated in significant fashion. TUSAYAN MIGRATION TRADITIONS The most pressing and at the same time the most obscure problems presented to the archseologic student relate to the interpretation of relics. Different methods of solving these problems have been pursued by the students of various coun tries; but it is held that the method employed in the Bureau of American Ethnology, and now pretty generally adopted throughout the United States, is by far the most trustworthy of all—it is the method of interpretation in terms of the observed activities of cognate tribesmen still living. It is in pursuance of this method that Dr Fewkes has passed from a study of the abundant relics exhumed from ruins in the pueblo region to a study of the aboriginal inhabitants of neighboring XL· BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLI \ villages; and his paper affords an excellent illustration of the combination of prehistoric tradition and observational data in the interpretation of relics, and thence in the tracing of unwritten history. In every stage of culture there is an unexpressed basis for knowledge of the kind usually conveyed by tradition or liter ature—a basis unstated merely because a commonplace of cur rent thought. In civilization the unexpressed basis comprises the existence of nations and cities, the recognition of church and state, etc; and no student would deem it worth while to demonstrate the existence of these commonly accepted things— they are mere matters of fact from the view-point of civiliza tion. Similarly, there are accepted commonplaces in barbarism and in savagery; and no barbarian or savage thinks of explain ing these in any descriptive account—they are too evident from his point of view to require statement, or even to receive appreciative thought. Yet when the representative of any culture grade seeks to understand the habits or history per taining to any other culture grade he finds it necessary to acquire the point of view pertaining to that culture grade ; and when he seeks to convey his knowledge to others of his own grade he finds it necessary to begin with the commonplaces of the other. So, in describing the migrations of a pueblo people, Dr Fewkes naturally and necessarily devotes large space to the distinctive social organization of their culture grade; for the migrations were made and are kept in mind wholly in terms of this organization, and would not be comprehensible either to the people themselves or to others unless described in these terms. The social organization of the Tusayau people is typ ical and well worthy of statement in itself; but the application of clanship in tracing tribal movements, and in elucidating and interpreting relics, gives a special significance to the clans and their relations. It has for some time been known that the pueblo peoples are highly composite; and Dr Fewkes's contribution marks a note worthy step toward knowledge of the antecedents of both peo ples and culture. LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS Just as Dr Fewkes found it necessary to define the Tusayarí clans with considerable fulness in order to explain the migra tions, so Mr Mincleleff found it needful to set forth the migra tions Of the tribe as a basis for the description of certain customs connected with the coiisaiiguineal organization charac teristic of primitive culture. The description is based on the observations of the late.A. M. Stephen, in 1883, supplemented by those of Mr Mindeleff, in 1888; and the account is com plemented in a useful way by the Fewkes records of 1899. Accordingly the observations of the three students at intervals covering nearly two decades combine in mutual corroboration, and at the same time serve to indicate the trend and rate of social change in Tusayan under the influences of modern contact. The chief value of Mr Mindeleff's paper lies in its demonstra tion of the persistence of clans from new data. It has long been recognized that in tribal society, comprising savagery and bar-x barism, the clan, or gens, is the dominant social institution, the very foundation of society; it is accordingly quite in keeping with current knowledge to find that in the mutations of migra tory life the clan outlasts the tribe, just as it outlives the indi vidual and the family; yet it is of no small interest to find that even in the settled life of the pueblos the clan bonds vie in strength with those of stone and adobe, and shape, more fre quently than they are shaped by, the building of cities. Accordingly the clan quarters of Tusayan fall into line with the features of "The Ancient City," as brought out by Fustel de Coulanges, and afford parallels with certain features of European and Asian towns developed in connection with guilds; yet special interest attaches to the Tusayan clan quar ters by reason of the primitiveness and simplicity of the rela tion between social law and inchoate municipal regulation. MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS Accidents of settlement early in the century gave rise to the idea of a distinctive " mound region" in the Mississippi valley, \ lu x^ V^JT^ £ \ % Ί* \° ς \ / Λ £ / s ' /^· fâv*^ fsf^OKs Itfc/fîçr ΙΜΙ«Ή VÈ8Z »Β w^ Χ^τ \ \ \ Γ κ/ : / \ s ê / / * *Φ2· &&^ Ä V^, ίΐ \ t> III!!! ll«> XLII BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY and to the correlative idea that aboriginal mounds and earth works were confined to that region; and although the researches of a quarter-century have shown that ancient mounds are scattered over the entire habitable portions of North America, the original idea is kept, alive to an injurious 'extent by the early literature. The still-existing need for counteracting this erroneous impression led to the acceptance of Dr Grann's paper and the approval of. his title. Actually the mounds of Honduras as described by Dr Grann are more nearly analogous to those of the pueblo region and of Mexico than to those of the Mississippi valley, for most of them are débris heaps entombing ruined structures of stone and other durable material, like the former, rather than sites of perish able houses or simple tumuli, like the latter—though some of the Honduran mounds partake of the character of the more northerly tumuli. The contents of the mounds as described and illustrated in the accompanying pages and plates are noteworthy in that they demonstrate the extension of a culture corresponding fairly with that of Mexico into a little-known region. The relics are especially significant as connecting links between different archseologic districts; the molded and painted stucco- work resembles that of Yucatan, the fictile figurines resemble those of the pueblo country, while both symbolic and indus trial devices are evidently akin to those of numerous native tribes throughout the southwestern third, at least, of North America. MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS No production of aboriginal American culture has attracted more attention among the scholars of the world than the cal endar systems of Mexico, Yucatan, Peru, and certain other districts; and numerous, and often voluminous, publications have been based on these interesting productions. Several contributions to the subject have been issued in the reports and other publications of the Bureau; and, in view of the recent appearance of extended treatises on the subject, a review of some of the more salient points seems timely. Such a ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLIII review has been prepared by Dr Thomas, a student of aborig inal calendars during many years. The discussion extends not only to the inscriptions of the codices, but to other Mayan records, and also to the time systems of both the Mayan and Nahuatlan peoples; and full use is made throughout of the numeral systems tabulated and analyzed in a later paper. As is elsewhere noted, recent researches have shown that in primitive life the symbolism of a given stage frequently passes into the conventionism of the next stage; sometimes the pas sage is so complete that the original symbolism may be lost, yet in other cases the transitional steps may be traced through researches among cognate, albeit remote, peoples. Now, it is significant that various germs, or germinal types, of caleiiclric systems are found in different portions of North America; a well-known type is the "winter count" or annual record of a person or family among the plains tribes; another germ is found in the solstitial ceremonies of the pueblo peoples, which denote clear recognition of a seasonal turning point; and it is of no small interest to find that the germinal types are com bined in such comprehensive calendars as those incorporated in the Mayan inscriptions, so that the symbolism of the north explains the conventionism of the south. Such solstitial cere monies as those of the Pueblos are especially instructive, for they at once attest the fundamental importance of the symbolic factors and explain the high degree of accuracy attained in the. determination of the year—the Hopi winter ceremony, for example, being fixed by a simple observation on the setting sun behind a distant sierra, which would in itself permit a count of year-days, if not the recognition of the bissextile. PRIMITIVE NUMBERS Recognition of the human activities as the basis of ethnic classification has opened, the way to a fuller comprehension of the characteristics and capabilities of both primitive and advanced peoples; and through this fuller comprehension it has been made clear that the essential and distinctive attri butes of mankind are fundamentally intellectual. Accord ingly the activities are properly viewed as the reflection and ¡ ι XLIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY measure of mind, conditioned by circumstances of surround ings or environment to which man adjusts himself not so much by biotic survival as by intelligent effort; and, concordantly, the sources of the activities are to be traced through the habitual mental operations of primitive men. It was with this view that Mr McGee undertook to trace the origin of counting devices, and through them the beginnings of numerical con cepts. The data derived from various primitive peoples seem to indicate clearly that numerical concepts originally crystal lize with exceeding slowness, at first about practical customs and later about symbols of ceremonial or ritualistic character; and that throughout the subsequent development symbol and function (i. e., notation and numeration) grow up together. It also seems clear from the data that the earliest symbols, with the concomitant methods of counting, antedated the custom of counting on the fingers; but that after the finger-count was adopted it aided greatly in the development of numeral systems on quinary, decimal, and vigesimal bases. It is of no small significance that various vestiges of primitive counting and number systems still survive among modern peoples, even in the most advanced culture. Mr McGee's writing was designed to complement that of Dr Thomas on the numeral systems of Mexico and Central America; and the two papers combine to illumine in a useful way certain puzzling problems by which the ethnologic stu dent is constantly confronted. NUMERAL SYSTEMS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA The researches of the last two decades have shown clearly that primitive arts arise in symbolism, develop through con- ventioiiism, and mature in a combined realism and idealism far -beyond the grasp of primitive peoples. Thé researches of the last lustrum have shown similarly that primitive industries are shaped by symbolism and developed through conventioii- isin. Several of the accompanying papers indicate likewise that primitive society is shaped and established largely by symbolic motives, and is developed through conventional sys tems of remarkable strength and persistence; and Dr Thomas's ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLV paper on numeral systems, in conjunction with Mr McGee's paper on primitive numbers, renders it clear that primitive numbers were symbolic at least in considerable measure before they acquired the conventional character by which they are distinguished throughout more advanced culture. The earlier steps in the development of numeral systems among the American aborigines are naturally obscure, since most, or all, of the tribes had risen to the conventional use of numbers before their discovery by white men; accordingly Dr Thomas's discussions relate mainly to the methods of com pounding numbers into systems indicated by etymologic and other associations. His tables and discussions well illustrate the closeness of the connection between the quinary and decimal bases and the vigesimal basis which attained so great promi nence among some of the more southerly tribes of North America; they also bring out, in connection with the researches of McGee and Gushing, the close relation between these regu lar systems and those irregular systems in which 2 + 1,4 + 1, and 6 + 1 form the bases, and in which the mystical numbers 7, 9, 13, 49, etc., play prominent rôles. The tabulations are especially noteworthy in demonstrating the essential similarity of the number systems of various tribes ranging from the sedentary groups of the Pacific coast to the nomadic groups of the interior, through the settled peoples of the pueblos, and up to the codex-makers of Mexico and Yucatan. The possible applications of this study of aboriginal num bers are many ; one of the most important of these is found in connection with the calendric systems of the Mexican and Mayan tribes, some of which are described in another paper appended to this report. TUSAYAN FLUTE AND SNAKE CEREMONIES Much attention has been devoted by the Bureau to research among the pueblo peoples; and no line of the research has been more assiduously pursued than that relating to the sophic activities so liighly developed among the tribes of the arid pueblo region. The accompanying memoir by Dr Fewkes illustrates the nature and objects of the work; it presents a clear picture f \ XL VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XL VII \ of the observances of one of the most devotional peoples known to students. While Dr Fewkes' record is based wholly on his own recent observations, it is significant as an extension and corroboration of notes made by me many years ago, and warrants the presen tation of a summary of these notes. In the winter of 1868-69 I was encamped on White river, in what was then the territory of Colorado, not far from the Utah line. During the time a tribe of Utes lived near our camp ground, and I utilized the opportunity to study their language, together with their habits, customs, ceremonies, and opinions.. It was during this winter that I obtained the first concept of the Amerind fraternity, or, as I "called it at that time, the cult society, which is an incorporated body whose function it is to prevent and cure diseases, or to secure any good or prevent any evil which may come to man through any agency of nature. Thus it is the function of the frater nity to control the weather and the seasons, to secure abundant fruits, to secure the rainfall upon which they depend, to secure abundant game, and all the other things of nature upon which the welfare of men are contingent. The cult society, or frater nity, or phratry, or curia (for by all of these names it has been known), has an ecclesiastic or religious motive which distin guishes it from the clan and gens which have a sociologie motive. Subsequently I investigated the nature of these fraternities as they are developed among the tribes in southern Utah and northern Arizona, and in 1870 I went from Kanab, in southern Utah, eastward across the Colorado river to the province of Tusayau—the seven villages on the rocks—Zufii, and other pueblos in Arizona and New Mexico. But I especially lin gered in Tusayan to investigate the fraternities of the Hopi people, who constitute six of the seven tribes of that region. The language of these people belongs to the Shoshoiiian stock and is somewhat closely allied to that of the Ute and Paiute of Colorado and Utah, whose languages I had pre viously studied. I had with me a Mormon missionary, who had spent much time in Hopi villages ; and a slight knowledge of the language of the people of these villages was the more speedily gained, because I had previously studied other lan guages of the same stock, so that although my stay here was only about two months, by hard labor and by the aid of the Mormon missionary I obtained quite an insight into the nature of the Hopi fraternities. Particularly was I impressed by one of the ceremonies at Shumopavi, though I witnessed others at different Hopi towns. I never returned to this study of these fraternities, though I subsequently visited these pueb los; but I never forgot their existence nor neglected to provide for their investigation to the extent of such agencies as I could command. I first sent Mr Cushing to Zuñi to make a study of its inter esting people, and he brought back a wealth of material. I.was also the means of securing the detail of Dr Matthews as medical officer at Fort Defiance. Dr Matthews had studied at Hidatsa, and now he not only studied the language of the Navaho, but he also made a study of then- fraternities or reli gious cults, an investigation which again revealed his genius as an ethnologist. Subsequently, as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, I sent Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson to Zuñi, and then to Sia, on Jemez river. In both of these places she made a careful and elaborate study of the fraternities of the people. A part of the material collected by her has already been published, and a larger part is now practically ready for the press, and in it all she makes a great contribution to our knowledge of tribal peoples. At the same time Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, who had been an assistant of Mrs Erminiiie Smith, a collaborator of the Bureau among the Iroquois Indians, continued her work as an inde pendent investigator after her death. He studied the lan guage of the people under great advantages, being himself an Iroquois who had obtained a good knowledge of linguistics as an English scholar. He also has studied the fraternities of the Iroquois and has gained a wealth of knowledge about them. Mr James Mooiiey has given much attention to the same sub ject while studying the Cherokee, and especially while collect ing the material for his volume on the Ghost-dance religion. *>, \ \ XLVIII BUBEAU OF AMEBTCAN ETHNOLOGY About this time Mr J. Owen Dorsey, first a missionary and then an assistant in the Bureau of Ethnology, studied the reli gious cults of the Ponka Indians and other tribes related to them, and collected a great body of valuable material about them. I must not in this place forget to mention the brilliant work of Miss Alice Fletcher in this same field—the tribal fraternities of the Amerinds. She has already published much material on the subject, and is preparing a great monograph on one of the fraternities of Pawnee. Dr J. Walter Fewkes some years ago was appointed ethnol ogist in the Bureau and sent among the Tusayan people espe cially for the purpose of studying their religious cults. From these expeditions he has returned with a very large body of material relating to the Hopi fraternities, with a deep insight into their characteristics, and witli a wealth of illustration which enables him to set forth the subject in a manner which is simple, clear, and forceful. Early in the last decade Mr Gushing, Mrs Stevenson, and Dr Fewkes each prepared a model of an altar, with its para phernalia of worship, one of which (that by Mr Gushing) was put on exhibition at ' the Chicago Quadrennial Exposition. These models are still in the United States National Museum. Subsequently other altars were prepared under Dr Dorsey's direction for the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago. Thus we already have made a fair beginning in the study and repre sentation as museum models of the altars of the Pueblo tribes and their symbolism. Some of the important contributions to this subject by Dr Fewkes are published with this report, and in connection with these I take occasion to publish the illustration which I pre pared in 1870 of an altar which I saw used,in a ceremony at Shumopovi, as the first one prepared for the Bureau of Ethnol ogy. I can not now give a complete account of this cere mony, nor can I give a complete account of the symbolism represented upon the altar; I can only set forth that which I learned at the time. Nor can I affirm that the illustration is perfect. I secured much of the paraphernalia of the altar and brought tlrem with me to Washington, and I also got such ADMINISTBATIVE BEPOBT XLIX explanations of them as I could obtain through my imperfect knowledge of the language and through my interpreter, the Mormon missionary. The artist who made the original drawing in colors had to depend upon the paraphernalia of the altar which I brought with me, together with my notes on their arrangement. The original drawing, made in oil on canvas, has been reproduced in color. An exact duplicate of this altar has not been seen by Dr Fewkes, but only something like it. He identifies it as an altar of the Owakulti fraternity. When I prepared the notes for the illustration I did not then under stand that the fraternities, like the clans, gentes, tribes, and confederacies, have totems; for totemism is a system of insti tutional naming. A clan is an organized group of persons who reckon kinship through females from an ancestral mother, real or eponymous; it has well-defined rights and duties. A gens is an organized group of people having a unit of government and who reckon kinship through males from an ancestral father, real or eponymous; it has well-defined rights and duties. A tribe is a group of clans in what we call savagery, and a group of gentes in what we call barbarism, and the bond of organization is the marriage tie. A confederacy is a group of tribes organized for purposes of offense and defense ; the bond by which they are held together is that of artificial or conventional kinship, the tribes sometimes being considered as elder and younger brothers, or fathers and sons, or uncles and nephews. The clan and the gens represent two methods of organizing families into a higher or larger group, but gentile organization replaces clan organization. A tribe is an organization of clans or gentes. A confederacy is an organization of tribes. A clan or gens is composed of persons related by consanguinity, except in cases where individuals are adopted into families. A tribe is composed of persons related by affinity. A con federacy is composed of tribes of persons who by conven tion or treaty agree that the members of one tribe shall address the members of another by some kinship term. 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -IV 1 \ „ / \ \ / •à. \ L BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY Now, all of these governmental units, families, clans or gentes, tribes, and confederacies have peace within or war without as the fundamental motive for organization. On the other hand the fraternities have the control of good and evil as presented in nature for their fundamental motive. It is thus that a fraternity is a religious body with an ecclesiastic government. On the other hand fraternities are organized by constituting certain persons priests and by dividing the functions of the society among the members. The priests are called fathers when they are men, and mothers when they are women, and the laity call one another brothers and, sisters. This custom is the same in tribal society and in civilization. Sometimes the fam ily terms of kinship are not only father and mother, son and daughter, elder brother and elder sister, younger brother and younger sister, but the relation of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece may be recognized. I have elsewhere described the meaning of the symbols on the altar here shown and will now repeat what I then said: The festival to which I am now to refer was continued through sev eral days. At one time the shaman and the members of the shaman- istic society over which he presided were gathered in a kiva, or under ground assembly hall, where midnight prayers were made for abundant crops. On this occasion the customary altar was arranged with the paraphernalia of worship. Among other things were wooden tablets on which were painted the conventional picture-writings for clouds and lightning, below which were the conventional signs of raindrops, and below the raindrops the conventional signs for growing corn. In order more fully to understand these picture-writings we will mention some of the other objects placed on the altar. There were wooden birds, painted and placed on perches; there was an ewer of water about which ears of com were placed; there was a case of jewels—crystals of quartz, fragments of turquoise, fragments of car- nelian, and small garnets; then there was a bowl of honey upon the holy altar. When the shaman prayed he asked that the next harvest might be abundant like the last; he prayed that they might have corn of many colors like the corn upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be ripened so as to be hard like the jewels upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be sweet like the honey upon the altar; he prayed that the com might be abundant for men and birds, and that the birds might be glad, for the gods loved the birds represented upon ADMINISTEATIVE KEPOET LI the altar as they love men. Then he prayed that the clouds would form like the clouds represented upon the altar, and that the clouds would flash lightning like the lightning on the altar, and that the clouds would rain showers like the showers represented on the altar, and that the showers would fall upon the growing corn like the corn upon the altar—so that men and birds and all living things would rejoice. The above was written about thirty years after this scene was witnessed and under circumstances where my notes and the illustration were inaccessible, and I now find that I have fallen into a trivial error in the description. The so-called honey was "honeydew" held in a basket-tray. After examining the painting described above Dr Fewkes writes : In seeking to identify from the painting the altar figured by Major Powell, it has been necessary for me to rely on general, rather than special, features. In these latter particulars the painting represents an altar which differs from any which I have studied, but there are cer tain general characters which would eliminate from our consideration the majority of Hopi altars and refer it definitely to that of a woman's fraternity of basket dancers known as the Owakülti. The altar of this fraternity is characterized by the relatively large size of the upright part composed of numerous vertical wooden slats, the majority of which rest on the floor, but more especially by effigies of birds and butterflies mounted on pedestals surrounding a medi cine bowl. Both of these features are found in the painting. The plate represents the interior of a kiva or sacred room devoted to ceremonies, the entrance being an opening in the roof. The fire place is in the middle of the floor and near it are specimens of the straight-stem pipes, ancient types of these objects among the Hopi. At the left-hand or west end of the room are seen the uprights of the altar consisting of flat wooden slats upon which various symbols are depicted. The group of men in the middle of the picture are seated about a cubic object into the cavity of which one of their number is blowing tobacco smoke. This cubic object is a medicine bowl and the smoke is symbolic of the rain cloud. This episode occurs among many other rites in making the medicine by the Owakülti and various other Hopi fraternities. The ears of corn arranged radially from this medicine bowl are of different colors; they represent the four world-quarters, the zenith and the nadir, the colors corresponding to these directions. The effigies mounted on pedestals, alternating with these radially placed ears of corn, represent birds and butterflies. The Owakülti altar is the only one known to rne having similar objects with like arrangement; a fact \ \ 0 \ \ & Illllff.., LU BUREAU OF AMEBICAK ETHNOLOGY which has been mainly relied on in the identification of the altar. The same symbols are depicted on these upright slats as are found on the two altars of this society which I have studied. They are symbols of lightning in the form of serpents, rain clouds, maize, various aquatic animals, and one or more cult-heroes. The number, form, and arrangement of these slats with symbols are likewise characteristic, resembling that of the Owakulti, but differing from those of other Hopi altars. The presence of women iii the kiva and the prominence on the wall of basket-trays or plaques likewise suggest a basket dance in which women participate. The paucity of clothing as shown in the painting is interesting, showing that formerly the Hopi women in their secret rites divested themselves of most of their apparel. This custom still survives among the male priests, to which sex, however, it is now limited. There are probably five different Owakulti altars inTusayan—one at Oraibi, one at Sichumovi, and three at the Middle mesa. If properly identified as an Owakulti altar this painting represents one of the three latter, which would account for some differences between it and the two former, of which I have good kodak photographs. Conversation regarding the public exhibition which occurred at the time this altar was observed by Major Powell has developed the fact that it was a woman's basket dance, in which basket-plaques are thrown among the spectators, who struggle for their possession. There are two of these public dances, called the Lalakonti and the Owakulti, which closely resemble each other. The altar of the former is too widely aberrant from the painting to be considered. The plate does not represent a Lalakonti altar and there thus remains by elimination only the identification indicated above. A peculiar and unique interest is attached to this representation, as it was the first painting or figure of a Hopi altar made by a white man. From it dates an ever increasing interest of the objective symbolism of the Hopi, and a scientific treatment of the study of their ceremo nials. THE WILD RICE GATHEREBS OF THE UPPER LAKES Contrary to a superficial but widespread notion, the Ameri can aborigines subsisted in large part on vegetal products, many of the tribes being essentially agricultural. Even the nonagricultural tribes made considerable use of wild grains, fruits, berries, roots, and other plant products; and these were often systematically prepared as comestibles either separately or 'in conjunction with meats, fish, etc. The first in impor tance among aboriginal plant foods was maize, or corn, a plant ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LUI indigenous in central Mexico but cultivated and distributed over the greater part of the American hemisphere during pre- Columbian times. Prominent among the noncultivated plants was that known as wild rice (Zizania, of two species), which grew extensively in the swamps and about the margins of the lakes left by the Pleistocene ice sheet in central North America; and several tribes learned to harvest, store, and utilize the natural crop yielded annually by this plant. Hitherto the knowledge concerning the use of wild rice by the aborigines has been vague; but in 1898 Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, an advanced student in the University of Wisconsin, undertook to systemize the knowledge by bringing together the refer ences to the use of wild rice scattered through the early and rare literature pertaining to the aborigines of this region. As the work progressed, his interest grew, and he instituted inquiries concerning the use of the plant by surviving tribes men in modern times; and when the results of his work were brought to the attention of the Bureau, he was commissioned to extend his field operations into northern Wisconsin and Minnesota, where the wild-rice crop is still harvested annually. The accompanying memoir is the product of Dr Jenks's re searches in the literature and in the field. As is shown by the descriptions and illustrations, wild rice gathering is a well developed industry, playing an important rôle in the ceremonial and ritualistic life of the tribesmen, as well as in their domestic economy, though the ritualistic features of the harvesting and preparation of the crop have so far fallen into desuetude as to be traceable rather through vestiges than through conspicuous observances. A notable feature of the industry is the careful forethought given to the harvesting, as shown by the elaborate processes and devices adopted to pro tect the grain from birds, as well as from loss by storms, etc.; and this foresight, which is comparable to that of civilized agriculture, is brought into the greater prominence by reason of the almost total neglect of seeding, or of other devices (save those of magical character) for the preservation of the plant and the maintenance of the important natural resource which it represents. Doubtless the unwitting processes of harvesting % \ ιΓ \- \ \ \ \ LIV BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY have reacted on the character and life-history of the plant, probably in such wise as to improve the quality of the grain and to increase the quantity of the crop ; yet the unconscious cultivation has been no less destitute of intent and purpose than that of the farmer ant of the arid plains. Dr Jeiiks properly calls attention to the potential value of wild rice to modern peoples of advanced culture. Should this natural product come into the general use to which it seems adapted, it will add another to the many debts of Caucasian to Indian. mill ESTHETOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED TO GIVE PLEASURE In previous reports the five grand classes of human activities have been set forth as those connected with pleasures, indus tries, institutions, languages, and opinions. These pentalogic activities give rise to five sciences, which have been designated as esthetology, technology, sociology, philology, and sophi- ology. In order that the nature of these sciences may be made clearer, it becomes necessary to consider them severally; and I now propose to define the science of esthetology by showing what is included therein as the subject-matter of the activities is classified. It should be kept in mind that the clas sification is general, and is equally applicable to primitive peoples like the American aborigines and to more advanced peoples. Therefore illustrations are drawn from higher culture as well as from lower. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS Qualities arise out of the properties of bodies when they are considered in relation to human purposes. To understand this declaration it is necessary to consider the essentials of properties and qualities and carefully to note the distinction between them. The essentials of the properties are unity, extension, speed, persistence, and consciousness, which under relations give rise to properties that can be measured, which are designated as quantities. These quantities are number, space, motion, time, and judgment. Number is many in one, and the enumeration of the many is the measuring of the number contained in the sum, which is a unity. Number, therefore, is many in one. LVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LVII The second quantity is space; its essential is extension, but many extensions give rise to relative position, and the positions can be measured. Hence extension and position constitute space, and space is a quantity that can be measured. Speed is the essential of motion, but the same particle in motion traverses a path. Motion, therefore, is speed and path, and can be measured in terms of space. Speed and path con stitute motion. Therefore time is a quantity. The essential of time is persistence, but the relation of time is change; a portion of time from one change to another may be measured. Thus persistence and change constitute time, and time is a quantity. The essential of judgment is consciousness of self. Its rela tion to others is inference about others. When consciousness is aroused by another, and hy inference a judgment is piO- duced of that other, it can be measured. If I judge that there are eight others, I can measure that judgment by counting the others. The judgment is measured by comparing it with the fact. If I judge of a distance, I can measure this judgment by measuring the distance, and the judgment is measured by the fact. If I judge of the rate of a motion or the distance which a body moves, I can measure this rate or distance and by comparing the judgment with the fact I obtain a measure ment of the judgment. If I judge of the lapse of time and then measure this" lapse, the judgment may be measured by the fact. As the essentials are developed into mathematical properties called quantities, so again the quantities are developed by incor poration into classific properties or, simply, properties. In this development number becomes class, unity becomes kind, and plurality becomes mass. The kind is constant as long as the body is constant, but the mass is variable. When space becomes form, then extension becomes indi viduality and mass becomes structure. The individuality is constant as long as the body is constant, but the structure is variable. When motion becomes energy, then speed becomes inertia and path becomes velocity. Inertia is constant, but velocity is variable. When time becomes causation, then persistence becomes state and change becomes event. The state is constant as long as the body is constant; the event is variable. When judgment becomes conception, then consciousness be comes memory and choice becomes inference. Memory is con stant as long as the body is constant, but inference is variable. Quantities and properties are reciprocal. Number is the same thing as class. We call it number when we consider the particles of which the body is composed. We call it class when we consider the body which they compose. For exam ple, here are ten hollow cylinders. Organize them into a body and they become a gas stove. By their organization a new kind of body is developed. Hollow cylinders become a stove, though the cylinders remain cylinders. In like manner space and form are reciprocal, motion and energy are reciprocal, time and causation are reciprocal, and, finally, judgment and conception are reciprocal. . Number, space, motion, time, and judgment are quantities that can be measured. Kind, form, energy, causation, and consciousness are properties that can be classified. The quan tities that can be measured and the properties that can be clas sified are the same things considered from different standpoints ; that is, one is the reciprocal of the others. There are still other relations which bodies bear to one another. All the bodies of the universe have relation to human beings, which are good or evil. These relations constitute another grade of relativity and are qualities. The propei-ties give rise to qualities, for every property may produce a quality when it is considered in relation to human purposes. A num ber may be few or many for a purpose. Ten cents may be few if we desire to purchase a dozen oranges, but 10 cents may be many if we desire to purchase but two; yet the property remains the same. A thousand dollars may be few if we desire to purchase a farm, or many if we desire to purchase a coat; but the property remains the same. A pane of glass may be small if we desire to use it in an exhibition window, or it may be large if we desire to use it in a carriage; but the property remains the same. A stone may be small if we use it in the foundation of \ LVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \ \ a house, and it may be large if we wish to throw it as a missile; but the property remains the same. An hour seems a short time when I am thinking about a journey to California, but seems a long time to endure pain; yet the property remains the same. The fall of a spark from a passing engine seems but a trivial cause when I consider the soiling of my garment, but it seems to be an important cause when I consider it as igniting a forest fire; yet the property remains the same. An earthquake seems to produce but a slight effect when I observe it simply as a tremor, but when I consider it in the ruin of a city it appears to have a stupendous effect, though the property remains the same. I see a man slyly approaching a wall, and believe him to be a thief, and I have a judgment of evil; if I know that he intends to scale the wall in. defense of his country I believe him to be patriotic and brave; thus the same act may be cowardly and vile or patriotic and brave from different points of view. Properties belong to things in themselves, but qualities exist in the mind as properties are viewed in relation to human designs. Qualities are relations, and the terms of the relation are properties on the one hand and purposes on the other. Now, we can not expunge either of these terms without expung ing the relation. We may not overtly consider the terms, but consider only the relation as an abstraction. Then the terms must be implied, for there is no quality unless there is an exter nal property and an internal purpose. When properties are considered as qualities in their relation to human purposes the judgments formed are judgments of good and evil. The judg ments which men form of good and evil give rise to a multi tude of human activities which are known as the arts. Those activities which are put forth to secure pleasure and to avoid pain are esthetic arts, and the science of the esthetic arts is esthetology. We discover the properties of things as causes through our senses, and we discover the effect of these properties on. our selves through our feelings. One term of the relation, there fore, is discovered by making intellectual judgments; the other term is discovered by making emotional judgments. ADMINISTRATIVE BEPORT AMBROSIAL PLEASURES LIX Pleasures arise as demotic arts when they are designed to please others—the people. A lad may play ball for his own pleasure; but the professional ball player plays for others, his own immediate purpose being gain or welfare. This distinc tion must be kept in view : Pleasures are first egoistic, but soon become altruistic. When they become altruistic as pleasures they become egoistic as industries. The metabolic sense is the sense of taste and smell, these being varieties of one sense. While yet in the animal state, man leams to enjoy the ambrosial senses in partaking of food and drink and in inhaling the air laden with many particles given off by natural bodies ; but in passing into the human state man invents a multiplicity of devices for making Ms food and drink and the air which he breathes pleasurable. All ambrosial pleasures are developed by experience, but the process of en hancing pleasures has its antithesis in the evolution of pain; hence many pleasures and their antitheses, pains, have been evolved during the historic period. Without entering into a systematic treatment of the subject, it may be well to illustrate this statement as the facts are shown in individual experience and in the history of peoples. When the uninitiated person first attempts to use tobacco in any form it is unpleasant or even loathsome; but gradually by experience he learns to tolerate it and finally to enjoy it. If its use was universal with men, women, and children, it can not be doubted that an hereditary love of tobacco would be devel oped, and thus the taste of tobacco would become innate and the judgment of its pleasant effects would be intuitive. Its extensive use seems to indicate a tendency to an hereditary love of tobacco used in one or another of the customary methods, although the period for which it has been used dates no farther back than the discovery of America. That which we wish to emphasize in this place is that the pleasure derived from the usage is artificial and is developed by experience, and that while new pleasures originate, antithetic pains arise by the development of an appetite which, ungratified, is pain. ' «'Ι ,,ι,ιΐΙ ¿ "&Ά LX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI o*l If we contemplate the use of intoxicant beverages, like facts appear, for it is found that pleasures of the inebriating bever age must be developed by experience, and again it is found that the love of these bacchanalian pleasures has a tendency to become hereditary and to engender an appetite that pro duces pain. In the case of alcoholic beverages the tendency to inherit the taste is more fully developed than in the case of tobacco, and the taste has thus certainly become intuitive. The love of the taste of some kinds of food of which man partakes, and with which he has had experience for untold generations, seems to be hereditary and hence intuitive. The pleasure derived from the sipidity of honey, sugar, and juices of fruits is innate from experience dating back to primordial life, for the evidence is at hand that all of these ambrosial pleasures are derived and can easily be lost. Pleasure may easily be transformed into pain. The attar of rose is a pleasant odor intuitive from hereditary experience, yet it is within the experience of the writer that it may become loathsome. Once on a time an epidemic of cholera was carry ing off its victims, and he attended many men, women, and children in the last sad office of life. It was midsummer, and raging heat prevailed, so rosewater was freely used until at last it became disgusting to him and has remained so, although the distaste is gradually wearing away in later years. Thus, when we consider that hereditary and innate pleasures may be transmitted into pains, and that new pleasures may be derived from old pains, the argument for the derivation of pain is in such cases made plain. Ambrosial pleasures and pains are artificial, and no insignificant portion of human activity is occupied in catering thereto. The nature of ambrosial pleasures and pains and the activi ties which arise therefrom have been sufficiently set forth for the purpose of recognizing the group. DECORATIVE PLEASURES In science antithetic meanings are sometimes embraced in one term; thus degrees of plus or minus from a particular datum point are combined and their sum is expressed in one term. This practice will be found convenient in the science of psychology and in all of the sciences of human activities. I shall therefore sometimes speak of pleasure and pain in terms of pleasure, implying the antithetic term pain. Sometiro.es we have a word which has the force of its etymologic significance and also of its antithesis. "Welfare" is a word of this char acter. Pleasures are teleologic; that is, they are potent motives for human activities. There is a group of activities produced by forms which result from pleasures. These may be denominated the pleasures of form from the standpoint of motive, or the arts of decoration from the standpoint of activities. Because there are pleasures of form there are activities of decoration and hence there are arts of decoration. Many activities produce objects solely to gratify the feelings of pleasure. Many activities are induced primarily by other motives and secondarily by pleasure. In the production of these objects, thought and labor are expended over and above the amount necessary to produce the object for utility in order that it may give pleasure, and if it does not give this additional pleasure it gives pain. Decorative activities are often of this character. An ornament may be designed wholly for decora tion, as when jewels are worn; but a garment may have its chief purpose in utility, through a secondary purpose in orna mentation, and the form and color of the garment may be considered as having an importance almost equal to that derived from its utility. Man is rarely content with utility, but he also desires pleas ure from the objects which are produced through his activities. In both classes of endeavor the decorative arts are involved. The decorative arts are arts of form. Architectural structures are designed primarily for a utili tarian purpose, but they are decorated. Vehicles have utili tarian purposes, yet many devices of decoration are used in their construction in order that they may be pleasing. Such illusti-ations serve to show the general nature of the decorative arts. \ Ν \ \ \ LXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Priniordially form is discovered by the sense of touch; but, with the development of vision, form is interpreted from sym bols of color expressed in hue and tint. The form learned by vision is the form which is first learned by touch, but subse quently interpreted by vision, which assumes, through the agency of experience, that certain arrangements of light imply that the object must have certain adjustment of figure. The light reflected from the object impinges upon the eye and becomes a mark or symbol of the figure as primarily learned by touch; not that the particular object seen is first touched, but that the elements of form which it presents were first dis covered by touch. Thus vision becomes a vicarious sense for touch. Vision is deft, performing not only its fundamental function in the discernment of color, but instantaneously and skillfully it performes all the offices of touch in the discovery of form. Here we have abundant evidence of the derivative nature of the decorative pleasures. By a course of experience, that which in infancy is unattractive, in maturer years becomes pleasurable; but more, that which is beautiful in childhood may become ugly in age. If the appeal is made to individual experience, all will testify to the derivative or evolutional nature of pleasures and pains. The history of decoration is loaded with lessons. That which is beautiful in savagery is unattractive or positively ugly in modern culture, while that which is unattractive among the lower races of man kind may often appear as exquisitely beautiful in higher cul ture. What we especially wish to note is that decorative pleasures and pains become intuitive by hereditary transmis sion, and these intuitive pleasures and pains may be trans formed in the individual and the race. Our judgments of pleasure and pain depend on the point of view from which properties are contemplated. There is nothing in form itself to make it beautiful or ugly, but the form becomes beautiful or ugly through the agency of experience, by which certain forms are found to be desirable or undesirable as the case may be. A constant cognition of such forms will produce a habit of forming judgments of beauty about them which ultimately ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXI1I become intuitive. Color becomes the symbol of form because color is on the surface and is indicative of surface and thus expresses figure; but there is nothing in colors themselves which makes them either beautiful or ugly. Every color is beautiful when it seems appropriate; every color is ugly when it seems inappropriate. Particular colors seem to be particu larly beautiful because we have associated them with particu larly beautiful things, while the very same colors will be considered particularly ugly when they recall things which we conceive to be ugly. Form or the symbol of form is beautiful or ugly only when it produces in the mind that effect by reason of the standpoint of the perceiver—that is, properties have not qualities in themselves, but qualities arise when we consider properties in relation to purposes. With the sense of vision, the human mind, having come to a knowledge of its power in transforming environment by minute increments, gradually so transforms it for the pleasures of decoration. Exercising activities in making artificial trans formations, human beings develop the sense of the beautiful and the ugly in qualities of art and transfer them to the prop erties of nature. In the evolution of decoration everywhere we find that it proceeds by degree of organization—that is, by the differentiation and integration of its elements. This is beautifully illustrated in architecture, where a monotonous multiplication of like elements is replaced by figures of differ entiated elements. No longer is a uniform façade recognized as beautiful, but a variety of features in a variety of elements must be presented in order that a temple, a mart, an executive building, or a business structure may be considered as a pleas ing example of architecture. Variety is now considered one of the essential elements of beauty. ATHLETIC PLEASURES In the esthetic arts we have to consider the pleasure derived from physical activity. In these arts appeal is made to the muscular sense. The new-born beast and the new-born babe inherit more activity than is demanded for bare existence. Λ Hill ι "mullí LXIV BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXV Subject to the care of its elders, the infant is not called on for industrial activity, for its physical wants are supplied by others. While it is yet gaining its powers for utility, they are trained and expanded for pleasure. So the whelps of the lion play in the jungle, the fawns of the stag are gleeful in the glade, and ladsand lassies are merry when they join in thedance. A controversy has grown up in relation to those athletic plays which are here called sports, for we distinguish sports from another group of plays of which we are to treat hereafter as games. Sports are athletic activities, games are intellectual activities; sports develop from mimicry to rivalry, games develop from dependence on sorcery for success to dependence on skill for success. Now, if we understand the distinction between sports and games we are better prepared to under stand the nature of sports themselves. Sports and games alike are activities, and the distinction which we draw between energy and activity has been set forth in the work to which reference has already been given; but an additional remark has now to be made. Activity is that form of force which is controlled or directed by the mind, while energy is a form of force which is con trolled or directed by another form of force, which is also energy. Energy involves action and passion as well as action and reaction. Action and passion are phenomena of force; action and reaction are phenomena of causation, action being cause and reaction being effect. In energy two or more bodies external to one another impinge upon one another and produce changes in one another. In activity one body has its path directed by the internal collision of its particles; activity is thus inherent only in animal bodies in which metabolism is controlled by the mind in such manner that the body itself may change its own path. The body itself has a degree of freedom to move to and fro in its hierarchal path by its own initiative. A stone can not move from the hill to the valley unless it is acted on by some other external force, when both the external body and the stone itself will have their paths changed; but the animal body may pass from the hill to the valley and back again by its own initiative. Not that it can add energy to itself or subtract energy from itself; it can not create or annihilate motion, but it can direct this motion in a path at will; it can pursue the path of its own choice. All this has been set forth fully in the former work. All activities are controlled by motives, and the motive for sport is pleasure; but it is a pleasure of a particular kind—it is a pleasure in physical activity. Now, we must notice that it is the pleasure of the body whose structure and metabolism are inherited from its ancestors; hence it must be some kind of an activity consistent with the inherited structure. So far, then, the activity is fixed by inheritance, but within these fixed lim its there is still great variety of activities from which to choose. What activity will the infant choose ? Manifestly it will choose that activity which is suggested by its acts of psychosis as they are developed immediately after birth, and perhaps to some extent from prenatal activities which we may not here stop to consider. The first activities which the infant animal observes, if he belongs to any of the higher groups, are the activities of parents. Thus, the infant child makes judgments about parental activities, and, by the law of genesis, first strives to engage in the activities which it sees in the parents. Its wants for food being supplied, the food itself produces, metabolic processes which ramify through its organs in excess of the amount neces sary for digestion. With its inheritance of organization and superabundance of metabolic activity, it is ready to engage in other activities which are first taught by the parent as activi ties of nurture, and the infant is thus led to engage in mimetic activities. Connate with these are the activities of metabolism itself, the seizing, swallowing, and digestion of food; but the additional activities in which it engages are mimetic. Hence it is that a long succession of great scholars have fully appre ciated that sports depend on a superabundance of activity. The plays of childhood are organized gradually to mimic the activities of elders. Kittens are trained by their mothers to play at catching mice, and puppies are trained by their mothers to play in mimic battle. Puppy wolves play at prowl ing, and kitten panthers play at fisticuffs. Kids play in racing, 19 ΕΤΗ—01——ν Lxvr BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY and nestling birds play in mimic flight. This universal instinct for play is exhibited in man through many years, in childhood on well into adult life. Athletic sports are universal alike in tribal and in national society. So sports of mimicry gradually develop into sports of rivalry. Is the pleasure of sports a property of the activity, or is it a quality which depends on the point of view of the person engaged as well as the looker on? It is within the experience of every normal human being that these pleasures grow and decay; but some are ephemeral and pass away in childhood, others pass away in youth, and still others pass away in adult age, while some undeveloped in childhood and scarcely de veloped in youth continue and grow in old age. Appealing to history, we discover that ephemeral pleasures become more ephemeral with advancing culture, while others become more intense by demotic development. The antitheses of pleas ures, which are pains, pass through a like history in the indi vidual and in the race. In all this field of activital pleasures it is discovered that they become intuitive by inherited expe rience, and that pleasures and pains alike are such from the point of view. We are therefore justified in affirming that pleasures and pains are qualities derived from natural proper ties. This may be a stumbling-block, and hence it requires more elaborate consideration. I refer to the pain produced in the body by injury, as in cutting, tearing, concussion, compression, pinching, the stresses and strains produced by inflammation, the lesions of disease, and all the pains known as physical discomforts. Is the pain in the tooth a quality or a property? Is pain in the head a quality or a property? Is the pain from a bullet wound a quality or a property? We have already seen that all other pleasures and pains are derivative in the individual and in the race, arid appear from the point of view. Is this true of physical pain? First, we must consider whether pain is an essential or a relational element. Is pain, like pleasure, the product of judgment? Am I conscious of a pain, or do I infer it by an habitual judgment when the signs of pain appear in the body? Is the animal ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Lxvir body endowed with pain as an essential, .or is pain also the child of experience? In order that we may examine this sub ject somewhat critically, it becomes necessary to repeat briefly that which has been set forth more elaborately in a former work. There we begin with the definition of consciousness, inference, and verification. Consciousness is awareness of self, inference is awareness of the cause of the change in self, and verification is proof of the inference by experience. Now, we must especially call attention to the fact that the term con sciousness is used only to signify awareness of self, and that it is not used to signify cognition. With this understanding we are prepared to proceed with the exposition. If we are conscious of physical pain, instead of cognitive, then pain itself is an essential; but if we are only cognitive of pain, it arises from inference and verification. It is a well-attested fact that a soldier receiving· a musket- ball wound in battle may be so occupied with other occurring events—so intent upon the progress of the battle—that the wound itself may be unobserved and 110 pain for the time experienced. Then pain is not an essential inherent in ani mate matter itself, but something which arises from the point of view. It is within the experience of many men, perhaps all, that various injuries may be experienced without at once arising in consciousness, and that pain supervenes only on the cognition of the evil. Again, physical pain grows with the experience of the indi vidual. That which was a slight pain in childhood becomes an intense pain in adult life. In the history of races, bestial and human, pain becomes greater with culture. The pains of lesions and bruises grow with developing culture; the pains of parturition increase as society becomes more refined, more highly developed in culture. From these and a multitude of considerations which the contemplating mind will recall, it is made plain that physical pains, like all our pains, are deri vative ; that we have 110 consciousness of pain when that term is strictly used, but we have cognition of pain. We have seen how cognition becomes intuitive by heredi tary transmission. From the earliest tribal life to the highest LXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY state of culture the way is long and the years are counted by millions. Eveiy animate individual in all this time has experienced the effects of lesions and bruises, until the concept has been woven into the constitution of mankind by experi ence, and the intuition is perfected through verified judgments. It is unnecessary for the man to pass through a complex ratio cination for the purpose of discovering this variety. A trivial accident may befall a soldier in line of battle, which he inter prets as a wound; he hears the coming of the shell from a piece of field artillery, it strikes the ground and scatters its fragments broadcast, together with chips and gravel. A bit of wood strikes the soldier; he interprets it as a fragment of shell, has the illusion of being wounded, and feels the pain and expresses all the agony which a real wound may actually pro duce. Animate matter is not endowed with an essential of physical pain, but it develops pain by cognition of effects. In the evolution of sports we discover a development from individual and unorganized multiple activities in many indi viduals to organized activities, in which special activities are assumed for special purposes, all so differentiated and inte grated as to accomplish a desired end. A hundred savages, men, women, and children, will join in a dance to revolve iii a circle by uniform and rhythmic steps, and everyone moves like every other one. But a game of baseball is organized so that every player has a particular function to perform which differs from the functions of all the others. This law of the organization of sports is universal. GAMES We now reach the fourth group of activital pleasures; these are games played in rivalry of skill and chance. Games have their root iii sorcery, as it is practiced by wildwood man. It seems that at first arrows or arrowheads are the pieces played— the pawns, knights, castles, kings, and queens of the game, or the cards upon which the actors are painted. In the wide geographical realm of tribal man many of these games are discovered, but they have common elements—that is, they are founded on universal concepts, and everywhere in this stage ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXIX of society they are rooted in divination or the universal longing of mankind to know the causes of things and how effects may be controlled. In savagery men play for effects and control the causes, as they suppose, by necromantic figures which they carve or paint upon the pieces of the game. Thus, they try to win by sorcery. In later stages of culture the sorcery to a greater or less extent is abandoned and skill is recognized as the true cause, but there yet remains an element of chance. With primal man chance and sorcery are the elements of all games, while with civilized man chance and skill are its elements. There is a secondary though potent motive in games which inheres in the desire to take advantage for individual profit. For this reason gaming is as universal among tribal men as gambling, and it is common among civilized men. I have witnessed these games of sorcery among the aboriginal tribes of North America, and have seen groups of men or women wager their ornaments and all their personal goods, even to their articles of clothing, until their bodies were nude. As the game proceeds, the villagers gather about and comment on the incidents of the game, and recommend a variety of necromantic feats, which they suppose will bring hick to their friends. Sometimes the plav does not stop for refreshment or sleep until one or the other of the parties have lost all, yet will the play proceed with hilarity and end with a feast and a revelry of intoxication. I have heard that civilized men gamble with the same assiduity. Hunting and fishing are primeval industries, by which wild- wood men obtain no small portion of their food. To some extent, in civilized society, they still remain as industries. In fact, fishing is yet a fundamental industry. But hunting and fishing are now games, and the fruit of the play is called game. Although these activities are often called sports, in science we must call them games, as for success they depend on elements of chance and skill, and the real gamester or sportsman looks with some degree of contempt 011 the man who hunts or fishes for food. LXX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FINE ARTS ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXI The fifth group of activital pleasures is that of the fine arts. We have already seen that there is a group arising from a cog nition of the pleasures which are derived from metabolism; a second group, called the arts of decoration, which arise from the cognition of the pleasures of form; a third group, called the athletic arts or the arts of sport, which arise from the cognition of the pleasures of force; a fourth group, called the arts of amusement or games, which arise from the cognition of the pleasures of causation. Here we have a fifth group, which we call psychic arts or the fine arts, and which arise from.the cogni tion of the pleasures of mind expressed in fine-art works. In order that we may adequately set forth the nature of the fine arts, it becomes necessary to make a fundamental classifi cation of them. In a former work I set -forth the vicarious nature of the senses of muscular effort—hearing and vision. These are the senses to which appeal is made. These arts have played an important rôle in the evolution of mankind as demotic bodies, and hence they require more elaborate treatment. When we desire to classify the fine arts, we find well demar cated groups from the standpoint of the properties of matter in the order in which these properties logically appear, from the simple to the most complex. We have, first, music; second, graphic art; third, drama; fourth, romance; fifth, poetry. That this is the logical order will appear when the subject is more thoroughly presented. MUSIC Music is the most fundamental of the fine arts in that it more fully expresses the emotions than any of the others, while it is but a feeble method of expressing the intellections. This characteristic is well known, and music has been called the art of expressing the emotions. It further appears that few per sons ever learn to read the intellectual character of music when it is made by others or even when it is made by themselves. I do not mean that they fail to read the staff in which music is written, but I do mean that they fail to read the argument or story of the musical composition, but rest satisfied with the emotional effects produced. Very few persons read music as an intellectual art, and there are but few critics of the art who survey these intellectual elements. Indeed, the intel lectual thread of a musical composition is very slender, and much of it in the folk song of the world is unconsciously developed, like the meaning of words in folk speech. It is a growth by minute increments found to be beautiful in expe rience. Rhythm—Music has its germ in the dance, for it begins with the effort to control the rhythm of the lilting folk. Khythm, therefore, is the first structural element of music, but new ele ments are added from time to time in the history of man as he proceeds along the way of life from wildwood time to the higher civilization in representative time—a long time indeed. Melody—Passing from the hunter stage to the shepherd stage we find that a new element is added to music; then melody appears fully fledged. As the more complicated dancing steps become more pleasing than the primeval monotonous step, the melodic chant becomes more pleasing than the simple rhythmic chant; that is, a rhythm of rhythms is developed which makes melody. So music was endowed first with rhythm and then with melody. Melody is a pleasing succession of sounds, or notes as they are called in written music, having a different pitch, and we have to consider how such notes come to obtain that quality which we call melody and which is so delightful to the hearer. The dance is a sport in which visually many persons simul taneously engage. In primitive dancing the time is marked by the voice, and the shouts of the dancers constitute a chant in which oftentimes they all take pail, but at other times there is a leader and only one marks the time. As the dance develops from the simple monotonous recognition of the same step to a combination of two or more differentiated steps, they are marked by differences in the pitch of the voice. " To fully understand the ultimate effect of this device, we .must appre ciate the universality of dancing and that it continued in the first stage of society through thousands of years. LXXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Harmony—In a succeeding stage of society, which we call the monarchical stage, or the tyrant stage, when tribal society was developed into national society, music made another advance by the introduction of a new element of pleasure. As these new elements appear from time to time in the course of human culture, it must be remembered that they do not come into view fully fledged, but that germs planted iii the primor dial music slowly develop until they become recognized as elements of such importance that they receive designed devel opment by music makers. The new element added to music in this stage of culture is harmony. Now, there existed in primitive music the germ of harmony which, in the progress of the centuries, came to be considered by men of such importance that special efforts were made to improve that fully recognized element itself. When music was but rhythm, there was a germ of harmony in it, for the waning sound would blend with the waxing sound, and the succession of sounds that become melodious also become harmonious; but more than this, in folk chant the voices of men and women differ in pitch, and still other differences arise in the comming ling of children's voices. When music became melody, the bonds which held it to the dance were broken and melody was married to song as chant was married to dance, but song music was especially adapted to the development of harmony, because it became choral music; doubtless songs were sung by individuals for their amusement, and as solos for the amuse ment, of others, but when many join in the song we have choral music. Thus the blending of tones in melody becomes at last the blending of tones in harmony. The pleasure derived from harmony does not inhere in sounds themselves; sounds are colorless to the ear. The spoken word is but sound until it is informed with a meaning; so sound as sound has no power to create emotion until it is informed with an emotional mean ing, and harmony is developed as a pleasure only by long experience. Perfect evidence of this is furnished through the modern and scientific investigation of folk music. Both the melody and the harmony of different races differ in the inter vals of pitch exhibited in their music. This is proof that all AnMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXIII men may read, and it clearly teaches that the pleasures of music are derivative. Here let us pause for a remark about the attitude of idealism and materialism toward this question. Idealism affirms that not only is pleasure, as a quality, created by the mind, but that even the properties of sound itself are created by the mind. Materialism affirms that the property inheres in the sounding body, and the quality also in the sounding body. What we affirm is that the property inheres in the sounding body, and the quality in the body pleased. Symphony—In modern time, or the time of representative government, which also may be considered as the time of science par excellence, symphony has been added to music. The development of symphonic music is dependent on the development of musical instruments. Musical instruments themselves have their germ in the hunter stage of society. A tree overthrown by a tempest may be crosscut into sections with a stone ax, reenforced by fire. Such a section may then be hollowed out with a stone adz and living coals. A vessel thus wrought serves many purposes. At night, when the tribe dances in glee, this mortar or tub for soaking skins becomes a dram. A wild gourd holding pebbles becomes a timbrel A staff cut with notches is played upon with another and smaller one with rhythmic, rasping thrum, and becomes a viol. A reed, or a section of bark, or the hollow bone of a bird, makes a flute. A tablet two fingers wide and a span in length, suspended from a staff with sinew, becomes a roarer which is whipped through the air—the first trumpet of primitive man. A group of such implements (and there are many others in primitive life) constitutes the first orchestra. When science comes and the nature of sound itself is understood as a prop erty, musical instruments are invented and improved by the husbandry of mind until a great variety is developed; thus symphony grows from the soil of time. What, then, is sym phony? It is a succession of melodies, every one of which is produced by a group of instruments, one of which may be the human voice. Now, as these instruments play in unison, one or another is selected to play the leading melody, and the : ll ^ LXXIV BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY other instruments are made to play subsidiary melodies in harmony with the leading melody. As the melodies pass in succession, a new theme is chosen for the leading melody, and thus there is a succession of themes. This elementary statement seems to be necessary that we may properly understand the evolution of music and the derivative character of the pleasures which it produces; for symphonic music is pleasing because harmonic music is pleas ing, but in a higher degree ; harmonic music is pleasing because melodic music is pleasing, but in a higher degree; melodic music is pleasing because rhythmic music is pleasing, but in a higher degree. In music, as in architecture, the pleasure is developed by differentiating and integrating the elements—that is, by higher and higher organization. GRAPHIC ART We must now consider the nature of graphic art and its evo lution through the four stages of culture which we have denominated the hunter stage, the shepherd stage, the tyrant stage, and the freedom stage. 8c^dpture—Hunter man carves images of various objects in wood, shell, bone, and stone; he also molds such forms in clay. This is the first form of graphic art as discovered in ethnol ogy, which is the science of tribal culture. Now, there is a special motive in this stage of society urging men to excel lence in primitive sculpture. Much of the time of wildwood men, or men of the hunter stage, is devoted to religious activ ities. Dancing is always a religious activity with primitive men, and it is the primeval system of worship. But to this element another is added, that of representing to the gods the desires of men; for this purpose an elaborate system ot representation is developed. The gods worshiped are the ani mals, but all things known to wildwood men are animals. The celestial bodies are animals traveling in a path along the firmament, from east to west, where they turn again to find their way underground to the east. All rocks are animals fixed to the earth by magic or scattered loosely upon the earth, ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXV because, since they are asleep, their ghosts have departed, for that is the theory of sylvan life. Trees and smaller plants are animals fixed to the earth by necromancy. Clouds are ani mals, streams are animals, seas are animals, and the clouds are ever descending upon the earth and migrating by streams to the sea, for every drop of water is an animal. This theory of animate life is universal in tribal society. In this stage, when men carve in earnest, they are engaged in pro ducing the instruments of worship. These objects are not themselves worshiped in the true sense, they are only the emblems of worship which are displayed before the gods that they may comprehend the wishes of the worshipers. The emblems displayed upon the altar are of two kinds: First, they are the emblems of the gods worshiped ; and, secOnd, they are emblems of the good things which the worshipers desire. Thus a savage altar is adorned with the images of the gods and the emblems of the blessings for which the savage man makes request. The altar is the table on which these emblems are displayed. The things desired may be represented by images, as when game is asked or when fruits are besought. But there may be many accessory objects placed upon the holy table, as, when in prayer for corn that it may ripen and become hard, the thought is conveyed by fragments of crystal that lie beside it on the table. The crystal is an adjective that qualifies the corn. Savage men always believe that they have lost the language of the gods, and thus they eke out the meaning of their words by the illustrations which they assemble upon the altar. That prayer may be understood is the primitive motive for excellence in carving. Relief-—The next step in the evolution of graphic art is taken in the shepherd stage. Wildwood men etched, crude pictures on rocks, or scratched them on bones, horns, bark of trees, and on the tanned skins of animals. Such etchings are mere flats; they always fail to express relief. In barbarism they are made to show a truer form, and man learns to express in painting the meaning of tints and hues as they are reflected from bodies. The motive which urges to excellence is the desire for clearer expression in altar symbolism. IP i LXXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Perspective—In the succeeding stage a third step is taken. Here the emblems of the altar are painted also upon temple walls; but the themes of mythology are mainly the themes of painting, and with this same motive the master works of art are produced. All along the course of the history of painting, religious zeal is the potent motive for excellence. This third step consists in the acquisition of perspective, when objects are placed in the painting in such manner as to show their relative position, and the three dimensions of space are recognized in the production of the work. Now conventional signs are 110 longer needed. In the stage anterior to this, per spective is conventional, as if a man should say, "I have painted two horses on the canvas, but this one must be con sidered as far away, because it is put on the right side of the picture; things on the left must be considered as near by." A great many devices for conventional perspective were invented by tribal men before they acquired the concept of true per- l spective. We must nere call attention to an import-ant law of demotic evolution. Growth is made usually by minute increments. Rarely indeed is there a sudden outgrowth, but the increments of development are all made by men with a genius for the activity. Such a man is a leader in the ails. A multitude is led by one, so that demotic evolution is dependent very largely on the few for its initiative which the many learn by imitation. This law is observed not only in all the esthetic arts, but it- rules throughout the whole realm of human activities. But initiative through the individual becomes demotic, because the many steps in advance which leaders make as minute incre ments of progress are consolidated through their adoption by the many. A leader must have a following or his leadership is in vain. Chiaroscuro—In the fourth stage of culture still another ele ment is added to painting. This is chiaroscuro, or the delicate recognition in painting of the effects of light and shade in the several hues of the work. This is the highest- characteristic of art as conceived by the modem painter. The artist- may suc ceed in all else, but- if he fails in this it is failure indeed. It is the difference between the artist- and the artisan. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXVII The intellectual characteristics of works of graphic art are more pronounced than those of musical art-, while the emo tional characteristics are less vividly expressed. A painting may be excellent, though the theme may be trivial ; but a great- painting must- have a great theme, and the picture must- be judged by its successful presentation of the theme. 1 can not- here stop to treat- of the evolution of themes, but will reserve the subject for a future occasion. Here I will be content with the simple expression of the judgment that no great and enduring work of art can be wrought- which has not- also a great- theme. We must not fail to give attention to a branch of graphic art which has taken root- for itself and thus become independent. I refer to the development of picture writings for the purpose of communicating the thoughts of men to other men. The origin of alphabets in picture writing is now an accepted con clusion of science. When graphic art was not under the dominion of the religious motive, but was impelled by utili tarian designs, it- worked out a very different result, becoming more and more conventional, while painting it-self comes to be more and more realistic. DRAMA Drama constitutes the third group of fine-art activities in logical order. Dance—Again we have to seek for primal motives in reli gion. Already we have affirmed that- dancing is the primeval activity of pleasure. It- is the first activity which has joy for its motive. The dance is deeply embedded in the constitution of animal life. The various scientific works and essays on play which have been produced in modem time clearly set- forth this doctrine, though some phases of it- are yet- in con troversy. That the dance is a religious activity is revealed by a study of the lower races of mankind. Dance is a play ; not imita tive, but religious play. Here the play motive and the reli gious motive are differentiated, so that we can separate sport from drama, but religion and drama are one in their tribal LXXVm BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY life. Dancing is the first primeval expression of joy as praise, and is the fundamental element of worship. Sacrifice—In the second stage there is found an element of religion, and hence of drama,- which has its beginning in the first stage, but is folly developed only in the second. " In the first stage, in order that men may express their wants, they display them either by placing the things themselves or their symbols upon the altar. In the second stage the objects de sired are sacrificed. When a deity is worshipped, the things desired are poured out upon the ground as oblations, or con sumed in the fire as offerings, that the ghosts of the things desired may be possessed by the ghostly deity. When human beings are buried, whether in the earth, the air, or the fire, the same worship is accorded them, and the sac rifice made at the grave. So the second stage of drama or worship is sacrificial, while there yet remains the element of praise in the dance. We are familiar with the character istics of this stage of the drama, in the writings of Homer; however, there is a vast body of literature on the subject from other sources. The science of ethnology reveals its nature and characteristics in a manner which is clear and forcible. All the tribes which are investigated by ethnologists present examples for consideration. Ceremony—The third stage of the drama, which is fully developed in the imperial stage, also has roots, more or less obscure, in the earlier stages; for shamans, in instructing the people in mythology, devise curious and interesting methods to enforce then- teaching by representing the scenes in a more or less dramatic manner, in which the neophytes of the sha- manistic order take part, and to some extent other members of the tribe are assistants. This difference in the nature of the drama of tribal society and of national society must be understood. The drama is not designed as a language by which men may talk with the gods, but it is designed as a language by which men may be instructed. In savagery, the language by which the gods are addressed is sign language; in barbarism, it is gesture speech; in monarchy, the national god is the only true god, all others ADMINISTRATIVE ΒΈΡΟΒΤ LXXIX are · devils, and this true god understands and employs the national language, and religious drama is a gesture speech designed to instruct men in divine lore. This new element appears in one form in the more highly developed savage society,· in another form in barbaric society, but in tyrannic society it is folly fledged as ceremony. It. is shown in the account which we have of the Eleusiniaii mysteries; it appears also in the dramatic performance of many nations of Europe, Asia, and Africa, where the drama becomes an institution pro moted and regulated by the ruler, and drama is the principal system of worship in the national religion, while local worship is restricted largely to tribal methods. This new element of worship is developed by transmuting the actual sacrifice into ceremonial sacrifice. No longer are hecatombs slain; no longer are wines poured upon the ground; no longer are cereals burned in the fire ; but a ceremony representing these things is instituted and held to be sacred, and especially effica cious, while praise is not only terpsichorean as in savagery, not only athletic as in barbarism, but it is pageantry. Thus, in the tyrannic stage, we have ceremony. Toward the close of this stage religion and. drama are par tially divorced, so that there is a drama more or less distinct from religion. Histrionic art—We have now to consider drama as an esthetic art in the fourth stage of culture. This stage is brought about, as a revolution in society, fundamentally through the agencies of science ; not that there is no science anterior to this stage of culture, but that it has not attained that potency necessary to the transmutation. Science is only simple knowledge, which is but a verified inference, and in all ages men have known something. A few simple facts known in savagery become germs that develop and multiply through the centuries, until science becomes a controlling element in civilization. The time of science is marked by events, but the time of science as a stage of culture may be considered as beginning with the discovery of the new world and the invention of print ing, together with scientific principles that had been developed up to that time. Research is bom of the love of truth, and the \ /t ai N m UM LXXX BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY truth discovered breeds more research, so the child becomes the parent that new children may be born; and when these generations have multiplied until they become a host, the mul titude of scientific motives extant in the world constitute a power over society ever more and more efficacious in the regeneration of mankind. Heretofore we have sought a motive for drama in religion; now we must seek it in the desire to truthfully express life— the life of man in society. The promoter of drama, as entre preneur or undertaker of dramatic enterprise, may have a mo tive of gain. The artist may have a motive of ambition, but it is soon found that these motives may be gratified to the highest degree only by a most deft expression of the truth ; so the motive for evolution is now the desire to express the truth in the action which is designed to represent a trait of character, and the artist, be he dramatic writer or actor, strives to express the emotions of the scene in the most vivid and truthful man ner. Columbus discovered America that Jefferson might por tray Rip Van Winkle. He who hath ears to hear, then let him hear And sage become that he may come a seer. When the chains which hold drama to religion are dirempt and they can go forth to lead a free life, both start on new careers. Drama becomes histrionic art indeed, .and the stage becomes the mirror in which are reflected the causes and con sequences of the deeds of life. Religion soars on wings of aspiration into the empyrean of hope—hope for a purer and better life which bears fruit in purer and better conduct. The germ of dramatic art is the dance, which in its first stage is religion. Of course religion must be distinguished from theology. Theology is a system of opinions, while religion is a system of worship. Religious motives become the seed of graphic motives and also the seed of musical motives. We see that both musical art and graphic art are founded on religion. We shall proceed to show that the other esthetic arts are based on religion. The intellectual and emotional elements of drama are pretty evenly balanced in the last histrionic stage; but if we consider ADMINISTRATIVE EEPOET LXXXI its growth from the beginning I think we shall find a steady development from emotional to intellectual art. We have yet to note that the pleasures obtained from dra matic activities are derived. There is in nature no distinct property on which pleasure is founded, but it is founded on the relative element of consciousness which is inference and which produces judgments. All our knowledge of the pleas ures of dramatic entertainment are founded on judgments and are good or evil from the point of view which we have attained in the progress of culture. It needs but a single illustration to make this fact evident: The drama of the sav age, dancing about the firelight which glints the trees of the surrounding forest, does not constitute an eutei'tainment for which the civilized man longs and which he would sedulously promote. That which brings gladness in one stage, brings con tempt in another. True, the ethnologist may be delighted to witness the wildwood scene and even to engage in its revelry ; but his purpose would be not to dance for joy, but to dance for knowledge. ROMANCE Romance is the fine art next in logical order. The first form of romance is myth. We can not understand its nature with out undei standing the cosmology with which it is associated. All tribes, savage and barbaric alike, have a cosmology based on a notion of seven worlds. This notion is developed through that phase of the evolution of language which Max Müller has called a disease. Muller's characterization, though more poetic than scientific, is yet a legitimate trope. In the evolution of language old words are used with new meanings, and often the old meanings fade, while the new meanings, which seem to be at variance with the etymological signification of the terms, become standard. Primitive languages absorb the entire asser tion in one word ; their words are holophrastic. A single word performs the offices of all the parts of speech, for parts of speech are yet undifferentiated ; therefore a word is a com plete sentence. When words are sentence words, the phe nomena which men attempt to describe with them are expressed 19 ΕΤΗ—01- -VI ill! LXXXII KUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY in such terms that, linguistic development, leads to a cosmology of space. lu this manner primitive man is led to speak of seven elements of space. There are the here, the center, the mid world; the ze nith, the above, the heaven world; the down, the lower world, the nadir, the hell. The apparent rising of the sun in the east and its apparent course to the west seem to divide the plane of the earth into two parts. In speaking about the east, the eastern direction, the eastern land gradually becomes an eastern world; and in speaking about the west, the western direction, the west ern land, it gradually becomes the western world. Then, as men must still talk about the north and the south as distinct from the east and the west they also become worlds. Thus we have the cardinal worlds; these with the midworld, the zenith world, and the nadir world constitute the seven worlds of the cosmology of savagery. The seven worlds are universal ; every savage and every bar baric tribe recognizes and believes in them, as they are inexora bly developed as notions in the mind through the power of the language used to express thought about relations of space, especially as it refers to commonplace geography. Every day the savage man has to tell of his wandering or the wanderings of others over the surface of the earth, or to give directions to others how to find places and objects, so that in this use of holophrastic terms he unconsciously reifies the relations of space and makes them seven distinct worlds. In tribal life the notions of seven worlds are intuitive as a habit of judg ment. If a man habitually speaks of an object in terms which involve erroneous notions, the habit of forming the judgments involved becomes intuitive. Persuade him that eating parsnips on Wednesday is a taboo and may lead to bad consequences, a constant avoidance of this habit will lead him to habitual judgments of evil, and he will believe that such judgments are intuitive. It is thus that qualities are generated in the mind from the point of view of the individual. Beast fältle—Wildwood man worships the beasts as gods. As we have already seen, lie believes that all bodies have ADMINISTBATIVE BEPOBT LXXXIII animate life; that is, he interprets the phenomena of the woi'ld from the standpoint of the belief that all bodies, like human bodies, are endowed with mind and that they have motives and enjoy pleasures and feel pains and exercise will as men do. The savage man intei-prets the environment of bodies as if they were human bodies. This is what has been called anthropomorphism. With this view of the world savage man develops a vast body of stoiy lore which reveals his thoughts of the nature of things with the causes and effects of events that constitute the history of life and change. This lore is myth. But more : By agencies which are now well recognized in science, he believes that every body has a dual existence, as gross body and attenuated body, and that the attenuated body may enter the gross body or depart, from the gross body at will, and that the attenuated body may sojourn in one gross body or another at will. The attenuated body is known in our language as ghost, but every primitive language has a name of its own, as manitu in the Algoiiquian languages, and poktmt in the Shoshoiiean languages, and wakanda in the Siouaii languages. This ghost is held to be the cause of things. All events are caused by ghosts. Every distinct linguistic stock of the world has a body of myth consisting of stories related about the doings of human beings and mythic personages, which always assume that the ghosts of the other personages influence the ghosts of men, or that, the ghosts of men influence the ghosts of other personages. This is the essence of barbaric myth or romance, for myth and romance are one in this stage of culture, Power myth—In the second stage of myth or romance we discover a radical development in the personages of the story. A new class of deities is found. From the same linguistic cause, which we have set forth, the conspicuous phenomena of nature are personified as gods. The powers of the universe as they are known in that stage of society become the heroes of myth. The animal gods remain, and with them the human beings; but all the gods of savagery are assigned minor parts, and the new gods constitute a superior order of beings. «ι, «ι u g ni • III ill LXXXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT LXXXV This stage is popularly known through the writings of Max Müller and others who have devoted much time to the study of Sanskrit literature. It is set forth in the popular accounts of Norse mythology and also in Germanic mythology. Again we find it well recorded in Homer and Hesiod. In fact, there is now a large body of literature gathered from various lands which is being carefully studied for the purpose of discovering the characteristics of this stage of myth. While romance is beast fable in savagery, romance is power myth in barbarism. To understand this transmutation we must see the change which is wrought in the concepts of worlds or in cosmology. It is a change which begins in savagery, but is more highly developed in barbarism. The concepts of space worlds control the concepts of the savage mind to such an extent that all of the attributes of bodies are referred to the worlds as properly belonging to them. Thus colors originally come to be classified as seven, for the act of expressing concepts in words is more potent than the sense of vision in controlling the judgment of the color of objects. The prismatic colors, as such, are unrecognized; but hues, tints, shades, and even patterns are classified, and there is a tendency to classify them as hues. The scheme of colors, perhaps, differs from tribe to tribe; of this I am not sure, but this I do find among some tribes: Blue is the color of the zenith, and things are said to have sky color. It is a very natural mistake for man to reach the conclusion that sky color is made by the sky or that it comes from the sky by the habit of language which already has been set forth. Color is thus reified and assigned to a world. Darkness, or black, seem to primitive man to come from below, and as darkness is reified, it is believed to come from the nadir world Green is held to belong properly to the midworld, for it is the color of plant bodies and is seen nowhere else. In tribal society the colors seem to be variously assigned to the cardinal worlds as hues, tints, shades, and patterns. In the cases which I have especially investigated, red belongs to the west, white to the east, yellow to the south, and gray to the north. In a similar manner, which we can not stop to explain fully, all the attributes of bodies as properties or qualities are assigned to regions by wildwood men and shepherd men. The increasing knowledge of the world leads to a geographic knowledge of immense distances on the horizontal plane of the earth as it is then supposed to be; but the cardinal attributes still continue to be grouped about the one which seems to be the most conspicuous A survival of this classification of attributes hi world schemes still remains in modem time when attributes of good are assigned to a world of space, as the heaven above, and attributes of evil are assigned to the world below—hell. The attributes which were assigned to the cardinal worlds are grouped about the most conspicuous attribute, as the cardinal worlds are abandoned owing to an increasing knowledge of geography. Finally, they settle down into four elements; the cardinal worlds thus become elements—earth, air, fire, and water—and the bodies of the worlds are believed to be com posed of these elements in varying proportions. In Greek and Roman classics we find much about these four elements; but the development of four elements out of four worlds belongs largely to barbarism, though perhaps it is not fully completed until the stage of monarchy is reached. Necromancy—In the monarchical stage of society the four elements—earth, air, fire, and water—play a very important role. It is now the theory that bodies are composed of these elements, and it is a theory that the difference between bodies depends on the different proportions of these elements which they severally present. The cardinal worlds thus become cardinal elements, and a birthmark remains when they are put in antithetic pairs. Earth is opposed to air, and fire is opposed to water. This stage of society is the stage of alchemy in the philosophy of bodies. The wondrous transmutations that appear in nature are explained as alchemical changes in com bining or freeing the elements. The stories now invented are stories of necromancy in which theories of ghosts and theories of alchemy are compounded. This is also the age of chivalry, LXXXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY and the stories told are tales of wars and wiles, and the heroes are kings, warriors, wizards, dwarfs, giants, and demons. They often wander about the world for the purpose of adventure or because they are engaged in wonderful enterprises. Thau- maturgy—not natural wonders, but invented wonders—now constitutes the principal theme of romance. Myth is trans muted into romance. The three worlds remain as earth, hell, and heaven. We can not stop to catalog these medieval romances, but they con stitute an extensive literature in themselves and there is an extensive body of literature about them. Often in the next stage they become the themes of poetry. The Victorian bard has used some of these medieval themes in the Idylls of the King. Novels—It must constantly be borne in mind that romance in its various stages may have themes to a greater or less extent the same throughout, but that they differ in the method of treatment. Beast fables may yet be told, but merely as fables to teach a lesson. The nature myths may yet be used as illustrations and embellishments, and romances may yet be written with all the thaumaturgy of the Middle Ages to give literary amusement to people who are not supposed to believe in necromancy. With this warning we may go on to describe the romance of the last stage. To the world's store of romance new tales are added—fictitious histories in a series of events where causes conspire to produce effects that have an intellectual and emo tional interest. In an especial manner modern tales are designed to teach a lesson of good and evil, and there are many romances that are doctrinaire in motive. This is the transmutation brought by science upon the char acteristics of romance. Tales are no longer told to be believed, but are told to teach lessons. Romance is fundamentally designed to give pleasure, but at the same time is made to teach wisdom in conduct. If the medicine is but a coated· pill, it is refused; but if a dram of moral truth is deftly mixed; with a pound of delightful representation of men and things, the moral becomes a luxury. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT POETRY LXXXVII The fifth in order of the fine arts is poetry. All of the esthetic arts are activities designed to produce pleasure. This is their fundamental purpose. Poetry is an art of pleasure. Its fundamental purpose must be pleasure, although it some times may be a good method of presenting the truth; in fact it often serves this purpose in an admirable manner, but its wisdom must be veiled whether it be intellectual or moral. That which makes poetiy is the method of expression that is adopted by poetry. In music the method of expression is rhythmic sound and the combinations of rhythmic sound which appear also in melody, harmony, and symphony. Graphic art is expression of form which at first gives us form as molded in sculpture, then form as relief, then the combination of form in perspective, and finally the delicate expression of forms in values or chiaroscuro. In drama we have an art which employs gesture speech as its mode of expression. Its root is the dance, and the first stage of the drama is terpsichorean ; its second stage is sacrifica!, its third stage is ceremonial, its fourth stage is histrionic. Romance is expression by fictitious history. It appears first as beast fable, then as power myth, then as necromantic tale, and finally in the novel. In poetry the method of expression is metaphor. We are yet to see the stages through which metaphor is developed. Again I must remind my reader that all of these stages have roots in the primitive stage, that they develop by minute incre ments, and that a characteristic of poetry is never developed in full panoply of action. Personification—Personification is the germ of poetic expres sion. Personification is the fundamental error in the philos ophy of savagery. Tylor called tliis belief animism; already we have set forth its nature. It arises from mental necessity of making judgments and comparing them with the inferences which the mind draws from sense impressions. The savage interprets the world of bodies in the environment from the concepts of human bodies. From the standpoint of psychol ogy this is anthropomorphism, while from the standpoint of LXXXVIII BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOKT LXXXIX philosophy it is animism. This animism or anthropomorphism is personification from the standpoint of poetry. Wildwood man is of the opinion that all bodies are animate and that all the tribes of the lower animals, and all the tribes of stars, and all the tribes of clouds and streams, and all the tribes of plants, and all the tribes of stones are tribes composed of clans like his own. The philosophy of savagery is the essence of poetry, but before it is recognized as such it must undergo wondrous development. This philosophy must first become a religion before it is etherealized as trope, which is the essence of modern poetry. In the earliest poetry holophrastic words are used as nouns or substantives with adjectives of quality in exclamatory sen tences (remember the distinction between qualities and proper ties) to mark the time of a complement of steps in the dance of worship. In every clan or tribe in this stage of society there is a leader who is the master of the dance and who regu lates it with rhythmic chant in which others may take part, when the solo of the shaman becomes the chorus of the people. The exuberance of dance and the inspiration of shout unite to produce emotion—wildly hilarious if it is a dance of praise, wildly vengeful if it is a dance of war, wildly wailing if it is a dance of mourning for the dead. Thus is produced an ecstasy of joy or hate or sorrow. In the exclamatory phrases of song are named the personified objects that are supposed to be inspired with motives like those of men, and hence the adjective element of the song expresses the good or evil which is the theme of poetry. The earliest poetry in this manner involves a double expression—one of personification and another of qualification. Similitude—In the second stage powers are personified as if they were bodies, and there is developed a new class of deities which are supposed to be superior to the old gods, and the old gods are called demons ; not yet devils, mind you, but only demons. Now, there are many kinds of these demons—as el ves, fairies, muses, sirens, and what not, while human beings are sometimes giants and pigmies. This is pertinent to the present exposition. Personification in this stage is the creation of invisible bodies out of pure forces that are supposed to exist independent of bodies—that is, of properties that can exist in some invisible state like that of ghosts. Man personifies not only bodies, but he also personifies qualities. In this stage qualification is developed into similitude. That which is affirmed by the adjective element as great or small, as strong or weak, as beautiful or ugly, or any attribute expressed by a qualifying adjective, is reenforced by a poetic similitude. The attribute or the person acting in a specified capacity is always like something else, and the poetry in this stage is filled with elaborately developed similitudes. The best illustrations of this characteristic of poetry are found in Homer, but they may be found in all the poetry of the upper stage of tribal society. Opening at random a copy of Bryant's Odyssey, on the first page I chance to see I find this passage: . for sure I never looked on one of mortal race, Woman or man, like thee, and as I gaze I wonder. Like to thee I saw of late, In Délos, a young· palm tree growing up Beside Apollo's altar ·, for I sailed To Délos, with much people following me, On a disastrous voyage. Long I gazed Upon it wondcrstruck, as I am now,— For never from the earth so fair a tree Had sprung. So marvel I, and am amazed At thee, O lady, and in awe forbear To clasp thy knees. In this stage of poetry qualification is used as a poetic ele ment as in the first; then qualities are personified as well as bodies, and qualification is reenforced by similitude. Allegory—In the third stage of society certain world attri butes are explained as world elements ; these are earth, air, fire, and water, and the proportion of these elements in bodies of the earth gives rise to their attributes. In philosophy this is alchemy ; but it is only the alchemy of bodies, while the ghosts are psychic beings and only psychic attributes are personified. A gulf now exists between ghost and body. The ghost is spirit or essence, something which can be distilled and which •"Hi ι ".J xc BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ADMINISTBATIVE KEPOKT XCI may pervade space like an aroma, or itself be wholly spaceless and hence formless. It may occupy any point of time present, past, or future, for it is timeless; hence it is the ghost of mem ory and prophecy. But the body is now gross matter—dead and subject to the manipulations of alchemy. With the devel opment of personification and differentiation in theory between ghost and body there comes a development of similitude into something else; this we must now set forth. The similitude is now elaborated into the foundation of an allegory upon which is erected an edifice of doctrine; or, if you will allow another illustration, the similitude becomes a warp into which a woof is woven with patterns which consti tute a tapestry of doctrine. I know of no better way of setting forth the nature of allegory than by directing the attention of the reader to Spen ser's Faerie Queene, in which he will find an allegory of alle gories—a grand allegory made up of many adjuvant allegories. Six books of one allegory are composed, every one, of twelve allegories. The principal characters of the grand allegory are personified qualities. In the first book holiness is personified as ''St John the Red Crosse Knight;" in the second book temperance is personified as Sir Guy on; *iii the third book chastity is personified as Britomartis; in the fourth book friend ship is personified in Cambel and Triamond; in the fifth book justice is personified in Artegall; in the sixth book courtesy is personified in Calidore ; and throughout the poems many other qualities of good and evil are personified. These personifica tions are the heroes of a succession of necromantic tales relieved by many wild adventures. The literature of romance and poetry alike which belongs to this stage of culture is very abundant, and I need but mention another instance or two to make it clear to the reader. Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, Dante's Divine Comedy, and Milton's Paradise Lost are excellent examples. Trope—In the fourth stage of culture chemistry has sup planted alchemy, medicine has supplanted sorcery, astronomy has supplanted astrology, and science has supplanted cosmol ogy. All kinds of personifications appear, but in a new light with a distinct cognition that personification is poetic. All kinds of personification tlms become tropes, and mind itself is clearly understood to belong only to animate beings. Qualification, similitude, and allegory still remain with a more or less clear cognition that qualities are but qualities, simili tudes are but similitudes, and allegories are but allegories, and that they are legitimate only as metaphors and constitute only a poetical method of expression through which the wisdom of science may be expressed in such manner as to impress it deeply upon the heart. Trope, therefore, is the last and greatest acquisition to poetical art. Romance is poetry with out rhythm. Poetry is romance with rhythm, but there is added to it a much higher element of metaphor—the special method of poetic expression. There has grown up in the history of poetry a recognition of four classes of poetry, namely, the lyric, the epic, the dramatic, and the idyllic. These names pretty well express the characteristics of the four kinds of poetry herein enumer ated. If poetry is to be classified under these terms, they require both some restriction and enlargement in their limits. Lyric poetry is pretty well defined when we call it song poetry. Epic poetry is pretty well defined when we call it similitude poetry; but many poems which have sometimes been called epics are excluded. Dramatic poetry is not well defined as allegoric poetry if it is held to mean that poetry which is con structed as dialogue; but it is well defined if we understand it as that poetry whose principal element is dramatic, for then it will be seen that every dramatic poem is an allegory of good and evil. Idyllic poetry is well characterized as poetry whose chief element of expression inheres in trope. Read again the Idylls of the King for the purpose of seeing how their dra matic characteristics are subordinated to tropical expression, and I think you will conceive that Tennyson was right in characterizing them as the Idylls of the King rather than as the Allegories of the King. There is a fact in history that here must be considered, in order that we may not obtain an erroneous opinion about the argument set forth in this essay. The Roman and Hellenic •(.Ι XCII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY peoples expanded prematurely into a degree of culture more than two thousand years ago, in classical times. The political institutions which they developed at that time, because they contained an element of hereditary ra,nk and especially an ele ment of slavery, did not furnish an enduring foundation to the highest culture of the age. History now proves that many of the elements of culture to which classical times had attained as a blossom of fine arts were not sufficiently rooted in a soil of free institutions. That classical culture might firmly be founded, a greater liberty had yet to be given to men, and that there might be greater liberty there yet had to be greater sci entific knowledge. So the superstitions of the dark ages con stituted but a cloud under which mankind labored while it laid the foundations of representative government. We need not review the history of poetry to show how its elements have been developed; manifestly all that is good or bad is derivative; all of the esthetic arts are found to be derivative. Pleasures and pains arise from judgments, and do not arise from consciousness but from inference. All of the phenomena of pleasure and pain arise in the mind through the point of view. They are therefore qualities and not properties. All matter is not endowed with mind, but all matter is endowed with consciousness. The relative element is choice, which becomes inference in the formation of judgments. There can be no mind until there are organs of mind. Until this condition arises in the development of animate life there is no mind, but when it does arise this mind makes judgments. As the judg ments are inferences only, until they are verified, there is no cognition until there is verification, and the cognition of pleas ure or pain is reached only by inference and verification. This is what we have intended to express by saying that pleasure and pain are derivative. ACCOMPANYING PAPERS 19 ΕΤΗ——01- ι MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE BY JAMES MOOISTEY II ι Hi« All CONTENTS Page I—Introduction......................................................... 11 II—Historical sketch of the Oherokee -------------_.--___..________.___.__ 14 The traditionary period----------.---..__-..____..______________________ 14 The period of Spanish exploration—1540-?-----.-.._....___...._._..__._. 23 The Colonial and Revolutionary period—1654-1784....................... 29 Relations with the United States ........................................ 61 From the first treaty to the Removal—1785-1838 --_________.__.___.._.. 61 The Removal—1838-1839 -.____.____._.__..___..._._____._.___..______ 130 The Arkansas band—1817-1838...---___..__.__.__.._..._.__._.____._._ 135 The Texas band—1817-1900........................................... 143 The Oherokee Nation of the West—1840-1900.......................... 146 The East Oherokee—1838-1900........................................ 157 III—Notes to the historical sketch ........................................ 182 IV—Stories and story-tellers.............................................. 229v V—The myths ......................................................... 239 Cosmogonie myths -------------------.----...----...-----...------.--.- 239 1. How the world was made......................................... 239 .''" 2. The first fire ..................................................... 240' 3. Kana'tï and Selu: Origin of com and game......................... 242^ 4. Origin of disease and medicine ........_-...........----...-....... 250 5. The Daughter of the Sun: Origin of death.......................... 252 6. How they brought back the Tobacco.-----..------....--....----... 254L, 7. The journey to the sunrise -----...-..........-.---.-.-.---------.. 255 8. The Moon and the Thunders ...................................... 256 9. What the Stars are like ........................................... 257 10. Origin of the Pleiades and the Pine................................ 258 11. The milky way................................................... 259 12. Origin of strawberries..-------...-._----...----------------------- 259 ' 13. The Great Yellow-jacket : Origin of fish and frogs ....------...---.. 260 14. The Deluge...................................................... 261 - Quadruped myths ---..---.-.....--------.---.-..----....-------.------- 261 15. The four-footed tribes.--....--.-.--..-.....---.............^...... 261 u ' 16. The Rabbitgoes duck hunting.............................. Λ..... 266 17. How the Rabbit stole the Otter's coat..---.-.----.-.---...-.-----.. 267 18. Why the Possum's tail is bare..................................... 269 19. How the Wildcat caught the turkeys............................... 269 20. How the Terrapin beat the Rabbit................................. 270 21. TheBabbitand the tar wolf.--------------------------1----------- 271-' 22. The Rabbit and the Possum after a wife...............--------.--.. 273 23. The Rabbit dines the Bear..-----.----.-.-.-.-----..----.--------. 273 24. The Rabbit escapes from the wolves..--.....---.....--------------- 274 25. Flint visits the Rabbit -.....-------------.-------..----.---------. 274 26. How the Deer got his horns ..-------------------.-.------------.-- 275 27. Why the Deer's teeth are blunt.................................... 276 28. What became of the Rabbit.----.-.----.....---....-------.....--. 377 ^ 29. Why the Mink smells..............................---.....------- 277 30. Why the Mole lives under ground ...-..--........·................. 277 5 n """*" """"ι 6 CONTENTS [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY.] CONTENTS a 51. V—The myths—Continued. Quadruped myths—Continued. 31. The Terrapin's escape from the wolves...-------------------------- '¿IK 32. Origin of the Groundhog dance: The Groundhog's head ............ 279 33. The migration of the animals. .........--'-------------------------- 34. The Wolf's revenge: The Wolf and the Dog ........--.------------- 28° Bird myths..........-..-------------------------------------·-··-"---· "A35. The bird tribes..-.........--.------------------------------------ 36. The tall game of the birds and animals .......-..-...-------------- 286 37. How the Turkey got his beard ........-..------------------------- 28 ' 38. Why the Turkey gobbles .....---..------------------------------- 288 39. How the Kingfisher got his bill .....--.---.----------------------- 288 40. How the Partridge got his whistle......-.------------------------- 289 41. How the Redbird got his color....-.......-...---------------------- 289 42. The Pheasant beating corn : The Pheasant dance.......--.---------- 290 -~l 43. The race between the Crane and the Humming-bird ........-..----- 290 44. The Owl gets married. .:..-..---......-----------------------·---- 291 45. The Huhu gets married ......---....------------------------------ 292 46 Why the Buzzard's head is bare.................-...-------------- 293 9QQ 47. The Eagle's revenge .......--.......------------------------------ -^00 48. The Hunter and the Buzzard........------------------------------ 294 Snake, fish, and insect myths .............--..------------------------- 294 ~^ j49. The snake tribe ........--.--..-...------------------------------- 294 The Uktena and the Ulûfisû'tï .............--.-....-------------- 29? Âgan-Uni'tsi's search for the TJktena ............------------------ 298 The Red Man and the Uktena.....................--..------------ 300 53. The Hunter and the Uksu'hï.............-...-...----------------- 301 54. TheUBtû'UÏ------------------------------------------------------ 302 55. The Uw'tsuf/ta............................,-...--..-------------- 303 56. The Snake Boy..............-..---...---------------------------- 304 57. TheSnakeMan ..............--..---..--------------------------- 304 58. The Rattlesnake's vengeance ..............-..-...----------------- 305 59. The smaller reptiles, fishes, and insects.........:........--...--..-- 306 60. Why the Bullfrog's head is striped.................--..------------ 310 61. The Bullfrog lover........--....--...--...---.-------------------- 310 62. The Katydid's warning ..........-.........----.-----.----..------ 311 Wonder stories................------.----.----------------------------- 311 -J63. Ufitsaiyl', the Gambler ................---.--.-------------------- 311 64. The nest of the Tla'nuwa.......................................... 315 65. The Hunter and the Tla'nuwa.....................---.----.------- 316 66. U'tlufi'ta, the Spear-finger ..........................----..--..-.-- 316 67. Nun'yunu'wl, the stone man.......................-....-----..--- 319 TheHunter in the Däkwä'-...--....--...------------------------- 320 Atagâ'hï, the enchanted lake...................................... 321 The Bride from the south ...........................------..-.---- 322 The Ice Man............---..----.-.----------------------------- 322 The Hunter and Selu ..........................--.---...--......-- 323 The underground panthers ....................--....------..---.-- 324 TheTsundige'wï ................................................. 325 Origin of the Bear: The Bear songs ................................ 325 The Bear Man.................................................... Λ 327 The Great Leech of Tlanusi'yï..................................... 329 The Nûfinë'hï and other spirit folk ................................ 330 The removed townhouses ..............^.......................... 335 68. 69. 70. 71. -J72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. V—The myths—Continued. Wonder stories—Continued. Page 80. The spirit defenders of Nïkwasï'.---.---.......--................. 336 81. Tsul'kalu', the slant-eyed giant................................... 337 82. Kana'sta, the lost settlement......................'............... 341 83. Tsuwe'nahï, a legend of Pilot knob............................... 343 84. The man who married the Thunder's sister ....................... 345 85. The haunted whirlpool .......................................... 347 86. Yahula ........................................................ 347 87. The water cannibals ............................................. 349 , - Historical traditions.................................................... 350 88. First contact with whites......................................... 350 V 89. The Iroquois wars ............................................... 351 \S 90. Hiadeoni, the Seneca ............................................ 356 91. The two Mohawks............................................... 357 92. Escape of the Seneca boys........................................ 359 93. The unseen helpers.............................................. 359 94. Hatcifiondoñ's escape from the Cherokee-_.....--................. 362 95. Hemp-carrier................................ _J_................. 364 96. The Seneca peacemakers......................................... 365 97. Origin of the Yontofiwisas dance ................................. 365 98. Ga'na's-adventures among the Cherokee ........... 1.............. 367 99. The Shawano wars............................................... 370 100. The raid on Tïkwali'tsï .......................................... 374 101. The last Shawano invasion ....................................... 374 • 102. The false warriors of Chilhowee ...-.--..........................·. 375 103. Cowee town..................................................... 377-^ 104. The eastern tribes ............................................... 378 105. The southern and western tribes.................................. 382 L - 106. The giants from the west......................................... 391 107. The lost Cherokee ............................................... 391 108. The massacre of the Ani'-Kuta'nï................................. 392 109. The war medicine ............................................... 393 "" 110. Incidents of personal heroism .................................... 394 111. The mounds and the constant fire: The old sacred things .......... 395L-'" Miscellaneous myths and legends............................i........... 397 112. The ignorant housekeeper........................................ 397 / 113. The man in the stump ........................................... 397 114. Two lazy hunters................................................ 397 115. The two old men ................................................ 399 116. The star feathers................................................ * 399 117. The Mother Bear's song ......................................... 400 118. Baby song, to please the children................................. 401 119. When babies are born : The Wren and the Cricket................. 401 120. The Eaven Mocker .............................................. 401 121. Herbert's spring................................................. 403 122. Local legends of North Carolina....----........----......----..-.. 404 123. Local legends of South Carolina................................... 411 124. Local legends of Tennessee ....................................... 412 125. Local legends of Georgia ...._.__.-.......-.-......---..........-- 415'' 126. Plant lore...................-...................----....-----.-- 420 VI—Notes and parallels ................................................ 428 VII—Glossary .......................................................... 506 » J •I I "»I ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I. In the Cherokee mountains................ II. Map: The Cherokee and their neighbors.... III. Map : The old Cherokee country............ IV. Sequoya (Sikwâyï) ........................ V. The Cherokee alphabet.................... VI. Tahchee (Tiitsï) or Dutch .................. ' VII. Spring-frog or Tooantuh (Du'gtu').......... VIII. John Ross^Gu'wisguwï') .................. IX. Colonel W. H. Thomas (Wil-Usdi') ........ X. Chief N. J.. Smith (Tsaliidihï') ............. XI. Swimmer (A'yuii'inl) ..................... XII. John Ax(Itagù'nûhï) ..................... XIII. Tagwadiriï'. _._.......-..._....________.... XIV. AyftBta.................................... XV. Sawiinu'gï, a Cherokee ball player. ---------- XVI. Nïkwasl' mound at Franklin, North Carolina. XVn. Annie Ax (Sadayï)......................... XV III. Walini', a Cherokee woman................. XIX. On Oconaluftee river....................... XX. Petroglyphg at Track-rock gap, Georgia. FIGUKE 1. Feather wand of Eagle dance ... 2. Ancient Iroquois wampum belts. Page 11 14 23 108 112 140 142 150 160 178 228 238 256 272 284 337 358 378 . 405 418 282 354 β-ΊΜ I I- z «·,· X j ''**. fc 3V ω z < Η Z O LJ u !¿ O ce LJ I ü LJ I I- o z I V* MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE By JAMES MOONEY I—INTRODUCTION The myths given in this paper are part of a large body of material collected among the Cherokee, chiefly in successive field seasons from 1887 to 1890, inclusive, and comprising more or less extensive notes, together with original Cherokee manuscripts, relating to the history, archeology, geographic nomenclature, personal names, botany, medi cine, arts, home life, religion, songs, ceremonies, and language of the tribe. It is intended that this material shall appear from time to time in a series of papers which, when finally brought together, shall constitute a monograph upon the Cherokee Indians. This paper may be considered the first of the series, all that has hitherto appeared being a short paper upon the sacred formulas of the tribe, published in .the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau in 1891 and containing a synopsis of the Cherokee medico-religious theory, with twenty-eight specimens selected from a body of about six hundred ritual fomiulas written down in the Cherokee language and alphabet by former doctors of the tribe and constituting altogether the largest body of aboriginal American literature in existence. Although the Cherokee are probably the largest and most impor tant tribe in the United States, having their own national government and numbering at any time in their history from 20,000 to 25,000 per sons, almost nothing has yet been written of their history or general ethnology, as compared with the literature of such northern tribes as the Delawares, the Iroquois, or the Ojibwa. The difference is due to historical reasons which need not be discussed here. It might seem at first thought that the Cherokee, with their civi lized code of laws, their national press, their schools and seminaries, are so far advanced along the white man's road as to offer but little inducement for ethnologic study. This is largely true of those in the Indian Territory, with whom the enforced deportation, two generations ago, from accustomed scenes and surroundings did more at a single stroke to obliterate Indian ideas than could have been accomplished 11 τ 12 MYTHS OB' THE CHEEOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 ΜΟΟΝΕΥ] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 13 by fifty years of slow development. There remained behind, however, in the heart of the Carolina mountains, a considerable body, outnum bering today such well-known western tribes as the Omaha, Pawnee, Comanche, and Kiowa, and it is among these, the old conservative Kitu'hwa element, that the ancient things have been preserved. Moun - taineers guard well the past, and in the secluded forests of Nantahala and Oconaluftee, far away from the main-traveled road of modern progress, the Cherokee priest still treasures the legends and repeats the mystic rituals handed down from his ancestors. There is change indeed in dress and outward seeming, but the heart of the Indian is still his own. For this and other reasons much the greater portion of the material herein contained has been procured among the East Cherokee living upon the Qualla reservation in western North Carolina and in various detached settlements between the reservation and the Tennessee line. This has been supplemented with information obtained in the Cherokee Nation in Indian Territory, chiefly from old men and women who had emigrated from what is now Tennessee and Georgia, and who consequently had a better local knowledge of these sections, as well as of the history of the western Nation, than is possessed by their kindred in Carolina. The historical matter and the parallels are, of course, collated chiefly from printed sources, but the myths proper, with but few exceptions, are from original investigation. The historical sketch must be understood as distinctly a sketch, not a detailed narrative, for which there is not space in the present paper. The Cherokee have made deep impress upon the history of the southern states, and no more has been attempted here than to give the leading facts in connected sequence. As the history of the Nation after the removal to the West and the reorganization in Indian Territory pre sents but few points of ethnologic interest, it has been but briefly treated. On the other hand the affairs of the eastern band have been discussed at some length, for the reason that so little concerning this remnant is to be found in print. One of the chief purposes of ethnologic study is to trace the development of human thought under varying conditions of race and environment, the result showing always that primitive man is essen tially the same in every part of the world. With this object in view a considerable space has been devoted to parallels drawn almost entirely from Indian tribes of the United States and British America. For the southern countries there is but little trustworthy material, and to extend the inquiry to the eastern continent and the islands of the sea would be to invite an endless task. The author desires to return thanks for many favors from the Library of Congress, the Geological Survey, and the Smithsoniaii Institution, and for much courteous assistance and friendly suggestion from the officers and staff of the Bureau of American Ethnology; and to acknowledge his indebtedness to the late Chief N. J. Smith and family for services as interpreter and for kindly hospitality during successive field seasons; to Agent H. W. Spray and wife for unvarying kindness manifested in many helpful ways; to Mr William Harden, librarian, and the Georgia State Historical Society, for facilities in consulting documents at Savannah, Georgia; to the late Col. W. H. Thomas; Lieut. Col. W. W. Stringfield, of Waynesville; Capt. James W. Terrell, of Webster; Mrs A. C. A very and Dr P. L. Murphy, of Mor- ganton; Mr W. A. Fair, of Lincolnton; the late Maj. James Bryson, of Dillsboro; Mr H. G. Trotter, of Franklin; Mr Sibbald Smith, of Chero kee; Maj. E. C. Jackson, of Smithwood, Tennessee; Mr D. E. Dünn, of Conasauga, Tennessee; the late Col. Z. A. Zile, of Atlanta; Mr L. M. Gréer, of Ellijay, Georgia; Mr Thomas Eobinson, of Portland, Maine; Mr Alien Eoss, Mr W. T. Canup, editor of the Indian Arrow, and the officers of the Cherokee Nation, Tahlequah, Indian Territory; Dr D. T. Day, United States Geological Survey, Washington, D. C., and Prof. G. M. Bowers, of the United States Fish Commission, for valuable oral information, letters, clippings, and photographs; to Maj. J. Adger Smyth, of Charleston, S. C., for documentary material; to Mr Stansbury Hagar and the late Kobert Grant Haliburton, of Brooklyn, N. Y., for the use of valuable manuscript notes upon Cherokee stellar legends; to Miss A. M. Brooks for the use of valuable Spanish document copies and translations entrusted to the Bureau of American Ethnology; to Mr James Blythe, interpreter during a great part of the time spent by the author in the field; and to various Cherokee and other informants mentioned in the body of the work, from whom the material was obtained. II—HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE CHEROKEE THE TRADITIONARY PERIOD The Cherokee were the mountaineers of the South, holding the entire Allegheny region from the interlocking head-streams of the Kanawha and the· Tennessee southward almost to the site of Atlanta, and from the Blue ridge on the east to the Cumberland range on the west, a territory comprising an area of about 40,000 square miles, now included in the states of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. Their principal towns were upon the headwaters of the Savannah, Hiwassee, and Tuckasegee, and along the whole length of the Little Tennessee to its junction with the main stream. Itsâtï, or Echota, on the south bank of the Little Tennessee, a few miles above the mouth of Tellico river, in Tennessee, was commonly considered the capital of the Nation. As the advancing whites pressed upon them from the east and northeast the more exposed towns were destroyed or abandoned and new settlements were formed lower down the'Tennessee and on the upper branches of the Chattahoochee and the Coosa. As is always the case with tribal geography, there were no fixed boundaries, and on every side the Cherokee frontiers were contested by rival claimants. In Virginia, there is reason to believe, the tribe was held in check in early days by the Powhatan and the Monacan. On the east and southeast the Tuscarora and Catawba were their invet erate enemies, with hardly even a momentary truce within the historic period; and evidence goes to show that the Sara or Cheraw were fully as hostile. On the south there was hereditary war with the Creeks, - who claimed nearly the whole of upper Georgia as' theirs by original possession, but who were being gradually pressed down toward the Gulf until, through the mediation of the United States, a treaty was finally made fixing the boundary between the two tribes along a line. running about due west from the mouth of Broad river on the Savan nah. Toward the west, the Chickasaw on the lower Tennessee and the Shawano on the Cumberland repeatedly turned back the tide of Chero kee invasion from the rich central valleys, while the powerful Iroquois in the far north set up an almost unchallenged claim of paramount lordship from the Ottawa river of Canada southward at least to the Kentucky river. 14 / Γ1" '" ! -.«ι NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. II BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THE CHEROKEE AND THEIR NEIGHBORS SHOWING THE TERRITORY HELD BY THEM AT VARIOUS TIMES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER BY JAMES MOONED I9OO Note-The territory of the cognate Iroqudian tribes is indicated by shaded boundaries * °. %- JULIUS BIEN aCC.LIIH. N V. •"Itriilflíil Il1 MOONEY] TRIBAL NAMES 15 On the other hand, by their defeat of the Creeks and expulsion of the Shawano, the Chcrokee made good the claim which they asserted to all the lands from upper Georgia to the Ohio river, including the rich hunting grounds of Kentucky. Holding as they did the great mountain barrier between the English settlements on the coast and the French or Spanish garrisons along the Mississippi and the Ohio, their geographic position, no less than their superior number, would have given them the balance of power in the South but for a looseness of tribal^ organization in striking contrast to the compactness of the Iro- quois league, by which for more than a century the French power was held in check in the north. The English, indeed, found it con venient to recognize certain chiefs as supreme in the tribe, but the only real attempt to weld the whole Cherokee Nation into a political unit was that made by the French agent, Priber, about 1736, which failed from its premature discovery by the English. We frequently find their kingdom divided against itself, their very number preventing unity of action, while still giving them an importance above that of neighboring tribes. The proper name by which the Chcrokee call themselves (I)1 is Yûn'wiya', or Ani'-Yufi'wiya' in the third person, signifying "real people," or " principal people," a word closely related to Oflwe-honwe, the name by which the cognate Iroquois know themselves. The word properly denotes '"Indians," as distinguished from people of other races, but in usage it is restricted to mean members of the Cherokee tribe, those of other tribes being designated as Creek, Catawba, etc., as the case may be. On ceremonial occasions they frequently speak of themselves as Ani'-Kitu'hwagï, or "people of Kïtu'hwa," an ancient settlement on Tuckasegee river and apparently the original nucleus of the tribe. Among the western Cherokee this name has been adopted by a secret society recruited from the full-blood element and pledged to resist the advances of the white man's civilization. Under the various forms of Cuttawa, Gattochwa, Kittuwa, etc., as spelled by dif ferent authors, it was also used by several northern Algonquian tribes as a synonym for Cherokee. Cherokee, the name by which they are commonly known, has no meaning in their own language, and seems to be of foreign origin. As used among themselves the form is Tsa'lägF or Tsa'ragï'. It first appears as Chalaque in the Portuguese narrative of De Soto's expedi tion, published originally in 1557, while we find Cheraqui in a French document of 1699, and Cherokee as an English form as early, at least, as 1708. The name has thus an authentic history of 360 years. There is evidence that it is derived from the Choctaw word clioluk or chiluk, signifying a pit or cave, and comes to us through the so-called Mobilian trade language, a corrupted Choctaw jargon formerly used as the 1 See the notes to the historical sketch. "'" ''11 ri* '"'„VI 16 MYTHS OF THE CHEBOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 medium of communication among all the tribes of the Gulf states, as far north as the mouth of the Ohio (2). Within this area many of the tribes were commonly known under Choctaw names, even though of widely differing linguistic stocks, and if such a name existed for the Cherokee it must undoubtedly have been communicated to the first Spanish explorers by De Soto's interpreters. This theory is borne out by their Iroquois (Mohawk) name, Oyata'ge'ronon', as given by Hewitt, signifying "inhabitants of the cave country," the Allegheny region being peculiarly a cave country, in which " rock shelters," con taining numerous traces of Indian occupancy, are of frequent occur rence. Their Catawba name also, Mafiterañ, as given by Gatschet, signifying "coming out of the ground," seems to contain the same reference. Adair's attempt to connect the name Cherokee with their word for fire, atsila, is an error founded upon imperfect knowledge of the language. Among other synonyms for the tribe are liickahockan, or Recna- hecrian, the ancient Powhatan name, and Tallige', or Tallige'wi, the ancient name used in the Walam Olum chronicle of the Lenape'. Con cerning both the application and the etymology of this last name there has been much dispute, but there seems no reasonable doubt as to the identity of the people. Linguistically the Cherokee belong to the Iroquoian stock, the relationship having been suspected by Barton over a century ago, and by Gallatin and Hale at a later period, and definitely established by Hewitt in 1887.1 While there can now be no question of the connec tion, the marked lexical and grammatical differences indicate that the separation must have occurred at a very early period. As is usually the case with a large tribe occupying an extensive territory, the lan guage is spoken in several dialects, the principal of which may, for want of other names, be conveniently designated as the Eastern, Middle, and Western. Adair's classification into " Ayrate" (een very abusef ul to them of late. " A detachment under Colonel George Chicken, sent to the Upper Cherokee, penetrated to "Quoneashee" (Tlanusi'yi, on Hiwassee, about the present Murphy) where they found the chiefs more defiant, resolved to continue the war against the Creeks, with whom the Eng lish were then trying to make peace, and demanding large supplies of guns and ammunition, saying that if they made a peace with the other tribes they would have no means of getting1 slaves with which to buy ammunition for themselves. At this time they claimed 2,370 war riors, of whom half were believed to have guns. As the strength of the whole Nation was much greater, this estimate may have been for the Upper and Middle Cherokee only. After "abundance of per suading" by the officers, they finally "told us they would trust us once again," and an arrangement was made to furnish them two hun dred guns with a supply of ammunition, together with fifty white soldiers, to assist them against the tribes with which the English were still at war. In March, 1716, this force was increased by one hundred men. The detachment under Colonel Chicken returned by way of the towns on the upper part of the Little Tennessee, thus penetrating the heart of the Cherokee country.2 1 Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, i, p. 216 et passim, 1778. 2 See Journal ot Colonel George Chicken, 1715-16, with notes, in Charleston Yearbook, pp. 313-354, 1894. 19 ΕΤΗ—01——3 34 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] COMING'S TREATY—1730 35 \ A Steps were now taken to secure peace by inaugurating a satisfactory trade system, for which purpose a large quantity of suitable goods was purchased at the public expense of South Carolina, and a corre spondingly large party was equipped for the initial trip.1 In 1721, in order still more to systematize Indian affairs, Governor Nicholson of South Carolina invited the chiefs of the Cherokee to a conference, at which thirty-seven towns were represented. A treaty was made by which trading methods were regulated, a boundary line between their territory and the English settlements was agreed upon, and an agent was appointed to superintend their affairs. At the governor's suggestion, one chief, called Wrosetasatow (*)2 was formally commis sioned as supreme head of the Nation, with authority to punish all offenses, including murder, and to represent all Cherokee claims to the colonial government. Thus were the Cherokee reduced from their former condition of a free people, ranging whei-e their pleasure led, to that of dependent vassals with bounds fixed by a colonial governor. The negotiations were accompanied by a cession of land, the first in the history of the tribe. In little more than a century thereafter they had signed away their whole original territory.8 The document of 1716 already quoted puts the strength of the Chero kee at that time at 2,370 warriors, but in this estimate the Lower Cherokee seem not to have been included. In 1715, according to a trade census compiled by Governor Johnson of South Carolina, the tribe had thirty towns, with 4,000 warriors and a total population of 11,210.* Another census in 1721 gives them fifty-three towns with 3,510 warriors and a total of 10,379,6 while the report of the board of trade for the same year gives them 3,800 warriors,6 equivalent, by the same proportion, to nearly 12,000 total. Adair, a good authority on such matters, estimates, about the year 1735, when the country was better known, that they had "sixty-four towns and villages, populous and full of children," with more than 6,000 fighting men,7 equivalent on the same basis of computation to between 16,000 and 17,000 souls. From what we know of them in later times, it is probable that this last estimate is very nearly correct. By this time the colonial government had become alarmed at the advance of the French, who had made their first permanent establish ment in the Gulf states at Biloxi bay, Mississippi, in 1699, and in 1714· had built Fort Toulouse, known to the English as "the fort at ι Journal of South Carolina Assembly, iu North Carolina Colonial Records, n, pp. 225-227,1886. - For notice, see the glossary. »Hewat, South Carolina and Georgia, I, pp. 297-298,1778; Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 144 and map, 1888. « Royce, op. cit., p. 142. s Document of 1724, in Fernow, BerthoM, Ohio Valley iu Colonial Days, pp. 273-275; Albany, 1890. 0 Report of Board ol Trade, 1721, in North Carolina Colonial Records, n, p. 422,1886. 7 Adair, James, American Indians, p. 227; London, 1775. the Alabamas," on Coosa river, a few miles above the present Mont gomery, Alabama. From this central vantage point they had rapidly extended their influence among all the neighboring tribes until in 1721 it was estimated that 3,400 warriors who had formerly traded with Carolina had been ''entirely debauched to the French interest," while 2,000 more were wavering, and only the Cherokee could still be considered friendly to the English.1 From this, time until the final withdrawal of the French in I7t>3 the explanation of our Indian wars is to be found in the struggle between the two nations for territorial and commercial supremacy, the Indian being simply the cat's-paw of one or the other. For reasons of their own, the Chickasaw, whose territory lay within the recognized limits of Louisiana, soon became the uncompromising enemies of the French, and as their position enabled them in a measure to control the approach from the Mississippi, the Carolina government saw to it that they were kept well supplied with guns and ammunition. British traders were in all their towns, and on one occasion a French force, advancing against a Chickasaw palisaded village, found it garrisoned by Englishmen flying the British flag.8 The Cherokee, although nominally allies of the English, were strongly disposed to favor the French, and it required every effort of the Carolina government to hold them to their allegiance. · In 1730, to further fix the Cherokee in the English interest, Sir Alexander Cuming was dispatched on a secret mission to that tribe, which was again smarting under grievances and almost ready to join with the Creeks in an alliance with the French. Proceeding to the ancient town of Nequassee (NïkwasF, at the present Franklin, North Carolina), he so impressed the chiefs by his bold bearing that they conceded without question all his demands, submitting themselves and their people for the second time to the English dominion and designating Moytoy,3 of Tellico, to act as their " emperor " and to represent the Nation in all transactions with the whites. Seven chiefs were selected to visit England, where, in the palace at Whitehall, they solemnly renewed the treaty, acknowledging the sovereignty of England and binding themselves to have no trade or alliance with any other nation, not to allow any other white people to settle among them, and to deliver up any fugitive slaves who might seek refuge with them. To confirm their words they delivered a "crown", five eagle-tails, and four scalps, which they had brought with them. In return they received the usual glittering promises of love and per petual friendship, together with a substantial quantity of guns, ammu nition, and red paint. The treaty being concluded in September, 1 Board of Trade report, 1721, North Carolina Colonial Records, n, p. 422,1886. 2 Pickett, Η. Α., History of Alabama, pp. 234,280,288; reprint, Sheffield, 1896, sFor notice, see the glossary·. 36 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. AHN. 19 they took ship for Carolina, where they arrived, as we are told by the governor, "in good health and mightily well satisfied with His Majesty's bounty to them."1 In the next year some action was taken to use the Cherokee and Catawba to subdue the refractory remnant of the Tuscarora in North Carolina, but when it was found that this was liable to bring down the wrath of the Iroquois upon the Carolina settlements, more peaceable methods were used instead.2 In 1738 or 1739 the smallpox, brought to Carolina by slave ships, broke oui among the Cherokee with such terrible effect that, according to Adair, nearly half the tribe was swept away within a year. The awful mortality was due largely to the fact that as it was a new and strange disease to the Indians they had no proper remedies against it, and therefore resorted to the universal Indian panacea for "strong" sickness of almost any kind, viz, cold plunge baths in the running stream, the worst treatment that could possibly be devised. As the pestilence spread unchecked from town to town, despair fell upon the nation. The priests, believing the visitation a penalty for violation of the ancient ordinances, threw away their sacred paraphernalia as things which had lost their protecting power. Hundreds of the warriors committed suicide on beholding their frightful disfigurement. " Some shot themselves, others cut their throats, some stabbed themselves with knives and others with sharp-pointed canes; many threw them selves with sullen madness into the fire and there slowly expired, as if they had been utterly divested of the native power of feeling pain."3 Another authority estimates their loss at a thousand warriors, partly from smallpox and partly from rum brought in by the traders.4 About the year 17-10 a trading path for horsemen was marked out by the Cherokee from the new settlement of Augusta, in Georgia, to their towns on the headwaters of Savannah river and thence on to the west. This road, which went up the south side of the river, soon became much frequented.4 Previous to this time most of the trading- goods had been transported on the backs of Indians. In the same year a party of Cherokee under the war chief Kâ'lanû. "The Raven," took part in Oglethorpe's expedition against the Spaniards of Saint Augustine.5 In 1736 Christian Priber, said to be a Jesuit acting in the French interest, had come among the Cherokee, and, by the facility with which he learned the language and adapted himself to the native dress and iHewat, South Carolina and Georgia, Ιΐ,ρρ. 3-11,1779; treaty documents of 1730, North Carolina Colonial Records, m, pp. 128-133, 1886; Jenkinson, Collection of Treaties, π, pp. 315-318; Drake, S. G.. Early History of Georgia: Cuming's Embassy; Boston, 1872; letter of Governor Johnson, December 27, 1730, noted in South Carolina Hist. Soc. Colls., i, p. 246,1857. 2 Documents of 1731 and 1732, North Carolina Colonial Records, in, pp. 153,202,345,3fi9,393,1886. s Adair, American Indians, pp. 232-234,1775. •«Meadows (?), State oí the Province of Georgia, p. 7.1742, in Force Tracts, i, 1836. 5 Jones, C. C., History of Georgia, i, pp. 327,328; Boston, 1883. MOONEY] PBIBEB'S WORK—1736-41 37 mode of life, had quickly acquired a leading influence among them. He drew up for their adoption a scheme of government modeled after the European plan, with the capital at Great Tellico, in Tennessee, the principal medicine man as emperor, and himself as the emperor's secretary. Under this title he corresponded with the South Carolina government until it began to be feared that he would ultimately win over the,whole tribe to the French side. A commissioner was sent to arrest him, but the Cherokee refused to give him up, and the deputy was obliged to return under safe-conduct of an escort furnished by Priber. Five years after the inauguration of his work, however, he was seized by some English traders while on his way to Fort Toulouse, and brought as a prisoner to Frederica, in Georgia, where he soon afterward died while iindeA· confinement. Although his enemies had represented him as a monster, inciting the Indians to the grossest immoralities, he proved to be a gentleman of polished address, exten sive learning, and rare courage, as was shown later on the occasion of an explosion in the barracks magazine. Besides Greek, Latin, French, German, Spanish, and fluent English, he spoke also the Cherokee, and among his papers which were seized was found a manuscript dictionary of the language, which he had prepared for publication— the first, and even yet, perhaps, the most important study of the lan guage ever made. Says Adair: "As he was learned and possessed of a very sagacious penetrating judgment, and had every qualification that was requisite for his bold and difficult enterprise, it was not to be doubted that, as he wrote a Chcerakc dictionary, designed to be published at Paris, he likewise set down a great deal that would have been very acceptable to the curious and serviceable to the representa tives of South Carolina and Georgia, which may be readily found in Frederica if the manuscripts have had the good fortune to escape the despoiling hands of military power." He claimed to be a Jesuit, acting under orders of his superior, to introduce habits of steady industry, civilized arts, and a régulai· form of government among the southern tribes, with a view to the ultimate founding of an independent Indian state. From all that can be gathered of him, even though it comes from hîs enemies, there can be little doubt that he was a worthy member of that illustrious order whose name has been a synonym for scholarship, devotion, and courage from the days of Jognes and Mar quette down to De Sinet and Mengarini.1 Up to this time no civilizing or mission work had been undertaken by either of the Carolina governments among any of the tribes within their borders. As one writer of the period quaintly puts it, "The gospel spirit is not yet so gloriously arisen as to seek them more than theirs," while another in stronger terms affirms, "To the shame of 1 Adair, American Indians, pp. 240-243,1775; Stevens, W. B., History of Georgia, i, pp. 104-107; I'hila., 1847. 38 MYTHS OF THE CHEBOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 the Christian name, no pains have ever been taken to convert them to Christianity; on the contrary, their morals are perverted and cor rupted by the sad example they daily have of its depraved professors residing in their towns. "1 Readers of Lawson and other narratives of the period will feel the force of the rebuke. Throughout the eighteenth century the Cherokee were engaged in chronic warfare with their Indian neighbors. As these quarrels con cerned the whites but little, however momentous they may have been to the principals, We have but few details. The war with the Tusca- rora continued until the outbreak of the latter tribe againwt Carolina in 1711 gave opportunity to the Cherokee to cooperate in striking the blow which drove the Tuscavora from their ancient homes to seek refuge in the north. The Cherokee then turned their attention to the Shawano on the Cumberland, and with the aid of the Chickasaw finally expelled them. from that region about the year 1715. Inroads upon the Catawba were probably kept up until the latter had become so far reduced by war and disease as to be mere dependent pensioners upon the whites. The former friendship with the Chickasaw was at last broken through the overbearing conduct of the Cherokee, and a war followed of which we find incidental notice in 1757,2 and which termi nated in a decisive victory for the Chickasaw about 1768. The bitter war with the Iroquois of the far north continued, in spite of all the efforts of the colonial governments, until a formal treaty of peace was brought about by the efforts of Sir William Johnson (12) in the same year. The hereditary war with the Creeks for possession of upper Georgia continued, with brief intervals of peace, or even alliance, until the United States finally interfered as mediator between the rival claimants. In 1718 we find notice of a large Cherokee war party moving against the Creek town of Coweta, on the lower Chattahoochee, but dispersing on learning of the presence there of some French and Spanish officers, as well as some English traders, all bent on arranging an alliance with the Creeks. The Creeks themselves had declared their willingness to be at peace with the English, while still determines! to keep the bloody hatchet uplifted against the Cherokee.3 The most important incident of the struggle between the two tribes was probably the battle of Tali'wa about the year 1755.* By this time the weaker coast tribes had become practically extinct, and the more powerful tribes of the interior were beginning to take the alarm, as they saw the restless borderers pushing every year farther into the Indian country. As early as 1748 Dr Thomas Walker, with a company of hunters and woodsmen from Virginia, crossed the moun- i Anonymous writer in Carroll, Hist. Colls, of South Carolina, 11, pp. 97-88,517,1836. - Buckle, Journal, 1757, in Rivers, .South Carolina, p. 57,1850. 3 Barcia, A. G., Ensayo Chronologîco para la Historia General de }>\ Florida, pp. 385.330. Madrid, 1723. 4 For more in regard to these intertribal wars see the historical traditions. MOONEY] FBENCH AND INDIAN WAR——1754-61 39 tains to the southwest, discovering and naming the celebrated Cumber land gap and passing on to the headwaters of Cumberland river. Two years later he made a second exploration and penetrated to Ken tucky river, but on account of the Indian troubles no permanent settlement was then attempted.1 This invasion of their territory awakened a natural resentment of the native owners, and we find proof also in the Virginia records that the irresponsible borderers seldom let pass an opportunity to kill and plunder any stray Indian found in their neighborhood. In 1755 the Cherokee were officially reported to number 2,590 war riors, as against probably twice that number previous to the great smallpox epidemic, .sixteen years before. Their neighbors and ancient enemies, the Catawba, had dwindled to 240 men.2 Although war was not formally declared by England until 1756, hostilities in the seven year's struggle between France and England, commonly known in America as the "· French and Indian war/' began in April, 1754, when the French seized a small post which the English had begun at the present site of Pittsburg, and which was afterward finished by the French under the name of Fort Du Quesne. Strenuous efforts were made, by the English to secure the Cherokee to their interest against the French and their Indian allies, and treaties were negotiated by which they promised assistance.3 As these treaties, however, carried the usual cessions of territory, and stipulated for the building of several forts in the heart of the Cherokee country, it is to be feared that the Indians were not duly impressed by thi, disin terested character of the proceeding. Their preference for the French was but thinly veiled, and only immediate policy prevented them from throwing their whole force into the scale on that side. The reasons for this preference are given by Timberlake, the young Virginian officer who visited the tribe on an embassy of conciliation a few years later: I found the nation much attached to the French, who have the prudence, by familiar politeness—which costs but little and often does a great deal—and conform ing themselves to their ways and temper, to conciliate the inclinations of almost all the Indians they are acquainted with, while the pride of our officers often disgusts them. Nay, they did not scruple to own to me that it was the trade alone that induced them to make peace with us, and not any preference to the French, whom they loved a great deal better. . . . The English are now so nigh, and encroached daily so far upon them, that they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend bring swallowed up by so potent neighbors or driven from the country inhabited by their fathers, in which they were born and brought up, in'fine, their native soil, for which all men have a particular tenderness and affection. 1 Walker, Thomas, Journal of an Exploration, etc., pp. 8, 35-37; Boston, 1888; Mouette (Valley of the Miss. I, p. 317; New York, 1848) erroneously makes the second date 1758. 2 Letter of Governor Dobbs, 1755, in North Carolina Colonial Kecords, v. pp. 320,321,1887. 3Eamsey, Tennessee, pp. 50-52, 1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation, lu Fifth Ann. Hep. Bur. of Eth nology, p. 145, 1888. 40 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 He adds that only dire necessity had induced them to make peace with the English in 1761.x In accordance with the treaty stipulations Fort Prince George was built in 1756 adjoining the important Cherokee town of Keowee, on the headwaters of the Savannah, and Fort Loudon near the junction of Tellico river with the Little Tennessee, in the center of the Cherokee towns beyond the mountains.5 By special arrangement with the influential chief, Ata-kullakulla (Ata'-gûT'kalû'),3 Fort Dobbs was also built in the mime year about 20 miles west of the present Salis bury, North Carolina.4 The Chcrokoe had agreed to furnish four hundred warriors to cooperate against the French in the north, but before Fort Loudon had been completed it was very evident that they had repented of their promise, as their great council at Bchota ordered the work stopped and the garrison on the way to turn back, plainly telling the officer in charge that they did not want so many white people among them. Ata-kullakulla, hitherto supposed to be one of the stauchest friends of the English, was now one of the most determined in the oppo sition. It was in evidence also that they were in constant communi cation with the French. By much tact and argument their objec tions were at last overcome for a time, and they very unwillingly set about raising the promised force of warriors. Major Andrew Lewis, who superintended the building of the fort, became convinced that the Cherokee were really friendly to the French, and that all their professions of friendship and assistance were "only to put a gloss on their knavery." The fort was finally completed, and, on his suggestion, was garrisoned with a strong force of two hundred men under Captain Dcmeré.5 There was strong ground for believing that some depreda tions committed about this time on the heads of Catawba and Broad rivers, in North Carolina, were the joint work of Cherokee and northern Indians.6 Notwithstanding all this, a considerable body of Cherokee joined the British forces on the Virginia frontier.7 Fort Du Quesne was taken by the American provincials under Wash ington, November 25, 1758. Quebec was taken September 13, 1759, and by the final treaty of peace in 1763 the war ended with the transfer of Canada and the Ohio valley to the crown of England. Louisiana had already been ceded by France to Spain. Although France was thus eliminated from the Indian problem, the ι Timberlake, Henry, Memoirs, pp. 78, 74; London, 1765. 2 Ramses', Tennessee, p. 51,1853; Eoyce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ami. Eept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. 145.1888. s For notice see ÂU'-gûl''kalû', in the glossary. « Rarasey, op. cit., p. 50. 5 Letters of Major Andrew Lewis and Governor Dinwiddie, 1756, in North Carolina Colonial Records v, pp. 585, 612-614, 685, 637,1887; Earasey, op. cit., pp. 51, 52. 0 Letter of Governor Dobbs. 1756, in North Carolina Colonial Records, v, p. 604, 1887. v Dinwiddie letter, 1757. ibid., p. 765. MOONEY] LEWIS' EXPEDITION——175(i 41 Indians themselves were not ready to accept the settlement. In the north the confederated tribes under Pontiac continued to war on their own account until 1760. In the South the very Cherokee who had acted as allies of the British against Fort Du Quesne, and had volun tarily offered to guard the frontier south of the Potomac, returned to rouse their tribe to resistance. The immediate exciting canse of the trouble was an unfortunate expe dition undertaken against the hostile Shawano in February, 1756, by Major Andrew Lewis (the same who had built Fort Loudon) with some two hundred Virginia troops assisted by about one hundred Cherokee. After six weeks of fruitless tramping through the woods, with the ground covered with snow and the streams so swollen by rains that they lost their provisions and ammunition in crossing, they were obliged to return to the settlements in a starving condition, having killed their horses on the way. The Indian contingent had from the first teen disgusted at the contempt and neglect experienced from those whom they had come to assist. The Tuscarora and others had already gone home, and the Cherokee now started to return on foot to their own country. Finding some horses running loose on the range, they appropriated them, on the theory that as they had lost their own animals, to say nothing of having risked their lives, in the service of the colonists, it was only a fair exchange. The frontiersmen took another view of the question however, attacked the returning Cherokee, and. killed a number of them, variously stated at from twelve to forty, including several of their prominent men. Accord ing to Adair they also scalped and mutilated the bodies in the savage fashion to which they had become accustomed in the border wars, and brought the scalps into the settlements, where they were represented as those of French Indians and sold at the regular price then estab lished by law. The young warrior« at once prepared to take revenge, but were restrained by the chiefs until satisfaction could be demanded in the ordinary way, according to the treaties arranged with the colonial governments. Application was made in turn to Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, hut without success. While the women were still wailing night and morning for their slain kindred, and the Creeks, were taunting the warriors for their cowardice in thus quietly submitting to the injury, some lawless officers of Fort Prince George committed an unpardonable outrage at the neighboring Indian town while most of the men were away hunting.1 The warriors could no longer be restrained. Soon there was news of attacks upon the, back settlements of Carolina, while on the other side of the mountains two soldiers of the Fort Loudon garrison were killed. War seemed at hand. 'Adair, American Indians, 245-246,1775; North Carolina Colonial Records, v, p. xlviii, 1887; Hewat, quoted in Bamscy, Tennessee, p. 54, 1853. 42 MYTHS OF THE CHEEOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOOKEY] At this juncture, in November, 1758, a party of influential chiefs, having first ordered back a Avar party just about to set out from the western towns against the Carolina settlements, came down to Charles ton and succeeded in arranging the difficulty upon a friendly basis. The assembly had officially declared peace with the Cherokee, when, in May of 1759, Governor Lyttleton unexpectedly came forward with a demand for the surrender for execution of every Indian who had killed a white man in the recent skirmishes, among these being the chiefs of Citico and Tellico. At the same time the commander at Fort London, forgetful of the fact that he had but a small garrison in the midst of several thousands of restless savages, made a demand for twenty-four other chiefs whom he suspected of unfriendly action. To compel their surrender orders were given to stop all trading supplies intended for the upper Cherokee. This' roused the whole Nation, and a delegation representing every town came down to Charleston, protesting the desire of the Indians for peace and friendship, but declaring their inability to surrender their own chiefs. The governor replied by declaring war in November, 1759, at once calling out troops and sending messengers to secure the aid of all the surrounding tribes against the Cherokee. In the meantime a second delegation of thirty-two of the most prominent men, led by the young- war chief Oconostota (Âgàn-stâta),1 arrived to make a further effort for peace, but the governor, refusing to listen to them, seized the whole party and confined them as prisoners at Fort Prince George, in a room large enough for only six soldiers, while at the same time he . set fourteen hundred troops in motion to invade the Cherokee country. On further representation by Ata-kullakulla (Ata'-gu/kalu'), the civil chief of the Nation and well known as a friend of the English, the gov ernor released Oconostota and two others after compelling some half dozen of the delegation to sign a paper by which they pretended to agree for their tribe to kill or seize any Frenchmen entering their country, and consented to the imprisonment of the party until all the warriors demanded had been surrendered for execution or otherwise. At this stage of affairs the smallpox broke out in the Cherokee towns, rendering a further stay in their neighborhood unsafe, and thinking the whole matter now settled on his own basis, Lyttleton returned to Charleston. The event soon proved how little he knew of Indian temper. Ocono stota at once laid siege to Fort Prince George, completely cutting off communication at a time when, as it was now winter, no help could well be expected from below. In February, 1760, after having kept the fort thus closely invested for some weeks, he sent word one day by an Indian woman that he wished to speak to the commander, Lieut enant Coytmore. As the lieutenant stepped out from the stockade ι For notices see the glossary. MONTGOMERY S EXPEDITION——1*760 43 to see what was wanted, Oconostota, standing on the opposite side of the river, swung a bridle above his head as a signal to his warriors concealed in the bushes, and the officer was at once shot down. The soldiers immediately broke into the room where the hostages were confined, every one being a chief of prominence in the tribe, and butchered them to the last man. It was now war to the end. Led by Oconostota, the Chcrokee descended upon the frontier settlements of Carolina, while the warriors across the mountains laid close siege to Fort London. In June, 1760, a strong force of over 1,600 men, under Colonel Montgomery, started to reduce the Cherokee towns and relieve the beleaguered garrison. Crossing the Indian frontier, Montgomery quickly drove the enemy from about Fort Prince George and then, rapidly advancing, surprised Little Keowee, killing every man of the defenders, and destroyed in succession every one of the Lower Cherokee towns, burning them to the ground, cutting down the cornfields and orchards, killing and taking more than a hundred of their men, and driving the whole popu lation into the mountains before him. His own loss was very slight. He then sent messengers to the Middle and Upper towns, summoning them to surrender on penalty of the like fate, but, receiving no reply, he led his men across the divide to the waters of the Little Tennessee and continued down that stream without opposition until he came in the vicinity of Echoee (Itsc'yï), a few miles above the sacred town of Nïkwasï', the present Franklin, North Carolina. Here the Cherokee had collected their full force to resist his progress, arid the result was a desperate engagement on Juno 27, 1760, by which Montgomery was compelled to retire to Fort Prince George, after losing nearly one hundred men in killed and wounded. The Indian loss is unknown. His retreat sealed the fate of Fort London. The garrison, though hard pressed and reduced to the necessity of eating horses and dogs, had been enabled to hold out through the kindness of the Indian women, many of whom, having found sweethearts among the soldiers, brought them supplies of food daily. When threatened by the chiefs the women boldly replied that the soldiers were their husbands and it was their duty to help them, and that if any harm came to themselves for their devotion their English relatives would avenge them.1 The end was only delayed, however, and on August 8, 1760, the garrison of about two hundred men, under Captain Demeré, surrendered to Oconostota on promise that they should be allowed to retire unmo lested with their arms and sufficient ammunition for the march, on condition of delivering up all the remaining warlike stores. The troops marched out and proceeded far enough to camp for the night, while the Indians swarmed into the fort to sec what plunder they might find. "By accident a discovery was made of ten bags of l Timberlake, Memoirs, ]>. 65, 1765. 44 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 powder and a large quantity of ball that had been secretly buried in the fort, to prevent their falling into the enenry's hands" (Hcwat). It is said also that cannon, small arms, and ammunition had been thrown into the river with the same intention (Haywood). Enraged at this breach of the capitulation the Cherokee attacked the soldiers next morning at daylight, killing Demerc and twenty-nine others at the first fire. The rest were taken and held as prisoners until ran somed some time after. The second officer, Captain Stuart (13), for whom the Indians had a high regard, was claimed by Ata-kullakulla, who soon after took him into the woods, ostensibly on a hunting excursion, and conducted him for nine days through the wilderness until he delivered him safely into the hands of friends in Virginia. The chief's kindness was well rewarded, and it was largely through his influence that peace was finally brought about. It was now too late, and the settlements were too much exhausted, for another expedition, so the fall and winter were employed by the English in preparations for an active campaign the next year in force to crush out all resistance. In June 1761, Colonel Grant with an army of 2,600 men, including a number of Chickasaw and almost every remaining warrior of the Catawba,1 set out from Fort Prince George. Refusing· a request from Ata-kullakulla for a friendly accom modation, he crossed Eabun gap and advanced rapidly down the Little Tennessee along the same trail token by the expedition of the previous year. On June 10, when within two miles of Montgomery's battlefield, he encountered the Cherokee, whom he defeated, although with considerable loss to himself, after a stubborn engagement lasting several hours. Having repulsed the Indians, he proceeded on his way, sending out detachments to the outlying settlements, until in the course of a month he had destroyed every one of the Middle towns, 15 in all, with all their granaries and cornfields, driven the inhabitants into the mountains, and "pushed the frontier seventy miles farther to the west." The Cherokee were now reduced to the greatest extremity. With some of their best towns in ashes, their fields and orchards wasted for two successive years, their ammunition nearly exhausted, many of their bravest warriors dead, their people fugitives in the mountains, hiding in caves and living like beasts upon roots or killing their horses for food, with the terrible scourge of smallpox adding to the miseries of starvation, and withal torn by factional differences which had existed from the very beginning of the war—it was impossible for even brave men to resist longer. In September Ata-kullakulla, who had all along done everything in his power to stay the disaffec tion, came down to Charleston, a treaty of peace was made, and the ι Catawba reference from Milligan, 1763, in Carroll, South Carolina Historical Collections, π, p. 619,1836. MOONEY] AUGUSTA TREATY——ADVANCE OP SETTLEMENTS 45 war was ended. From an estimated population of at least δ,000 war riors some years before, the Cherokee had now been reduced to about 2,300 men.1 In the meantime a force of Virginians under Colonel Stephen had advanced as far as the Great island of the Holston—now Kingsport, Tennessee—where they were met by a largo delegation of Cherokee, who sued for peace, which was concluded with them by Colonel Stephen on November 19, 1761, independently of what was being done in South Carolina. On the urgent request of the chief that an officer might visit their people for a short time to cement the new friendship, Lieutenant Henry Timberlake, a young Virginian who had already dis tinguished himself in active service, volunteered to return with them to their towns, where he spent several months. He afterward conducted a delegation of chiefs to England, where, as they had come without authority from the Government, they met such an unpleasant recep tion that they returned disgusted.2 On the conclusion of peace between England and France in 1763, by which the whole western territory was ceded to England, a great council was held at Augusta, which was attended by the chiefs and principal men of all the southern Indians, at which Captain John Stuart, superintendent for the southern tribes, together with the colo nial governors of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor gia, explained fully to the Indians the new condition of affairs, and a treaty of mutual peace and friendship was concluded on November 10 of that year.3 Under several leaders, as Walker, Wallen, Smith, and Boon, the tide of emigration now surged across the mountains in spite of every effort to restrain it,* and the period between the end of the Cherokee war and the opening of the Revolution is principally notable for a number of treaty cessions by the Indians, each in fruitless endeavor to fix a permanent barrier between themselves and the advancing wave of white settlement. Chief among these was the famous Henderson pur chase in 1775, which included the whole tract between the Kentucky and Cumberland rivers, embracing the greater part of the present state of Kentucky. By those treaties the Cherokee were shorn of practically all their ancient territorial claims north of the present Tennessee line and east of the Blue ridge and the Savannah, including much of their best hunting range; their home settlements were, how ever, left still in their possession.5 1 Figures from Adair, American Indians, p. 227, 1775. When not otherwise noted this sketch of the Cherokee war of 1760-61 is compiled chiefly from the contemporary dispatches In the Gentleman's Magazine, supplemented from Hcwat's Historical account of South Carolina and Georgia, 1778; with additional details from Adair, American Indians; Ramsey, Tennessee; Eoyce, Cherokee Nation; North Carolina Colonial Records, V, documents and introduction; etc. 2Timberlake, Memoirs, p. 9 et passim, 17C5. 8Stevens, Georgia, n, pp. 26-29,1859. 4Eamsey, Tennessee, pp. 65-70, 1853. 6Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Aim. Kep. Bur. of Ethnology, pp. 14G-149,1888. 46 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 As one consequence of the late Cherokee war, a royal proclamation had been issued in 1763, with a view of checking future encroachments by the whites, which prohibited any private land purchases from the Indians, or any granting· of warrants for lands west of the sources of the streams flowing into the Atlantic.1 In 1768, on the appeal of the Indians themselves, the British superintendent for the southern tribes, Captain John Stuart, had negotiated a treaty at Hard Labor in South Carolina by which Kaiiawha and New rivers, along their whole course downward from the North Carolina line, were ñxed as the boundary between the Cherokee and the whites in that direction. In two years, however, so many borderers had crossed into the Indian country, where they were evidently determined to remain, that it was found necessary to substitute another treaty, by which the line was made, to run due south from the mouth of the Kanawha to the Holston, thus cutting off from the Cherokee almost the whole of their hunting grounds in Virginia and West Virginia. Two years later, in 1772, the Virginians demanded a further cession, by which everything east of Kentucky river was surrendered; and finally, on March 17, 1775, the great Henderson purchase was consummated, including the whole tract between the Kentucky and Cumberland rivers. By this last cession the Cherokee were at last cut off from Ohio river and all their rich Kentucky hunting grounds.8 While these transactions were called treaties, they were really forced upon the native proprietors, who resisted each in turn and finally signed only under protest and on most solemn assurances that no further demands would be made. Even before the purchases were made, intruders in large numbers had settled upon each of the tracts in question, and they refused to withdraw across the boundaries now established, but remained on one pretext or another to await a new adjustment. This was particularly the case on Watauga and upper Holston rivers in northeastern Tennessee, where the settlers, finding themselves still within the Indian boundary and being resolved to remain, effected a temporary lease from the Cherokee in 1772. As was expected and intended, the lease became a permanent occupancy, the nucleus settlement of the future State of Tennessee.3 Just before the outbreak of the Revolution, the botanist, William Bartram, made an extended tour of the Cherokee country, and has left us a pleasant account of the hospitable character and friendly dispo sition of the Indians at that time. He gives a list of forty-three towns then inhabited by the tribe.4 The opening of the great Revolutionary struggle in 1776 found the Indian tribes almost to a man ranged on the British side against the 1Royce, Cherokee Nation, op. cit., p. 149; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 71,1853. sRamsey. op.cit.,pp. 93-122; Royce, op. cit. pp. 146-149. 3Ramsey, op.cit.,pp. 109-122; Royce, op. cit. p. 146 et passim. «Bartram, Travels, pp. 306-372,1792. MOONEY] BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION Americans. There was good reason for this. Since the fall of the French power the British government had stood to them as the sole representative of authority, and the guardian and protector of their rights against constant encroachments by the American borderers. Licensed British traders were resident in every tribe and many had intermarried and raised families among them, while the border man looked upon the Indian only as a cumberer of the earth. The British superintendents, Sir William Johnson in the north and Captain John Stuart in the south, they knew as generous friends, while hardly a warrior of them all was without some old cause of resentment against their backwoods neighbors. They felt that the only barrier between themselves and national extinction was in the strength of the British government, and when the final severance came they threw their whole power into the British scale. They were encouraged in this resolution by presents of clothing and other goods, with promises of plunder from the settlements and hopes of recovering a portion of their lost territories. The British government having determined, as early as June, 1775, to call in the Indians against the Americans, supplies of hatchets, guns, and ammunition were issued to the warriors of all the tribes from the lakes to the gulf, and bounties were offered for American scalps brought in to the commanding officer at Detroit or Oswego.1 Even the Six Nations, who had agreed in solemn treaty to remain neutral, were won over by these persuasions. In August, 1775, an Indian "talk" was intercepted in which the Cherokee assured Cam- eron, the resident agent, that their warriors, enlisted in the service of the king, were ready at a signal to fall upon the back settlements of Carolina and Georgia.8 Circular letters were sent out to all those persons in the back country supposed to be of royalist sympathies, directing them to repair to Cameron's headquarters in the Cherokee country to join the Indians in the invasion of the settlements.3 In June, 1776, a British fleet under command of Sir Peter Parker, with a large naval and military force, attacked Charleston, South Caro lina, both by land and sea, and simultaneously a body of Cherokee, led by Tories in Indian disguise, came down from the mountains and ravaged the exposed frontier of South Carolina, killing and burning as they went. After a gallant defense by the garrison at Charleston the British were repulsed, whereupon their Indian and Tory allies withdrew.4 About the same time the warning came from Nancy Ward (14), a noted friendly Indian woman of great authority in the Cherokee Nation, that seven hundred Cherokee warriors were advancing in two divisions against the Watauga and Holston settlements, with the design of 1 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 143-150,1853; Monettc, Valley of the Mississippi, i, pp. 400, 401,431,432, and n, pp. 33, 34,1846; Roosevelt. Winning of the West, I, pp. 276-281, and n, pp. 1-6,1889. 8Ramsey, op. cit., p. 143. 8Quoted from Stedman, in Ramsey, op. cit., p. 162. 4 Ramsey, op. cit., p. 162. 48 MYTHS OF THE CHEBOKEB [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] RUTHERFORD AND WILLIAMSON EXPEDITIONS:—1776 49 l' Jf. destroying everything as far up as New river. The Holston men from both sides of the Virginia line hastily collected under Captain Thompson and marched against the Indians, whom they met and defeated with signal loss after a hard-fought battle near the Long island in the Holston (Kingsport, Tennessee), on August 20. The next day the second division of the Cherokee attacked the fort at Watauga, garrisoned by only forty men under Captain James Robert- son (15), but was repulsed without loss to the defenders, the Indians withdrawing on news of the result at the Long island. A Mrs. Bean and a boy named Moore were captured on this occasion and carried to one of the Cherokee towns in the neighborhood of Tellico, where the boy was burned, but the woman, after she had been condemned to death and everything was in readiness for the tragedy, was rescued by the interposition of Nancy Ward. Two other Cherokee detachments moved against the upper settlements at the same time. One of these, finding all the inhabitants securely shut up in forts, returned without doing much damage. The other ravaged the country on Clinch river almost to its head, and killed a man and wounded others at Black's station, now Abingdon, Virginia.1 At the same time that one part of the Cherokee were raiding the Tennessee settlements others came down upon the frontiers of Caro lina and Georgia. On the upper Catawba they killed many people, but the whites took refuge in the stockade stations, where they defended themselves until General Rutherford (16) came to their relief. In Georgia an attempt had been made by a small party of Americans to seize Cameron, who lived in one of the Cherokee towns with his Indian wife,, but, as was to have been expected, the Indians interfered, killing several of the party and capturing others, who were afterward tortured to death. The Cherokee of the Upper and Middle towns, with some Creeks and Tories of the vicinity, led by Cameron himself, at once began ravaging the South Carolina border, burning houses, driving off cattle, and killing men, women, and children without distinction, until the whole country was in a wild panic, the people abandoning their farms to seek safety in the garrisoned forts. On one occasion an attack by two hundred of the enemy, half of them being Tories, stripped and painted like Indians, was repulsed by the timely arrival of a body of Americans, who succeeded in capturing thirteen of the Tories. The invasion extended into Georgia, where also property was destroyed and the inhabitants were di'iven from their homes.8 Realizing their common danger, the border states determined to strike such a concerted blow at the Cherokee as should render them passive while the struggle with England continued. In accord with this plan of cooperation the frontier forces were quickly mobilized and 1 Kiimsey, Tennessee, pp. 150-159, 1853. 2 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 293-297,1889. in the summer of 1776 four expeditions were equipped from Vii-ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to enter the Cherokee territory simultaneously from as many different directions.· In August of that year the army of North Carolina, 2,400 strong, under General Griffith Rutherford, crossed the Blue ridge at Swan- nanoa gap, and following the main trail almost along the present line of the railroad, struck the first Indian town, Stikâ'yï, or Stecoee, on the Tuekasegee, near the present Whittier. The inhabitants having fled, the soldiers burned the town, together with an unfinished town- house ready for the roof, cut down the standing corn, killed one or two straggling Indians, and then proceeded on their mission of destruc tion. Every town upon Oconaluftoe, Tuckasegee, and the upper part of Little Tennessee, and on Hiwassee to below the junction of Valley river—thirty-six towns in all—was destroyed in turn, the corn cut down or trampled under the hoofs of the stock driven into the fields for that purpose, and the stock itself killed or carried off. Before such an overwhelming force,- supplemented as it was by three others simultaneously advancing from other directions, the Cherokee made but poor resistance, and fled with their women and children into the fastnesses of the Great Smoky mountains, leaving their desolated fields and smoking towns behind them. As was usual in Indian wars, the actual number killed or taken was small, but the destruction of pro perty was beyond calculation. At Sugartown (Kûlsetsi'yï, east of the present Franklin) one detachment, sent to destroy it, was surprised, and escaped only through the aid of another force sent to its rescue. Rutherford himself, while proceeding to the destruction of the Hiwas see towns, encountered the Indians drawn up to oppose his progress in the Waya gap of the Nantahala mountains, and one of the hardest fights of the campaign resulted, the soldiers losing over forty killed and wounded, although the Cherokee were finally repulsed (17). One of the Indians killed on this occasion was afterward discovered to be a ' woman, painted and armed like a warrior.1 On September 26 the South Carolina army, 1,860 strong, under Colonel Andrew Williamson, and including a number of Catawba Indians, effected a junction with Rutherford's forces on Hiwassee river, near the present Murphy, North Carolina. It had been expected that Williamson would join the northern army at Cowee, on the Little Tennessee, when they would proceed together against the western towns, but he had been delayed, and the work of destruction in that direction was already completed, so that after a short rest each army returned home along the route by which it had come. The South Carolina men had centered by different detachments in 'Seeno.llO, "Incidentsof Personal Heroism." ForRutherford'sexpedition,seeMoore,Rutherford's Expedition, in North Carolina university Magazine, February, 1888; Swain, Sketch of the Indian War in 1776, ibid., May, 1852, reprinted in Historical Magazine, November, 1867; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 164, 1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 294-302,1889, etc. 19 ΕΤΗ 01——4 I:,1 50 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 the lower Cherokee towns about the head of Savannah river, burning one town after another, cutting down the peach trees and ripened corn, and having an occasional brush with the Cherokee, who hung'con- stantly upon their flanks. At the town of Seneca, near which they encountered Cameron with his Indians and Tories, they had destroyed six thousand bushels of corn, besides other food stores, after burning· all the houses, the Indians having retreated after a stout resistance. The most serious encounter had taken place at Tomassee, where several whites and sixteen Cherokee were killed, the latter being all scalped afterward. Having completed the ruin of the Lower towns, Wil- liamson had crossed over Kabun gap and descended into the valley of the Little Tennessee to cooperate with Rutherford in the destruction of the Middle and Valley towns. As the army advanced every house in every settlement met was burned—ninety houses in one settlement alone—and detachments were sent into the fields to destroy the corn, of which the smallest town was estimated to have two hundred acres, besides pota toes, beans, and orchards of peach trees. The stores of dressed deer skins and other valuables were earned off. Everything was swept clean, and the Indians who were not killed or taken were driven, homeless refugees, into the dark recesses of Nantahala or painfully made their way across to the Overhill towns in Tennessee, which were already menaced by another invasion from the north.1 In July, while Williamson was engaged on the the upper Savannah, a force of two hundred Georgians, under Colonel Samuel Jack, had marched in the same direction and succeeded in burning two towns on the heads of Chattahoochee and Tugaloo rivers, destroying the corn and driving off the cattle, without the loss of a man, the Cherokee having· apparently fallen back to concentrate for resistance in the mountains.2 The Virginia army, about two thousand strong, under Colonel William Christian (18), rendezvoused in August at the Long island of the Hols.ton, the regular gathering place on the Tennessee side of the mountains. Among them were several hundred men from North Carolina, with all who could be spared from the garrisons on the Tennessee side. Paying but little attention to small bodies of Indi ans, who tried to divert attention or to delay progress by flank attacks, they advanced steadily, but cautiously, along the great Indian war path (19) toward the crossing of the French Broad, where a strong force of Cherokee was reported to be in waiting to dispute their pas sage. Just before reaching the river the Indians sent a Tory trader 1 For Williamson's expedition, see Rosa Journal, with Rockwell's notes, in Historical Magazine, October, 1876; Swain, Sketch of the Indian War in 1776, in North Carolina University Magazine for May, 1852, reprinted in Historical Magazine, November, 1867; Jones, Georgia, II, p. 246 et passim, 1883; Ramsey, Tennessee, 163-164,1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 296-303,1889. 2 Jones, op. cit., p. 246; Ramsey, op. cit., p. 163; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 295. MCONEY] CHRISTIAN'S EXPEDITION—1776 51 with a flag of truce to discuss terms. Knowing that his own strength was overwhelming, Christian allowed the envoy to go through the whole camp and then sent him back with the message that there could be no terms until the Cherokee towns had been destroyed. Arriving at the ford, he kindled fires and made all preparations as if intending to camp there for several days. As soon as night fell, however, he secretly drew off half his force and crossed the river lower down, to come upon the Indians in their rear. This was a work of great diffi culty; as the water was so deep that it came up almost to the shoulders of the men, while the current was so rapid that they were obliged to support each other four abreast to prevent being swept off their feet. However, they kept their guns and powder dry. On reaching the other side they were surprised to find no enemy. Disheartened at the strength of the invasion, the Indians had fled without even a show of resistance. It is probable that nearly all their men and resources had been drawn off to oppose the Carolina forces on their eastern border, and the few who remained felt themselves unequal to the contest. Advancing without opposition, Christian reached the towns on Little Tennessee early in November, and, finding them deserted, pro ceeded to destroy them, one after another, with their outlying fields. The few lingering warriors discovered were all killed. In the mean time messages had been sent out to the farther towns, in response to which several of their head men came into Christian's camp to treat for peace. On their agreement to surrender all the prisoners and captured stock in their hands and to cede to the whites all the disputed territory occupied by the Tennessee settlements, as soon as represent atives of the whole tribe could be assembled in the spring, Christian consented to suspend hostilities and retire without doing further injury. An exception was made against Tuskegee and another town, which had been concerned in the burning of the boy taken from Watauga, already noted, and these two were reduced to ashes. The sacred "peace town," Echo ta (20), had not been molested. Most of the troops were disbanded on their return to the Long island, but a part remained and built Fort Patrick Henry, where thejr went into winter quarters.1 From incidental notices in narratives written by some of the partici pants, we obtain interesting side-lights on the merciless character of this old border warfare. In addition to the ordinary destruction of war—the burning of towns, the wasting of fruitful fields, and the killing of the defenders—we find that every Indian warrior killed was scalped, when opportunity permitted; women, as well as men, were shot down and afterward "helped to their end"; and prisoners taken were put up at auction as slaves when not killed on the spot. Near Tomassee a small 'For the Virginia-Tennessee expedition see Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 303-305, 1889; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 165-170,1853. 52 MYTHS OF THE CHEEOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 party of Indians was surrounded and entirely cut oil. " Sixteen were found dead in the valley when the battle ended. These our men scalped." In a personal encounter "a stout Indian engaged a sturdy young white man, who was a good bruiser and expert at gouging. After breaking their guns on each other they laid hold of one another, when the cracker had his thumbs instantly in the fellow's eyes, who roared and cried 'canaly"1—enough, in English. 'Damn you,' says the white man, 'yon can never have enough while you are alive.' He then threw him down, set his foot upon his head, and scalped him alive; then took up one of the broken guns and knocked out his brains. It, would have been fun if he had let the latter action alone and sent him home without his nightcap, to tell his countrymen how he had been treated." Later on some of the same detachment (Williamson's) seeing a woman ahead, fired on her and brought her down with two serious wounds, but yet able to speak. After getting what informa tion she could give them, through a half-breed interpreter, "the informer being unable to travel, some of our men favored her so far that they killed her there, to put her out of pain." A few days later "a party of Colonel Thomas's regiment, being on a hunt of plunder, or some such thing, found an Indian squaw and took her prisoner, she being lame, was unable to go with her friends. She was so sullen that she would, as an old saying is, neither lead nor drive, and by their account she died in their hands; but I suppose they helped her to her end." At this place—on the Hiwassee—they found a large town, having "upwards of ninety houses, and large quantities of corn," and "we encamped among the corn, where we had a great plenty of corn, peas, beans, potatoes, and hogs," and on the next day "we were ordered to assemble in companies to spread through the town to destroy, cut down, and burn all the vegetables belonging to our heathen enemies, which was no small undertaking, they being so plentifully supplied." Continuing to another town, "we engaged in our former labor, that is, cutting and destroying all things that might be of advantage to our enemies. Finding here curious buildings, great apple trees, and white-man-like improvements, these we destroyed."1 While crossing over the mountains Rutherford's men approached a house belonging to a trader, when one of his negro slaves ran out and "was shot by the Reverend James Hall, the chaplain, as he ran, mis taking him for an Indian."2 Soon after they captured two women and a boy. It was proposed to auction them off at once to the highest bidder, and when one of the officers protested that the matter should be left to the disposition of Congress, ' ' the greater part swore bloodily that if they were not sold for slaves upon the spot they would kill and * Ross Journal, in Historical Magazine, October, 1867. " Swain, Sketch of the Indian Wer oí 1776, in Historical Magazine, November, 1867. MOONEY] TREATIES OF DE WITTS COBNEBS AND LONG ISLAND 53" scalp them immediately." The prisoners were accordingly sold for about twelve hundred dollars.1 At the Wolf Hills settlement, now Abingdon, Virginia, a party sent out from the fort returned with the scalps of eleven warriors. Having recovered the books which their minister had left behind in his cabin, they held a service of prayer for their success, after which the fresh scalps were hung upon a pole above the gate of the fort. The barba rous custom of scalping to which the border men had become habitu ated in the earlier wars was practiced upon every occasion when opportunity presented, at least upon the bodies of warriors, and the South Carolina legislature offered a bounty of seventy-five pounds for every warrior's scalp, a higher reward, however, being offered for prisoners.2 In spite of all the bitterness which the Avar aroused there seems to be no record of any scalping of Tories or other whites by the Americans (21). The effect upon the Cherokee of this irruption of more than six thousand armed enemies into their territory was well nigh paralyzing. More than fifty of their towns had been burned, their orchards cut down, their fields wasted, their cattle and horses killed or driven off, their stores of buckskin and other personal property plundered. Hundreds of their people had been killed or had died of starvation and exposure, others were prisoners in the hands of the Americans, and some had been sold into slavery. Those who had escaped were fugitives in the mountains, living upon acorns, chestnuts, and wild game, or were refugees with the British.3 From the Virginia line to the Chattahoochee the chain of destruction was complete. For the present at least any further resistance was hopeless, and they were compelled to sue for peace. By a treaty concluded at DeWitts Corners in South Carolina on May 20,1777, the first ever made with the new states, the'Lower Cherokee surrendered to the conqueror all of their remaining territory in South Carolina, excepting a narrow strip along the western boundary. Just two months later, on July 20, by treaty at the Long island, as had been arranged by Christian in the preceding fall, the Middle and Upper Cherokee ceded everything east of the Blue ridge, together with all the disputed territory on the Watauga, Nolichucky, upper Holston, and New rivers. By this second treaty also Captain James Robertson was appointed agent for the Cherokee, to reside at Echota, to watch their movements, recover any captured property, and prevent their correspondence with persons unfriendly to the American cause. As the Federal government was not yet in perfect operation these treaties 1 Moore's narrative, in North Carolina University Magazine, February, 1888. * Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, pp. 285, 290, 303,1889. 8 About five hundred sought refuge with Stuart, the British Indian superintendent in Florida, where they were fed for some time at the expense of the British government (Jones, Georgia, n, p. 9dfi 1QOQ\ »Γ l I ,1l 54 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 •were negotiated by commissioners from the four states adjoining the Cherokee country, the territory thus acquired being parceled out to South Carolina, North Carolina, and Tennessee.1 While the Cherokee Nation had thus been compelled to a treaty of peace, a very considerable portion of the tribe was irreconcilably hos tile to the Americans and refused to be a party to the late cessions, especially on the Tennessee side. Although Ata-kullakulla sent word that he was ready with five hundred young warriors to fight for the Americans against the English or Indian enemy whenever called upon, Dragging-canoe (Tsiyu-gûnsi'nï), who had led the opposition against the Watauga settlements, declared that he would hold fast to Carneron's talk and continue to make war upon those who had taken his hunting grounds. Under his leadership some hundreds of the most warlike and implacable warriors of the tribe, with their families, drew out from the Upper and Middle towns and moved far down upon Tennes see river, where they established new settlements on Chickamauga creek, in the neighborhood of the present Chattanooga. The locality appears to have been already a rendezvous for a sort of Indian ban ditti, who sometimes plundered boats disabled in the rapids at this point while descending the river. Under the name " Chickamaugas " they soon became noted for their uncompromising and never-ceasing hostility. In 1782, in consequence of the destruction of their towns by Sevier and Campbell, they abandoned this location and moved farther down the river, where they built what were afterwards known as the "five lower towns," viz, Running Water, Nickajack, Long Island, Crow town, and Lookout Mountain town. These were all on the extreme western Cherokee frontier, near where Tennessee river crosses the state line, the first three being within the present limits of Tennessee, while Lookout Mountain town and Crow town were respectively in the adjacent corners of Georgia and Alabama. Their population was recruited from Creeks, Shawano, and white Tories, until they were estimated at a thousand warriors. Here they remained, a constant thorn in the side of Tennessee, until their towns were destroyed in 1794.9 The expatriated Lower Cherokee also removed to the farthest west- tern border of their tribal territory, where they might hope to be secure from encroachment for a time at least, and built new towns for themselves on the upper waters of the Coosa. Twenty years after- 1 Royee, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 150 and map, 1888; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 172-174,185S; Stevens, Georgia, II, p. 144,1859; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, i, p. 306,1889. 2 Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 171-177, 185-186, 610 et passim; Royce, op. cit., p. 160; Campbell letter, 1782, and other documents in Virginia State Papers, in, pp. 271, 571, 599, 1883, and iv, pp. 118, 286, 1884; Blount letter, January 14, 1793, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, p. 431,1832. Campbell says they abandoned their first location on account of the invasion from Tennessee. Governor Blount says they left on account of witches. MOONEY] DESTRUCTION OF CHICKAMAUGA TOWNS——1779 55 ward Hawkins found the population of Willstown, in extreme western Georgia, entirely made up of refugees from the Savannah, and the children so familiar from their parents with stories of Williamson's invasion that they ran screaming from the face of a white man (22). * In April, 1777, the legislature of North Carolina, of which Tennes see was still a part, authorized bounties of land in the new territory to all able-bodied men who should volunteer against the remaining hostile Cherokee. Under this act companies of rangers were kept along the exposed border to cut off raiding parties of Indians and to protect the steady advance of the pioneers, with the result that the Tennessee set tlements enjoyed a brief respite and were even able to send some assist ance to their brethren in Kentucky, who were sorely pressed by the Shawano and other northern tribes.2 The war between England and the colonies still continued, however, and the British government was unremitting in its effort to secure the active assistance of the Indians. With the Creeks raiding the Georgia and South Carolina frontier, and with a British agent, Colonel Brown, and a number of Tory refugees regularly domiciled at Chickamauga,5 it was impossible for the Cherokee long to remain quiet. In the spring of 1779 the warning came from Eobertson, stationed at Echo ta, that three hundred warriors from Chickamauga had started against the back settlements of North Carolina. Without a day's delay the states of North Carolina (including Tennessee) and Virginia united to send a strong force of volunteers against them under command of Colonels Shelby and Montgomery. Descending the Holston in April in a fleet of canoes built for the occasion, they took the Chickamauga towns so completely by surprise that the few warriors remaining fled to the mountains without attempting to give battle. Several were killed, Chickamauga and the outlying villages were burned, twenty thousand bushels of corn were destroyed and large numbers of horses and cattle captured, together with a great quantity of goods sent by the British Governor Hamilton at Detroit for distribution to the Indians. The success of this expedition frustrated the execution of a project by Hamilton for uniting all the northern and southern Indians, to be assisted by British regulars, in a concerted attack along the whole American frontier. On learning, through runners, of the blow that had befallen them, the Chickamauga warriors gave up all idea of invading the settlements, and returned to their wasted villages.11 They, as well as the Creeks, however, kept in constant communication with 1 Hawkins, manuscript journal, 1790, with Georgia Historical Society. 2 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 174-178,1853. 3Campbell letter, 1782, Virginia State Papers, in, p. 271,1883. 4Ramsey, op. cit, pp. 186-Í88; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Π, pp. 236-238,1889. Ramsey's state ments, chiefly on Haywood's authority, of the strength of the expedition, the number of warriors killed, etc., are so evidently overdrawn that they are here omitted. 56 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 the British commander in Savannah. In this year also a delegation of Cherokee visited the Ohio towns to offer condolences on the death of the noted Delaware chief, White-eyes.1 In the early spring of 1780 a large company of emigrants under Colonel John Donelson descended the Holston and the Tennessee to the Ohio, whence they ascended the Cumberland, effected a junction with another party under Captain James Kobertson, which had just arrived by a toilsome overland route, and made the first settlement on the present site of Nashville. In passing the Chickamauga towns they had run the gauntlet of the hostile Cherokee, who pursued them for a considerable distance beyond the whirlpool known as the Suck, where the river breaks through the mountain. The family of a man named Stuart being infected with the smallpox, his boat dropped behind, and all on board, twenty-eight in number, were killed or taken by the Indians, their cries being distinctly heard by their friends ahead who were unable to help them. Another boat having run upon the rocks, the three women in it, one of whom had become a mother the night before, threw the cargo into the river, and then, jumping into the water, succeeded in pushing the boat into the current while the hus band of one of them kept the Indians at bay with his rifle. The infant was killed in the confusion. Three cowards attempted to escape, without thought of their companions. One was drowned in the river; the other two were captured and carried to Chickamauga, where one was burned and the other was ransomed by a trader. The rest went on their way to found the capital of a new commonwealth.2 As if in retributive justice, the smallpox broke out in the Chickamauga band in consequence of the capture of Stuart's family, causing the death of a great number.8 The British having reconquered Georgia and South Carolina and destroyed all resistance in the south, early in 1780 Cornwallis, with his subordinates, Ferguson and the merciless Tarleton, prepared to invade North Carolina and sweep the country northward to Virginia. The Creeks under McGillivray (23), and a number of the Cherokee under various local chiefs, together with the Tories, at once joined his standard. . While the Tennessee backwoodsmen were gathered at a barbecue to contest for a shooting prize, a paroled prisoner brought a demand from Ferguson for their submission; with the threat, if they refused, that he would cross the mountains, hang their leaders, kill every man found in arms and burn every settlement. Up to this time the moun tain men had confined their effort to holding in check the Indian enemy, but now, with the fate of the Revolution at stake, they felt 1 Heckewelder, Indian Nations, p. 327, reprint of 1876. 2Donelson's Journal, etc., in Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 197-203,1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II, pp. 324-340, 1889. slbid., II, p. 337. MOONEY] THE BORDER FIGHTERS 57 that the time for wider action had come. They resolved not to await the attack, but to anticipate it. Without order or authority from Congress, without tents, commissary, or supplies, the Indian fighters of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee quickly assembled at the Sycamore shoals of the Watauga to the number of about one thousand men under Campbell of Virginia, Sevier (24) and Shelby of Tennessee, and McDowell of North Carolina. Crossing the mountains, they met Ferguson at Kings mountain in South Carolina on October 7, 1780, and gained the decisive victory that turned the tide of the Revolution in the South.1 It is in place here to quote a description of these men in buckskin, white by blood and tradition, but half Indian in habit and instinct, who, in half a century of continuous conflict, drove- back Creeks, Cherokee, and Shawano, and with one hand on the plow and the other on the rifle redeemed a wilderness and carried civilization and free government to the banks of the Mississippi. "They were led by leaders they trusted, they were wonted to Indian warfare, they were skilled as horsemen and marksmen, they knew how to face every kind of danger, hardship, and privation. Their fringed and tasseled hunting shirts were girded by bead-worked belts, and the trappings of their horses were stained red and yellow. On their heads they wore caps of coon skin or mink skin, with the tails hanging down, or else felt hats, in each of which was thrust a buck tail or a sprig of evergreen. Every man carried a small-bore rifle, a toma hawk, and a scalping knife. A very few of the officers had swords, and there was not a bayonet nor a tent in the army."2 To sti'ike the blow at Kings mountain the border men had been forced to leave their own homes unprotected. Even before they could cross the mountains on their return the news came that the Cherokee were again out in force for the destruction of the upper settlements, and their numerous small bands were killing, burning, and plundering in the usual Indian fashion. Without loss of time the Holston settle ments of Virginia and Tennessee at once raised seven hundred mounted riflemen to march against the enemy, the command being assigned to Colonel Arthur Campbell of Virginia and Colonel John Sevier of Tennessee. Sevier started first with nearly three hundred men, going south along the great Indian war trail and driving small parties of the Cherokee before him, until he crossed the French Broad and came upon seventy of them on Boyds creek, not far from the present Sevier- ville, on December 16, 1780. Ordering his men to spread out into a half circle, he sent ahead some scouts, who, by an attack and feigned retreat, managed to draw the Indians into the trap thus prepared, . l Roosevelt, Winning of the West, n, pp. 241-294,1889; Eamsey, Tennessee, pp. 208-249,1853. 2 Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 256. 58 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 with the result that they left thirteen dead and all their plunder, while not one of the whites was even wounded.1 A few days later Sevier was joined by Campbell with the remainder of the force. Advancing to the Little Tennessee with but slight resistance, they crossed three miles below Echota while the Indians were watching for them at the ford above. Then dividing into two bodies, they proceeded to destroy the towns along the river. The chiefs sent peace talks through Nancy Ward, the Cherokec woman who had so befriended the whites in 1776, but to these overtures Campbell returned an evasive answer until he could first destroy the towns on lower Hiwassee, whose warriors had been particularly hostile. Continuing southward, the troops destroyed these towns, Hiwassee and Chestuee, with all their stores of provisions, finishing the work on the last day of the year. The Indians had fled before them, keeping spies out to watch their movements. One of these, while giving signals from a ridge by beating a drum, was shot by the whites. The soldiers lost only one man, who was buried in an Indiaii cabin which was then burned down to conceal the trace of the inter ment. The return march was begun on New Year's day. Ten prin cipal towns, including Echota, the capital, had been destroyed, besides several smaller villages, containing in the aggregate over one thousand houses, and not less than fifty thousand bushels of corn and large stores of other provision. Everything not needed on the return march was committed to the flames or otherwise wasted. Of all the towns west of the mountains only Talassee, and one or two about Chicka- mauga or on the headwaters of the Coosa, escaped. The whites had lost only one man killed and two wounded. Before the return a proclamation was sent to the Cherokee chiefs, warning them to make peace on penalty of a worse visitation.8 Some Cherokee who met them at Echota, on the return march, to talk of peace, brought in and surrendered several white prisoners.3 One reason for the slight resistance made by the Indians was prob ably the fact that at the very time of the invasion many of their warriors were away, raiding on the Upper Holston and in the neigh borhood of Cumberland gap.4 Although the Upper or Overhill Cherokee were thus humbled, those of the middle towns, on the head waters of Little Tennessee, still continued to send out parties against the back settlements. Sevier 1 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, n, pp. 298-300,1889; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 261-264,185S. There is great discrepancy in the various accounts of this flght, from the attempts of interested historians to magnify the size of the victory. One writer gives the Indians 1,000 warriors. Here, as elsewhere, Koosevelt is a more reliable guide, his statements being usually from official documents. '^ " Roosevelt, op. cit., pp. 300-304; Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 265-268; Campbell, report, January 16,1781, in Virginia State Papers, i, p. 436. Haywood and others after him make the expedition go as far as Chickamauga and Coosa river, but CampbelPs report expressly denies this. sRamsey, op. cit., p. 266. 4Roosevelt, op. cit., p.302. KOONEY] TREATY OF LONG' ISLAMD-—1781 59 determined to make a sudden stroke upon them, and early in March of the same year, 1781, with 150 picked horsemen, he started to cross the Great Smoky mountains over trails never before attempted by white men, and so rough in places that it was hardly possible to lead horses. Falling unexpectedly upon Tuckasegee, near the present - Webster, North Carolina, ho took the town completely by surprise, kilii. «' several warriors and capturing a number of women and chil dren. 'iVo other principal towns and three smaller settlements were taken in the s^ne way, with a quantity of provision and about 200 •horses, the Indian^ being entirely off their guard and unprepared to make any effective resistance. Having spread destruction through the middle towns, with the loss to himself of only one man killed and another wounded, he was off again as suddenly as he had come, moving so rapid!3r that he was well on his homeward way before the Cherokec could gather for pursuit.1 At the same time a smaller Tennessee expe dition went out to disperse the Indians who had been making head quarters in the mountains about Cumberland gap and harassing travelers along the road to Kentucky.8 Numerous indications of Indians were found, but none were met, .although the country was scoured for a con siderable distance.3 In summer the Cherokee made another incursion, this time upon the new settlements on the French Broad, near the present Newport, Tennessee. With a hundred horsemen Sevier fell suddenly upon their camp on Indian creek, killed a dozen warriors, and scat tered the rest.4 By these successive blows the Cherokee were so worn out and dispirited that they were forced to sue for peace, and in mid summer of 1781 a treaty of peace—doubtful though it might be—was negotiated at the Long island of the Holston.5 The respite came just in time to allow the Tennesseeans to send a detachment against Corn- wallis. Although there was truce in Tennessee, there was none in the South. In November of this year the Cherokee made a sudden inroad upou the Georgia settlements, destroying everything in their way. In retaliation a force under General Pickens marched into their country, destroying their towns as far as Valley river. Finding further prog ress blocked by heavy snows and learning through a prisoner that the Indians, who had retired before him, were collecting to oppose him in the mountains, he withdrew, as he says, "through absolute necessity," having accomplished very little of the result expected. Shortly after ward the Cherokee, together with some Creeks, again invaded Georgia, 'Campbell, letter, March 28,1781, in Virginia State Papers, i, p. 602,1875; Martin, letter, March 81,1781, ibid., p. 613; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 268,1853; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II, pp. 305-307,1889. 2Campbell, letter, March 28,1781, in Virginia State Papers, I, p. 602,1875. '.Ramsey, op. cit., p. 269. 4lbid.; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 307. 6Ibid.; Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 267, 268. The latter authority seems to make it 1782, which is evidently »mistake. 60 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] TREATY OF HOFEWELL——1785 61 but were met on Oconee river and driven back by a detachment of American troops.1 The Overhill Cherokee, on lower Little Tennessee, seem to have been trying in good faith to hold to the peace established at the Long island. Early in 1781 the government land office had been closed to further entries, not to be opened again until peace had been declared with England, but the borderers paid little attention to the law in such matters, and the rage for speculation in Tennessee Ifiiids grew stronger daily.2 In the fall of 1782 the chief, Old T^isel of Echota, on behalf of all the friendly chiefs and towns, sent a pathetic talk to the governors of Virginia and North Carolina, complaining that in spite of all their efforts to remain quiet the settlers were constantly encroaching upon them, and had built houses within a day's walk of the Cherokee towns. They asked that all those whites who had settled beyond the boundary last established should be removed.3 As was to have been expected, this was never done. The Chickamauga band, however, and those farther to the south, were still bent on war, being actively encouraged in that disposition by the British agents and refugee loyalists living among them. They continued to raid both north and south, and in September, 1782, Sevier, with 200 mounted men, again made a descent upon their towns, destroying several of their settlements about Chickamauga creek, and penetrating as far as the important town of Ustana'li, on the head waters of Coosa river, near the present Calhoun, Georgia. This also he destroyed. Every warrior found was killed, together with a white man found in one of the towns, whose papers showed that he had been active in inciting the Indians to war. On the return the expedition halted at Echota, where new assurances were received from the friendly element.4 In the meantime a Georgia expedition of over 400 men, under General Pickens, had been ravaging the Cherokee towns in the same quarter, with such effect that the Cherokee were forced to purchase peace by a further surrender of territory on the head of Broad river in Georgia.5 This cession was concluded at a treaty of peace held with the Georgia commissioners at Augusta in the next year, and was confirmed later by the Creeks, who claimed an interest in the same lands, but was never accepted by either as the voluntary act of their tribe as a whole.6 By the preliminary treaty of Paris, November 30, 1782, the long Revolutionary struggle for independence was brought to a close, and the Cherokee, as well as the other tribes, seeing the hopelessness of con- 1 Stevens, Georgia, n, pp. 282-285,1859; Jones, Georgia, n, p. 503,1883. 2 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, n, p. 311,1889. »Old Tassel's talk, in Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 271,1853, and in Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 315. «Ramsey, op. cit., p. 272; Roosevelt, op. cit., p. 317 et passim. ^Stevens, op. cit., pp. 411-415. «Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. IM, 1888. tinning the contest alone, began to sue for peace. By seven years of constant warfare they had been reduced to the lowest depth of misery, almost indeed to the verge of extinction. Over, and over again their towns had been laid in ashes and their fields wasted. Their best war riors had been killed and their women and children had sickened and starved in the mountains. Their great war chief, Oconostota, who had led them to victory in 1780, was now a broken old man, and in this year, at Echota, formally resigned his office in favor of his son, The Terrapin. To complete their brimming cup of misery the small pox again broke out among them in 1783. ' Deprived of the assistance of their former white allies they were left to their own cruel fate, the last feeble resistance of the mountain warriors to the advancing tide of settlement came to an end with the burning of Cowee town,2 and the way was left open to an arrangement. In the same year the North Carolina legislature appointed an agent for the Cherokee and made regulations for the government of traders among them.·' RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES FROM THE FIRST TREATY TO THE REMOVAL—1785-1838 Passing over several unsatisfactory and generally abortive negotia tions conducted by the various state governments in 1783-84, includ ing the treaty of Augusta already noted,4 we come to the turning point in the history of the Cherokee, their first treaty with the new government of the United States for peace and boundary delimitation, concluded at Hope well (25) in South Carolina on November 28, 1785. Nearly one thousand Cherokee attended, the commissioners for the United States being Colonel Benjamin Hawkins (26). of North Caro lina; General Andrew Pickens, of South Carolina; Cherokee Agent Joseph Martin, of Tennessee, and Colonel Lachlan Mclntosh, of Georgia. The instrument was signed by thirty-seven chiefs and prin cipal men, representing nearly as many different towns. The negotia tions occupied ten days, being complicated by a protest on the part of North Carolina and Georgia against the action of the government com missioners in confirming to the Indians some lands which had already been appropriated as bounty lands for state troops without the consent of the Cherokee. On the other hand the Cherokee complained that 3,000 white settlers were at that moment in occupancy of unceded land between the Holston and the French Broad. In spite of their protest these intruders were allowed to remain, although the territory was not acquired by trea¿y until some years later. As finally arranged the treaty left the Middle and Upper towns, and those in the vicinity 1 See documents in Virginia State Papers, in, pp. 234,398,627,1883. 2 Eamsey, Tennessee, p. 280,1853. 3 Ibid., p. ΤΛ. 4 See Royce, Cherokee Nation, op. cit., pp. 151,152; Ramsey, op. ci t., p. 299 et passim. 1.1 62 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 of Coosa river, undisturbed, while the whole countiy east of the Blue ridge, with the Watauga ac d Cumberland settlements, was given over to the whites. The general boundary followed the dividing ridge between Cumberland river and the moi'e southern waters of the Ten nessee eastward to the junction of the two forks of Holston, near the pi'esent Kingsport, Tennessee, thence southward to the Blue ridge and southwestwai'd to a point not far iYom the present Atlanta, Georgia, thence westward to the Coosa i'iver and northwestward to a creek running into Tennessee river at the western line of Alabama, thence noi'thwai'd with the Tennessee river to the beginning. The lands south and west of these lines were recognized as belonging to the Creeks and Chickasaw. Hostilities wei-e to cease and the Cherokee were taken under the protection of the United States. The proceed ings ended with the disti-ibution of a few pi'esents.1 While the Hopewell treaty defined the relations of the Cherokee to the general government and furnished a safe basis for future negotia tion, it yet failed to bring complete peace and security. Thousands of intruders were still settled on Indian lands, and minor aggressions and reprisals were continually occurring. The Creeks and the north ern tribes were still hostile and remained so for some years later, and their warriors, cooperating with those of the implacable Chickamauga towns, continued to annoy the exposed settlements, particularly on the Cumberland. The British had withdrawn from the South, but the Spaniards and French, who claimed the lower Mississippi and the Gulf region and had their trading posts in west Tennessee, took every opportunity to encourage the spirit of hostility to the Americans.8 But the spirit of the Cherokee nation was broken and the Holston settlements were now too surely established to be destroyed. The Cumberland settlements founded by Robertson and Donclson in the winter of 1779-80 had had but shoi't respite. Early in spring the Indians—Cherokee, Creeks, Chickasaw, aud northern Indians—had begun a series of attacks with the design of driving these intruders from their lands, and thenceforth for years no man's life was safe out side the stockade. The long list of settlers shot down at work or while hunting in the woods, of stock stolen and property destroyed, while of sorrowful interest to those most nearly concerned, is too tedious for recital here, and only leading events need be chronicled. Detailed notice may be found in the works of local historians. On the night of January 15, 1781, a band of Indians stealthily approached Freeland's station and had even succeeded in unfastening ι Indian Treaties, p. 8 et passim, 1837. For a full discussion of the Hopewell treaty, from official docu ments, see Royce, Cherokee Nation, in Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 152-158,1888, with map; Treaty Journal, etc., American State Papers; Indian Affairs, i, pp. 88-44,1832: also Stevens, Georgia, II, pp. 417-429,1859; Rainsey, Tennessee, pp.336,337,1853; see also the map accompanying this work. 5Rainsey, op. cit., pp. 459-461; Agent Martin and Hopewell commissioners, ibid., pp. 318-336; Bledsoe and Robertsou letter, ibid., p. 465; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, π, p. 368,1899. MOONEY] HOSTILITY OF HIWASSEE AND CHICKAMAUGA TOWNS 63 the strongly barred gate when Kobertson, being awake inside, heard the noise and sprang up just in time to rouse the garrison and beat öS the assailants, who continued to fire thiOugh the loopholes after they had been driven out of the fort. Only two Americans were killed, although the escape was a narrow one. ' About thi-ee mouths later, on April 2, a large body of Cherokee • approached the fort at Nashville (then called Nashborough, or simply "the Bluff"), and by sending a decoy ahead succeeded in drawing a large part of the garrison into an ambush. It seemed that they would be cut off, as the Indians were between them and the fort, when those inside loosed the dogs, which rushed so furiously upon the Indians that the latter found work enough to defend themselves, and were finally forced to retire,· carrying with them, however, five American scalps.8 The attacks continued throughout this and the next year to such an extent that it seemed at one time as if the Cumberland settlements must be abandoned, but in June, 1783, commissioners from Virginia and Noi'th Carolina arranged a treaty near Nashville (Nashborough) with chiefs of the Chickasaw, Cherokee, and Creeks. Tiiis treaty, although it did not completely stop the Indian inroads, at least greatly diminished them. Thereafter the Chickasaw remained friendly, and only the Cherokee and Creeks continued to make trouble.3 The valley towns on Hiwassee, as well as those of Chickamauga, seem to have continued hostile. In 1786 a large body of their warriors, led by the mixed-blood chief, John Watts, raided the new settlements in the vicinity of the present Knoxville, Tennessee. In retaliation Sevier again marched his volunteers across the mountain to the valley towns and destroyed three of them, killing a number of warriors; but he retired on learning that the Indians were gathering to give him battle.4 In the spring of this year Agent Martin, stationed at Echota, had made a tour of inspection of the Cherokee towns and reported that they were generally friendly and anxious for peace, with the exception of the Chickamauga band, under Dragging-canoe, who, acting with the hostile Creeks and encouraged by the French and Spaniards, were making preparations to destroy the Cumberland settlements. Not withstanding the friendly professions of the others, a party sent out to obtain satisfaction for the murder of four Cherokee by the Tennes- seeans had come back with fifteen white scalps, and sent word to Sevier that they wanted peace, but if the whites wanted war they would get it.6 With lawless men on both sides it is evident that peace was in jeopardy. In August, in consequence of further killing and reprisals, commissioners of the new "state of Franklin," as Tennessee was now ι Roosevelt, Winning of the West, π, p. 353,1889. slbid., p. 355, 1889: Ramscy, Tennessee, pp. 452-454,1853. 3Ibid., pp. 358-366,1889. 'Ibid., p.341, 1853. ß Martin letter of May 11, 1786, ibid., p. 342. If 64 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 called, concluded a negotiation, locally known as the "treaty of Coyatee," with the chiefs of the Overhill towns. In spite of references to peace, love, and brotherly friendship, it is very doubtful if the era of good will was in any wise hastened by the so-called treaty, as the Tennesseeans, who had just burned another Indian town in reprisal for the killing of a white man, announced, without mincing words, that they had been given by North Carolina—against which state, by the way, they were then in organized rebellion—the whole country north of the Tennessee river as far west as the Cumberland mountain, and that they intended to take it "by the sword, which is the best right to all countries." As the whole of this country was within the limits of the territory solemnly guaranteed to the Cherokee by the Hopewell treaty only the year before, the chiefs simply replied that Congress had said nothing to them on the subject, and so the matter rested.1 The theory of state's rights was too complicated for the Indian under standing. While this conflict between state and federal authority continued, with the Cherokee lands as the prize, there could be no peace. In March, 1787, a letter from Echota, apparently written by Agent Martin, speaks of a recent expedition against the Cherokee towns, and the confusion and alarm among them in consequence of the daily encroachments of the "Franklinites" or Tennesseeans, who had pro ceeded to make good their promise by opening a land office for the sale of all the lands south ward to Tennessee river, including even a part of the beloved town of Echota. At the same time messengers were coining to the Cherokee from traders in the foreign interest, telling them that England, France, and Spain had combined against the Americans and urging them with promises of guns and ammunition to join in the war.2 As a result each further advance of the Tennessee settlements, in defiance as it was of any recognized treaty, was stubbornly con tested by the Indian owners of the land. The record of these encoun ters, extending over a period of several years, is too tedious for recital. "Could a diagram be drawn, accurately designating every spot sig nalized by an Indian massacrée, surprise, or depredation, or courageous attack, defense, pursuit, or victory by the whites, or station or fort or battlefield, or personal encounter, the whole of that section of country would be studded over with delineations of such incidents. Every spring, every ford, every path, every farm, every trail, every house nearly, in its first settlement, was once the scene of danger, exposure, attack, exploit, achievement, death."3 The end was the winning of Tennessee. In the meantime the inroads of the Creeks and their Chickamauga 1 Reports of Tennessee commissioners and replies by Cherokee chiefs, etc., 1786, in Ramsey, Tennes see, pp. 343-346, 1853. «Martin (?) letter of March 25,1787, ibid., p. 369. a Ibid., p. 370. MOONEYj DEFEAT OF GENERAL MARTIN__17f 65 allies upon the Georgia frontier and the Cumberland settlements around Nashville became so threatening· that measures were taken for a joint campaign by the combined forces of Georgia and Tennessee ("Franklin"). The enterprise came to naught through the interfer ence of the federal authorities.1 All through the year 1788 we hear of attacks and reprisals along the Tennessee border, although the agent for the Cherokee declared in his official report that, with the exception of the Chickamauga baud, the Indians wished to be at peace if the whites would let them. In March two expeditions under Sevier and Kennedy set out against the towns in the direction of the French Broad. In May several persons of a family named Kirk were murdered a few miles south of Knoxville. In retaliation Sevier raised a large party and inarching against a town on Hiwassee river— one of those which had been destroyed some years before and rebuilt— and burned it, killing a number of the inhabitants in the river while they were trying to escape. He then turned, and proceeding to the towns on Little Tennessee burned several of them also, killing a num ber of Indians. Here a small party of Indians, including Abraham and Tassel, two well-known friendly chiefs, was brutally massacred by one of the Kirks, no one interfering, after they had voluntarily come in on request of one of the officers. This occurred during the temporary absence of Sevier. Another expedition under Captain Fayne was drawn into an ambuscade at Citico town and lost several in killed and wounded. The Indians pursued the survivors almost to Knoxville, attacking a small station near the present Maryville by the way. They were driven off by Sevier and others, who in turn invaded the Indian settlements, crossing the mountains and penetra ting as far as the valley towns ou Hiwassee, hastily retiring as they found the Indians gathering in their front.8 In the same summer another expedition was organized against the Chickamauga toAvns. The chief command was given to General Martin, who left White's fort, now Knoxville, with four hundred and fifty men and made a rapid march to the neighborhood of the present Chattanooga, where the main force encamped on the site of an old Indian settlement. A detachment sent ahead to surprise a town a few miles farther down the river was fired upon and driven back, and a general engagement took place in the narrow pass between the bluff and the river, with such disastrous results that three captains were killed and the men so badly demoralized that they refused to advance. Martin was compelled to turn back, after burying the dead officers in a large townhouse, which was then burned down to conceal the grave.8 In October a large party of Cherokee and Creeks attacked Gilles- pie's station, south of the present Knoxville. The small garrison was iKamsey, Tennessee, pp. 393-399,1853. sibid., pp. 417-423,1853. 3Ibid., pp. 517-519, and Brown's narrative, ibid., p. 515. 19 ΕΤΗ—01——5 '""'"l J 66 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 overpowered after a short resistance, and twenty-eight persons, includ ing several women and children, were killed. The Indians left behind a letter signed by four chiefs, including John Watts, expressing regret for what they called the accidental killing of the women and children, reminding the whites of their own treachery in killing Abraham and the Tassel, and defiantly concluding, "When you move off the land, then we will make peace." Other exposed stations were attacked, until at, last Sevier again mustered a force, cleared the enemy from the frontier, and pursued the Indians as far as their towns on the head waters of Coosa river, in such vigorous fashion that they were compelled to ask for terms of peace and agree to a surrender of prisoners, which was accomplished at Coosawatee town, in upper Georgia, in the following April.1 Among the captives thus restored to their friends were Joseph Brown, a boy of sixteen, with his two younger sisters, who, with several others, had been taken at Mckajack town while descending the Tennessee in a flatboat nearly a year before. His father and the other men of the party, about ten in all, had been killed at the time, while the mother and several other children were carried to various Indian towns, some of them going to the Creeks, who had aided the Cherokee in the capture. Young Brown, whose short and simple narrative is of vivid interest, was at first condemned to death, but was rescued by a white man living in the town and was afterward adopted into the family of the chief, in spite of the warning of an old Indian woman that if allowed to live he would one day guide an army to destroy them. The warning was strangely prophetic, for it was Brown himself who guided the expedition that finally rooted out the Chickamauga towns a few years later. When rescued at Coosawatee he was in Indian costume, with shirt, breechcloth, scalp lock, and holes bored in his ears. His little sister, five years old, had become so attached to the Indian woman who had adopted her, that she refused to go to her own mother and had to be pulled along by force.8 The mother and another of the daughters, who had been taken by the Creeks, were afterwards ransomed by McGillivray, head chief of the Creek Nation, who restored them to their friends, generously refusing any compensation for his kindness. An arrangement had been made with the Chickasaw, in 1783, by which they surrendered to the Cumberland settlement their own claim to the lands from the Cumberland river south to the dividing ridge of Duck river.3 It was not, however, until the treaty of Hopewell, two years later, that the Cherokee surrendered their claim to the same region, and even then the Chickamauga warriors, with their allies, the ι Eamsey, Tennessee, pp. 515,519. 2 Brown's narrative, etc., ibid., pp. 508-516. s Ibid., pp. 459,489. MOONEY] DESTKUCTION OF COLDWATEE——1787 67 hostile Creeks and Shawano, refused to acknowledge the cession and continued their attacks, with the avowed purpose of destroying the new settlements. Until the final running of the boundary line, in 1797, Spain claimed all the territory west of the mountains and south of Cumberland river, and her agents were accused of stirring up the Indians against the Americans, even to the extent of offering rewards for American scalps.1 One of these raiding parties, which had killed the brother of Captain Eobertson, was tracked to Coldwater, a small mixed town of Cherokee and Creeks, on the south side of Tennessee river, about the present Tuscumbia, Alabama. Eobertson determined to destroy it, and taking a force of volunteers, with a couple of Chick asaw guides, crossed the Tennessee without being discovered and surprised and burnt the town. The Indians, who numbered less than fifty men, attempted to escape to the river, but were surrounded and over twenty of them killed, with a loss of but one man to the Tennes- seeans. In the town were found also several French traders. Three of these, who refused to surrender, were killed, together with a white woman who was accidentally shot in one of the boats. The others were afterward released, their large stock of trading goods having been taken and sold for the benefit of the troops. The affair-took place about the end of June, 1787. Through this action, and an effort made by Eobertson about the same time to come to an understanding with the Chickamauga band, there was a temporary cessation of hostile inroads upon the Cumberland, but long before the end of the year the attacks were renewed to such an extent that it was found necessary to keep out a force of rangers with orders to scour the country and kill every Indian found east of the Chickasaw boundary.2 The Creeks seeming now to be nearly as much concerned in these raids as the Cherokee, a remonstrance was addressed to McGillivray, their principal chief, who replied that, although the Creeks, like the other southern tribes, had adhered to the British interest during the Eevolution, they had accepted proposals of friendship, but while negotiations were pending six of their people had been killed in the affair at Coldwater, which had led to a renewal of hostile feeling. He promised, however, to use his best efforts to bring about peace, and seems to have kept his word, although the raids continued through this and the next year, with the usual sequel of pursuit and reprisal. In one of these skirmishes a company under Captain Murray followed some Indian raiders from near Nashville to their camp on Tennessee river and succeeded in killing the whole party of eleven warriors.3 A treaty of peace was signed with the Creeks in 1790, but, owing to the intrigues of the Spaniards, it had little practical effect,4 and not 1 Bledsoe and Eobertson letter of June 12,1787, in Eamsey, Tennessee, p. 465,1853. 2 Ibid., with Robertson letter, pp. 465-476. 8 Ibid., pp. 479-486. » Monette, Valley of the Mississippi, I, p. 505,1846. 68 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 until Wayne's decisive victory over the confederated northern tribes in 1794 and the final destruction of the Mckajack towns in the same year did real peace came to the frontier. By deed of cession of February 25, 1790, Tennessee ceased to be a part of North Carolina and was organized under federal laws as " The Territory of the United States south of the Ohio river," preliminary to taking· full rank as a state six years later. William Blount (27) was appointed first territorial governor and also superintendent for the southern Indians, with a deputy resident with each of the four prin cipal tribes.1 Pensacola, Mobile, St. Louis, and other southern posts were still held by the Spaniards, who claimed the whole country south of the Cumberland, while the British garrisons had not yet been with drawn from the north. The resentment of the Indians at the occupancy of their reserved and guaranteed lands by the whites was sedulously encouraged from both quarters, and raids along the Tennessee fron tier were of common occurrence. At this time, according to the official report of President Washington, over five hundred families of intruders were settled upon lands belonging rightly to the Cherokee, in addition to those between the French Broad and the Holston.2 More than a year before the Secretary of War had stated that "the disgraceful violation of the treaty of Hopewell with the Cherokee requires the serious consideration of Congress. If so direct and man ifest contempt of the authority of the United States be suffered with impunity, it will be in vain to attempt to extend the arm of govern ment to the frontiers. · The Indian tribes can have no faith in such imbecile promises, and the lawless whites will ridicule a government which shall on paper only make Indian treaties and regulate Indian boundaries."3 To prevent any increase of the dissatisfaction, the general government issued a proclamation forbidding any further encroachment upon the Indian lands on Tennessee river; notwith standing which, early in 1791, a party of men descended the river in boats, and, landing on an island at the Muscle shoals, near the present Tuscumbia, Alabama, erected a blockhouse and other defensive works. Immediately afterward the Cherokee chief, Glass, with about sixty warriors, appeared and quietly informed them that if they did notât once withdraw he would kill them. After some parley the intruders retired to their boats, when the Indians set fire to the buildings and reduced them to ashes.4 To forestall more serious difficulty it was necessary to negotiate a new treaty with a view to purchasing the disputed territory. Accord ingly, through the efforts of Governor Blount, a convention was held with the principal men of the Cherokee at White's fort, now Knox- 1 Eamsey, Tennessee, pp. 522,541,561,1853. ¡¡Washington to the Senate, August 11,1790, American State Papers: Iiiaian Affairs,!,p.83,1832. 3 Secretary Knox to President Washington, July 7,1789, ibid., p. 53. * Eamsey, op. cit., pp. 550,551. MOON E Y] TKEATY OF HOLSTON——1791 69 ville, Tennessee, in the summer of 1791. With much difficulty the Cherokee were finally brought to consent to a cession of a triangular section in Tennessee and North Carolina extending from Clinch river almost to the Blue ridge, and including nearly the whole of the French Broad and the lower Holston, with the sites of the present Knoxville, Greenville, and Ashevillc. The whole of this area, with a considerable territory adjacent, was already fully occupied by the whites. Permission was also given for a road from the eastern settlements to those on the Cumberland, with the free navigation of Tennessee river. Prisoners on both sides were to be restored and perpetual peace was guaranteed. In consideration of the lands sur rendered the Cherokee were to receive an annuity of one thousand dollars with some extra goods and some assistance on the road- to civilization. A treaty was signed by forty-one principal men of the tribe and was concluded July 2,1791. It is officially described as being held "on the bank of the Holston, near the mouth of the French Broad," and is commonly spoken of as the "treaty of Holston." The Cherokee, however, were dissatisfied with the arrangement, and before the end of the year a delegation of six principal chiefs appeared at· Philadelphia, then the seat of government, without any previous announcement of their coming, declaring that when they had been summoned by Governor Blount to a conference they were not aware that it was to persuade them to sell lands; that they had resisted the proposition for days, and only yielded when compelled by the persistent and threatening demands of the governor; that the consideration was entirety too small; and that they had no faith that the whites would respect the new boundary, as they were in fact already settling beyond it. Finally, as the treaty had been signed, they asked that these intruders be removed. As their presentation of the case seemed a just one and it was desirable that they should carry home with them a favorable impression of the government's attitude toward them, a supplementary article was added, increasing the annuity to eight thousand five hundred dollars. On account of renewed Indian hostilities in Ohio valle}' and the desire of the government to keep the good will of the Cherokee long enough to obtain their help against the northern tribes, the new line was not surveyed until 1797. * As illustrating Indian custom it may be noted that one of the prin cipal signers of the original treaty was among the protesting delegates, but having in the meantime changed his name, it appears on the supplementary paragraph as "Iskagua, or Clear Sky, formerly Nenetooyah, or Bloody Fellow."8 As he had been one of the prin- 1 Indian Treaties, pp. 34-38, 1837; Secretary oí War, report, January 5, 1798, in American State Papers, i, pp. 628-631, 1832; Kamsey, Tennessee, pp. 554-560, 1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Eep. Bureau oí Ethnology, pp. 158-170. with full discussion and map, 1888. 2 Indian Treaties, pp. 37, 38,1837. 70 MYTHS OF THE CHEEOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 cipal raiders on the Tennessee frontier, the new name may have been symbolic of his change of heart at the prospect of a return of peace. The treaty seems to have had little effect in preventing Indian hos tilities, probably because the intruders still remained upon the Indian lands, and raiding still continued. The Creeks were known to be responsible for some of the mischief, and the hostile Chickamaugas were supposed to be the chief authors of the rest.1 Even while the Cherokee delegates were negotiating the treaty in Philadelphia a boat which had accidentally run aground on the Muscle shoals was attacked by a party of Indians under the pretense of offering assistance, one man being killed and another severely wounded with a hatchet.2 While these negotiations had been pending at Philadelphia a young man named Leonard D. Shaw, a student at Princeton college, had expressed to the Secretary of War an earnest desire for a commission which would enable him to accompany the returning Cherokee dele gates to their southern home, there to study Indian life and charac teristics. As the purpose seemed a useful one, and he appeared well qualified for such a work, he was accordingly commissioned as deputy agent to reside among the Cherokee to observe and report upon their movements, to aid in the annuity distributions, and to render other assistance to Governor Blount, superintendent for the southern tribes, to study their language and home life, and to collect materials for an Indian history. An extract from the official instructions under which this first United States ethnologist began his work will be of interest. After defining his executive duties in connection with the annuity distributions, the keeping of accounts and the compiling of official reports, Secretary Knox continues— A due performance of your duty will probably require the exercise of all your patience and fortitude and all your knowledge of the human character. The school will be a severe but interesting one. If you should succeed in acquiring the aöections and a knowledge of the characters of the southern Indians, you may be at once use ful to the United States and advance your own interest. You will endeavor to learn their languages; this is essential to your communica tions. You will collect materials for a history of all the southern tribes and all things thereunto belonging. You will endeavor to ascertain their respective limits, make a vocabulary of their respective languages, teach them agriculture and such useful arts as you may know or can acquire. You will correspond regularly with Governor Blount, who is superintendent for Indian affairs, and inform him of all occurrences. You will also cultivate a correspondence with Brigadier-General McGillivray [the Creek chief], and you will also keep a journal of your proceedings and transmit them to the War Office. . . . You are to exhibit to Governor Blount the Cherokee book and all the writings therein, the messages to the several tribes of Indians, and these instructions. Your route will be hence to Heading; thence Harris's ferry [Harrisburg, Penn sylvania] to Carlisle; to ———— ferry on the Potomac; to Winchester; to Staunton; to ' Eamsey, Tennessee, p. 557,1853. 2 Abel deposition, April 16,1792, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, i, p. 274,1832. a MgONEY] RENEWAL, OF WAK——1792 ———— , and to Holston. I should hop'e that you would travel upwards of twenty miles each day, and that you would reach Holston in about thirty days.1 The journey, which seemed then so long, was to be made by wagons from Philadelphia to the head of navigation on Holston river, thence by boats to the Cherokee towns. Shaw seems to have taken up his resi dence at Ustanali, which had superseded Echota as the Cherokee capital. We hear of him as present at a council there in June of the same year, with no evidence of unfriendliness at his presence.2 The friendly feel- in£ was °f short continuance, however, for a few months later we find him writing from Ustanali to Governor Blount that on account of the aggressive hostility of the Creeks, whose avowed intention was to kill every white man they met, he was not safe 50 yards from the house. Soon afterwards the Chickamauga towns again declared war, on which account, together with renewed threats by the Creeks, he was advised by the Cherokee to leave Ustanali, which he did early in September, 1792, proceeding to the home of General Pickens, near Seneca, South Carolina, escorted by a guard of friendly Cherokee. In the follow ing winter he was dismissed from the service on serious charges, and his mission appears to have been a failure.3 To prevent an alliance of the Cherokee, Creeks, and other south ern Indians with the confederated hostile northern tribes, the govern ment had endeavored to persuade the former to furnish a contingent of warriors to act with the army against the northern Indians, and special instruction had been given to Shaw to use his efforts for this result. Nothing, however, came of the attempt. St Clair's defeat turned the scale against the United States, and in September, 1792, the Chickamauga towns formally declared war.4 In November of this year the governor of Georgia officially reported that a party of lawless Georgians had gone into the Cherokee Nation, and had there burned a town and barbarously killed three Indians, while about the same time two other Cherokee had been killed within the settlements. Fearing retaliation, he ordered out a patrol of troops to guard the frontier in that direction, and sent a conciliatory letter to the chiefs, expressing his regret for what had happened. No answer was returned to the message, but a few days later an entire family was found murdered — four women, three children, and a young man — all scalped and mangled and with arrows sticking in the bodies, while, according to old Indian war custom, two war clubs were left upon 1 Henry Knox, Secretary oí War, Instructions to Leonard Shaw, temporary agent to the Cherokee Nation of Indians, February 17, 1792, in American State Papers: Indian Affairs, i, 247, 1832; also Knox, letters to Governor Blount, January 31 and February 16, 1792, ibid., pp. 245, 246. 2Estanaula conference report, June 26, 1792, ibid., p. 271; Deraque, deposition, September 15, 1792, ibid., p. 292; Pickens, letter, September 12, 1792, ibid., p. 317. 3See letters of Shaw, Casey, Pickens, and Blount, 1792-93, ibid., pp. 277, 278, 317, 436, 437, 440. 4 Knox, instructions to Shaw, February 17, 1792, ibid., p. 247; Blount, letter, March 20, 1792, ibid., p. 263; Knox, letters, October 9, 1792, ibid., pp. 2C1, 262. lililí 72 MYTHS OP THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] ATTACK ON BUCHANAN'S STATION—1792 73 the ground to show by whom the deed was done. So swift was savage vengeance.1 Early in 179*2 a messenger who had been sent on business for Gov ernor Blount to thc Chickaniauga towns returned with the report that a party had just come in with prisoners and some fresh scalps, over which the, chiefs and warriors of two towns were then dancing; that the Shawano were urging the Cherokee to join them against the Ameri cans; that a strong body of Creeks was on its way against the Cum berland settlements, and that the Creek chief, McGillivray, was trying to form a general confederacy of all the Indian tribes against the whites. To understand this properly it must be remembered that at this time all the tribes northwest of the Ohio and as far as the heads of the Mississippi were banded together in a grand alliance, headed by the warlike Shawano, for the purpose of holding the Ohio river as the Indian boundary against the advancing tide of white settlement. They had just cut to pieces one of the finest armies ever sent into the West, under the veteran General St Clair (28), and it seemed for the moment as if the American advance would be driven back behind the Alleghenies. In the emergency the Secretary of War directed Governor Blount to hold a conference with the chiefs of the Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Cherokee at Nashville in June to enlist their warriors, if possible, in active service against the northern tribes. The conference was held as proposed, in August, but nothing seems to have come of it, although the chiefs seemed to be sincere in their assurances of friendship. Very few of the Choctaw or Cherokee were in attendance. At the annuity distribution of the Cherokee, shortly before, the chiefs had also been profuse in declarations of their desire for peace.8 Notwith standing all this the attacks along the Tennessee frontier continued to such an extent that the blockhouses were again put in order and gar risoned. Soon afterwards the governor reported to the Secretary of War that the five lower Cherokee towns on the Tennessee (the Chicka- mauga), headed by John Watts, had finally declared war against the United States, and that from three to six hundred warriors, including a hundred Creeks, had started against the settlements. The militia was at once called out, both in eastern Tennessee and on the Cumber land. On the Cumberland side it was directed that no pursuit should be continued beyond the Cherokee boundary, the ridge between the waters of Cumberland and Duck rivers. The order issued by Colonel White, of Knox county, to each of his captains shows how great was the alarm: 1 Governor Telfair's letters oí November 14 and December 5, with inclosure, 1792, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, pp. 832, 336, 337,1332. SRamsey, Tennessee, pp. 562-563,598,1853. KNOXVILLE, fír¡>te,mher 11, 17SS. SIR: You are hereby commanded to repair with your company to Ktioxville, equipped, to protect the frontiers; there is imminent danger. Bring with you two days' provisions, if possible; but you are not to delay an hour on that head. I am, sir, yours, JAMES k About midnight on the 30th of September^ 1792, the Indian force, consisting of several hundred Chickamaugas and other Cherokee, Creeks, and Shawaiio, attacked Buchanan's station, a few miles south of Nashville. Although numbers of families had collected inside the stockade for safety, there wore less than twenty able-bodied men among them. The approach of the enemy alarmed the cattle, by which the garrison had warning just in time to close the gate when the Indians were already within a few yards of the entrance. The assault was furious and determined, the Indians rushing up to the stockade, attempting to set fire to it, and aiming their guns through the port holes. One Indian succeeded in climbing upon the roof with a lighted torch, but was shot and fell to the ground, holding his torch against the logs as he drew his last breath. It was learned afterward that he was a half blood, the stepson of the old white trader who had once rescued the boy Joseph Brown at Nickajack. He was a desperate warrior and when only twenty-two years of age had already taken six white scalps. The attack was repulsed at every point, and the assail ants finally drew off, with considerable loss, carrying their dead and wounded with them, and leaving a number of hatchets, pipes, and other spoils upon the ground. Among the wounded was the chief John Watts. Not one of those in the fort was injured. It has been well said that the defense of Buchanan's station by such a handful of men against an attacking force estimated all the way at from three to seven hundred Indians is a feat of bravery which has scarcely been surpassed in the annals of border warfare. The effect upon the Indians must have been thoroughly disheartening.8 In the same month arrangements were made for protecting the fron tier along the French Broad by means of a series of garrisoned block houses, with scouts to patrol regularly from one to another, North Carolina cooperating on her side of the line. The hostile inroads still continued in this section, the Creeks acting with the hostile Cherokee. One raiding party of Creeks having been traced toward Chilhowee town on Little Tennessee, the whites were about to burn that and a neighboring Cherokee town when Sevier interposed and prevented.3 There is no reason to suppose that the people of these towns were directly concerned in the depredations along the frontier at this period, 'Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 662-565, 1853. 1 Blount, letter, October 2, 1792, in American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, p. 294, 1332; Blount, letter, etc., in Eamsey,op.cit.,pp.566, 567, 599-601; see also Brown's narrative, ibid., 511, 612; Eoyce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Eep. Bnreau of Ethnology, p. 170, 1888. 8Ramsey, op. cit., 669-571. ι fi 74 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] MASSACRE AT CAVITTS STATION——1793 75 \ the mischief being done by those farther to the south, in conjunction with the Creeks. Toward the close of this year, 1792, Captain Samuel Handley, while loading a small party of men to reenforce the Cumberland settlement, was attacked by a mixed force of Cherokee, Creeks, and Shawano, near the Crab Orchard, west of the present Kingston, Tennessee. Becoming separated from his men he encountered a warrior who had lifted his hatchet to strike when Handley seized the weapon, crying out "Canaly" (for higma'lil), "friend," to which the Cherokee responded with the same word, at once lowering his arm. Handley was carried to Willstown, in Alabama, where he was adopted into the Wolf clan (29) and remained until the next spring. After having made use of his services in writing a peace letter to Governor Blount the Cherokee finally sent him home in safety to his friends under a protecting escort of eight warriors, without any demand for ransom. He afterward resided near Tellico blockhouse, near Loudon, where, after the wars were over, his Indian friends frequently came to visit and stop with him.1 The year 1793 began with a series of attacks all along the Tennes see frontier. As before, most of the depredation was by Chicka- maugas and Creeks, with some stray Shawano from the north. The Cherokee from the towns on Little Tennessee remained peaceable, but their temper was sorely tried by a regrettable circumstance which occurred in June. While a number of friendly chiefs were assembled for a conference at Echota, on the express request of the President, a party of men under command of a Captain John Beard sud denly attacked them, killing about fifteen Indians, including several chiefs and two women, one of them being the wife of Hanging-maw (Ushwâ'li-gûta), principal chief of the Nation, who was himself wounded. The murderers then fled, leaving others to suffer the conse quences. Two hundred warriors at once took up arms to revenge their loss, and only the most earnest appeal from the deputy governor could restrain them from swift retaliation. While the chief, whose wife was thus murdered and himself wounded, forebore to revenge himself, in order not to bring war upon his people, the Secretary of War was obliged to report, " to my great pain, I find to punish Beard by law just now is out of the question." Beard was in fact arrested, but the trial was a farce and he was acquitted.2 Believing that the Cherokee Nation, with the exception of the Chickamaugas, was honestly trying to preserve peace, the territorial government, while making provision for the safety of the exposed settlements, had strictly prohibited any invasion of the Indian country. The frontier people were of a different opinion, and in spite of the prohibition a company of nearly two hundred mounted men under ι Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 571-573,1853. - Ibid., pp. 574-578, 1863. Colonels Doherty and McFarland crossed over the mountains in the summer of this year and destroyed six of the middle towns, returning with fifteen scalps and as manjr prisoners.1 Late in September a strong force estimated at one thousand war riors — seven hundred Creeks and three hundred Cherokee — under John Watts and Doublehead, crossed the Tennessee and advanced in the direction of Knoxville, where the public stores were then deposited. In their eagerness to reach Knoxville they passed quietly by one or two smaller settlements until within a short distance of the town, when, at daybreak of the 25th, they heard the garrison fire the sunrise gun and imagined that they were discovered. Differences had already broken out among the leaders, and without venturing to advance farther they contented themselves with an attack upon a small block house a few miles to the west, known as Cavitts station, in which at the time were only three men with thirteen women and children. After defending themselves bravely for some time these surrendered on promise that they should be held for exchange, but as soon as they came out Doublehead's warriors fell upon them and put them all to death with the exception of a boy, who was saved by John Watts. This bloody deed was entirely the work of Doublehead, the other chiefs having done their best to prevent it.2 A force of seven hundred men under General Sevier was at once put upon their track, with orders this time to push the pursuit into the heart of the Indian nation. Crossing Little Tennessee and Hiwassee they penetrated to Ustanali town, near the present Calhoun, Georgia. Finding it deserted, although well filled with provision, they rested there a few days, the Indians in the meantime attempting a night attack without success. After burning the town, Sevier con tinued down the river to Etowah town, near the present site of lióme. Here the Indians — Cherokee and Creeks — had dug intrenchments and prepared to make a stand, but, being outflanked, were defeated with loss and compelled to retreat. This town, with several others in the neighborhood belonging to both Cherokee and Creeks, was destroyed, with all the provision of the Indians, including three hundred cattle, after which the army took up the homeward march. The Americans had lost but three men. This was the last military service of Sevier.3 During the absence of Sevier's force in the south the Indians made a sudden inroad on the French Broad, near the present Dandridge, killing and scalping a woman and a boy. While their friends were accompanying the remains to a neighboring burial ground for inter ment, two men who had incautiously gone ahead were fired upon. One y, Tennessee, p. 579. 2Ibid., pp. 580-583, 1853; Smith, letter, September 27( 1793, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, p. 468, 1832. Ramsey gives the Indian force 1,000 warriors; Smith says that in many places they marched in flies of 28 abreast, each file being supposed to number 40 men. 8 Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 584-588. 76 MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] CONFLICTS WITH CREEKS——1794 77 of them escaped, but the other one was found killed and scalped when the rest of the company came up, and was buried with the first victims. Sevier's success brought temporary respite to the Cumberland settle ments. During the early part of the year the Indian attacks by small raiding parties had been so frequent and annoying that a force of men had been kept out on patrol sendee under officers who adopted with some success the policy of hunting the Indians in their camping places in the thickets, rather than waiting for them to come into the settlements.1 In February, 1794, the Territorial assembly of Tennessee met at Knoxville and, among other business transacted, addressed a strong- memorial to Congress calling for more efficient protection for the frontier and demanding a declaration of war against the Creeks and Cherokee. The memorial states that since the treaty of Holston (July, 1791), these two tribes had killed in a most barbarous and inhuman manner more than two hundred citizens of Tennessee, of both sexes, had carried others into captivity, destroyed their stock, burned their houses, and laid waste their plantations, had robbed the citizens of their slaves and stolen at least two thousand horses. Special atten tion was directed to the two great invasions in September, 1792, and September, 1793, and the memorialists declare that there was scarcely a man of the assembly but could tell of " a dear wife or child, an aged parent or near relation, besides friends, massacred by the hands of these bloodthirsty nations in their house or fields."2 In the meantime the raids continued and every scattered cabin was a target for attack. In April a party of twenty warriors surrounded the house of a man named Casteel on the French Broad about nine miles above Knoxville and massacred father, mother, and four children in most brutal fashion. One child only was left alive, a girl of ten years, who was found scalped and bleeding from six tomahawk gashes, yet survived. The others were buried in one grave. The massacre roused such a storm of excitement that it required all the effort of the governor and the local officials to prevent an invasion in force of the Indian country. It was learned that Doublehead, of the Chicka- mauga towns, was trying to get the support of the valley towns, which, however, continued to maintain an attitude of peace. The friendly Cherokee also declared that the Spaniards were constantly instigating the lower towns to hostilities, although John Watts, one of their prin cipal chiefs, advocated peace.3 In June a boat under command of William Scott, laden with pots, hardware, and other property, and containing six white men, three women, four children, and twenty negroes, left Knoxville to descend 1 Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 590, 602-605,1853. 2 Haywood, Civil and Political History of Tennessee, pp. 800-302; Knoxville, 1823. 8 Ibid., pp. 303-308,1823; Ramsey, op. cit., pp. 591-594. Haywood'shistory of this period islittle more than a continuous record of killings and petty encounters. Tennessee river to Natchez. As it passed the Chickamauga towns it was fired upon from Banning Water and Long island without damage. The whites returned the fire, wounding two Indian«. A large party of Cherokee, headed by White-man-killer (Une'ga-dihï'), then started in pursuit of the boat, which they overtook at Muscle shoals, where they killed all the white people in it, made prisoners of the negroes, and plundered the goods. Three Indians were killed and one was wounded in the action.1 It is said that the Indian actors in this massacre fled across the Mississippi into Spanish territory and became the nucleus of the Cherokee Nation of the West, as will be noted elsewhere. On June 26,1794, another treaty, intended to be supplementary to that of Holston in 1791, was negotiated at Philadelphia, being signed by the Secretary of War and by thirteen principal men of the Chero kee. An arrangement was made ' for the proper marking of the boundary then established, and the annuity was increased to five thousand dollars, with a proviso that fifty dollars were to be deducted for every horse stolen by the Cherokee and not restored within three months.2 In July a man named John Ish was shot down while plowing in his field eighteen miles below Knoxville. By order of Hanging-maw, the friendly chief of Echota, a party of Cherokee took the trail and cap tured the murderer, who proved to be a Creek, whom they brought in to the agent at Tellico blockhouse, where he was formally-tried and hanged. When asked the usual question he said that his people were at war with the whites, that he had left home to kill or be killed, that he had killed the white man and would have escaped but for the Cherokee, and that there were enough of his nation to avenge his death. A few days later a party of one hundred Creek warriors crossed Tennessee river against the settlements. The alarm was given by Hanging-maw, and fifty-three Cherokee with a few federal troops started in pursuit. On the 10th of August they came up 'with the Creeks, killing one and wounding another, one Cherokee being slightly wounded. The Creeks retreated and the victors returned to the Cherokee towns, where their return was announced by the death song and the firing of guns. "The night was spent in dancing the scalp dance, according to the custom of warriors after a victory over their enemies, in which the white and red people heartily joined. The Upper Cherokee had now stepped too far to go back, and their pro fessions of friendship were now no longer to be questioned." In the same month there was an engagement between a detachment of about 1 Haywood, Civil and Political History of Tennessee, p. 308,1823; Ramsey, Tennessee, p. 594.1853; see also memorial in Putnam, Middle Tennessee, p. 502,1859. Haywood calls the leader Unacala, which should be Une'ga-dihï', "White-man-killer." Compare Haywood's statement with that of Wash- burn, on page 100. 2 Indian Treaties, pp. 39,40,1837; Royee, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Kep. Bureau of Ethnology, PP. 171,172,1888; Documents of 1797-98, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, i, pp. C28-631, 1832. The treaty is not mentioned by the Tennessee historians. 78 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 MOONEY] END OF CHEKOKEE WAK——1794 79 I .1 I forty soldiers and a large body of Creeks near Crab Orchard, in which several of each were killed.1 It is evident that much of the damage on both sides of the Cumberland range was due to the Creeks. In the meantime Governor Blount was trying to negotiate peace with the whole Cherokee Nation, but with little success. The Cher- okee claimed to be anxious for permanent peace, but said that it was impossible to restore the property taken by them, as it had been taken in Avar, and they had themselves been equal losers from the whites. They said also that they could not prevent the hostile Creeks from passing through their territory. About the end of July it was learned that a strong body of Creeks had started north against the settlements. The militia was at once ordered out along the Tennessee frontier, and the friendly Cherokees offered their services, while measures were taken to protect their women and children from the enemy. The Creeks advanced as far as Willstown, when the news came of the com plete defeat of the confederated northern tribes by General Wayne (30), and fearing the same fate for themselves, they turned back and scattered to their towns.8 The Tennesseeans, especially those on the Cumberland, had long ago come to the conclusion that peace could be brought about only through the destruction of the Chickamauga towns. Anticipating some action of this kind, which the general government did not think necessary or advisable, orders against any such attempt had been issued by the Secretary of War to Governor Blount. The frontier people went about their preparations, however, and it is evident from the result that the local military authorities were in connivance with the under taking. General Robertson was the chief organizer of the volunteers about Nashville, who were reenforced by a company of Kentuckians under Colonel Whitley. Major Ore had been sent by Governor Blount with a detachment of troops to protect the Cumberland settle ments, and on arriving at Nashville entered as heartily into the project as if no counter orders had ever been issued, and was given chief com mand of the expedition, which for this reason is commonly known as "Ore's expedition." On September 7, 1794, the army of five hundred and fifty mounted men left Nashville, and five days later crossed the Tennessee near the mouth of the Sequatchee river, their guide being the same Joseph Brown of whom the old Indian woman had said that he would one day bring the soldiers to destroy them. Having left their horses on the other side of the river, they moved up along the south bank just after daybreak of the 13th and surprised the town of Nickajack, killing several warriors and taking a number of prisoners. Some who attempted to escape in canoes were shot in the water. The warriors ι Haywoofl, Civil and Political History of Tennessee, pp. 309-311,1823; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 594, 595,1853. 2 Haywood, op. cit., pp. 314-316, Ramsey, op. cit., p. 596. in Running Water town, four miles above, heard the firing and came at once to the assistance of their friends, but were driven back after attempting to hold their ground, and the second town shared the fate of the first. More than fifty Indians had been killed, a number were prisoners, both towns and all their contents had been destroyed, with a loss to the assailants of only three men wounded. The Breath, the chief of Running Water, was among those killed. Two fresh scalps with a large quantity of plunder from the settlements were found in the towns, together with a supply of ammunition said to have been furnished by the Spaniards.1 Soon after the return of the expedition Robertson sent a message to John Watts, the principal leader of the hostile Cherokee, threatening a second visitation if the Indians did not very soon surrender their prisoners and give assurances of peace.8 The destruction of their towns on Tennessee and Coosa and the utter defeat of the northern confederates had now broken the courage of the Cherokee, and on their own request Governor Blount held a conference with them at Tellico blockhouse, November 7 and 8, 1794, at which Hanging-maw, head chief of the Nation, and Colonel John Watt, principal chief of the hos tile towns, with about four hundred of their warriors, attended. The result was satisfactory; all differences were arranged on a friendly basis and the long Cherokee war came to an end.8 - Owing to the continued devastation of their towns during the Rev olutionary struggle, a number of Cherokee, principally of the Chicka mauga band, had removed across the Ohio about 1782 and settled on Paint creek, a branch of the Scioto river, in the vicinity of their friends and allies, the Shawano. In 1787 they were reported to num ber about seventy warriors. They took an active part in the hostili ties along the Ohio frontier and were present in the great battle at the Maurnee rapids, by which the power of the confederated northern tribes was effectually broken. As they had failed to attend the treaty con ference held at Greenville in August, 1795, General Wayne sent them a special message, through their chief Long-hair, that if they refused to come in and make terms as the others had done they would be con sidered outside the protection of the government. Upon this a pai't of them came in and promised that as soon as they could gather their crops the whole band would leave Ohio forever and return to their people in the south.4 1 Haywood, Political and Civil History of Tennessee, pp. 392-396, 1823; Ramsey, Tennessee (with Major Ore's report), pp. 608-618,1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau Ethnology, p. 171, 1888; Ore, Robertson, and Blount, reports, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, pp. 632-634,1S32. 2Ramsey, op. cit., p. 618. 3 Tellico conference, November 7-8,1794, American State Papers: Indian Affairs^ i, pp. 536-538,1832, Royce, op. cit., p. 173; Ramsey, op. cit, p. 596. 'Beaver's talk, 1784, Virginia State Papers, III, p. 571,1883; McDowell, report, 1786, ibid., IV, p. 118, 1884; McDowell, report, 1787, ibid., p. 286; Todd, letter, 1787, ibid., p. 277; Tellico conference, Novem ber 7,1794, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, p. 538,1832; Greenville treaty conference, August, 1795, ibid., pp. 682-583. π [IL! 80 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 The Creeks were still hostile and continued their inroads upon the western settlements. Early in January, 1795, Governor Blount held another conference with the Cherokee and endeavored to persuade them to organize a company of their young men to patrol the frontier against the Creeks, but to this proposal the chiefs refused to consent.1 In the next year it was discovered that a movement was on foot to take possession of certain Indian lands south of the Cumberland on pretense of authority formerly granted by North Carolina for the relief of Revolutionary soldiers. As such action would almost surely have resulted in another Indian war, Congress interposed, on the rep resentation of President Washington, with an act for the regulation of intercourse between citizens of the United States and the various Indian tribes. Its main purpose was to prevent intrusion upon lands to which the Indian title had not been extinguished by treaty with the general government, and under its provisions a number of squatters were ejected from the Indian country and removed across the boundary. The pressure of border sentiment, however, was constantly for extend ing the area of white settlement and the result was an immediate agita tion to procure another treaty cession.2 In consequence of urgent representations from the people of Ten nessee, Congress took steps in 1797 for procuring a new treaty with the Cherokee by which the ejected settlers might be reinstated and the boundaries of the new state so extended as to bring about closer com munication between the eastern settlements and those on the Cumber land. The Revolutionary warfare had forced the Cherokee west and south, and their capital and central gathering place was now Ustanali town, near the present Calhoun, Georgia, while Echota, their ancient capital and beloved peace town, was almost on the edge of the white settlements. The commissioners wished to have the proceedings con ducted at Echota, while the Cherokee favored Ustanali. After some debate a choice was made of a convenient place near Tellico block house, where the conference opened in July, but was brought to an abrupt close by the peremptory refusal of the Cherokee to sell any lands or to permit the return of the ejected settlers. The rest of the summer was spent in negotiation along the lines already proposed, and on October 2, 1798, a treaty, commonly known as the "first treaty of Tellico," was concluded at the same place, and was signed by thirty-nine chiefs on behalf of the Cherokee. By this treaty the Indians ceded a tract between Clinch river and the Cumber land ridge, another along the northern bank of Little Tennessee extending up to Chilhowee mountain, and a third in North Carolina on the heads of French Broad and Pigeon rivers and including the sites » Royce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau oí Ethnology,p. 173,1888. sibid.,pp.l74,175; Ramsey,Tennessee,pp. 679-685,1853. MOONEV] CONDITION OF CHEROKEE IN 1800 81 of the present Waynesville and Hendersonvillc. These cessions included most or all of the lands from which settlers had been ejected. Permission was also given for laying out the "Cumberland road," to connect the east Tennessee settlements with those about Nashville. In consideration of the lands and rights surrendered, the United States agreed to deliver to the Cherokee five thousand dollars in goods, and to increase their existing annuity by one thousand dollars, and as usual, to ' ' continue the guarantee of the remainder of their country forever. "1 Wayne's victory over the northern tribes at the battle of the Mau- mee rapids completely broke their power and compelled them to accept the terms of peace dictated at the treaty of Greenville in the summer of 1795. The immediate result was the surrender of the Ohio river boundary by the Indians and the withdrawal of the British garrisons from the interior posts, which up to this time they had continued to hold in spite of the treaty made at the close of the Revolution. By the treaty made at Madrid in October, 1795, Spain gave up all claim on the east side of the Mississippi north of the thirty-first parallel, but on various pretexts the formal transfer of posts was delayed and a Spanish garrison continued to occupy San Fernando de Barrancas, at the present Memphis, Tennessee, until the fall of 1797, while that at Natchez, in Mississippi, was not surrendered until March, 1798. The Creeks, seeing the trend of affairs, had made peace at Colerain, Georgia, in June, 1796.. With the hostile European influence thus eliminated, at least for the time, the warlike tribes on the north and on the south crushed and dispirited and the Chickamauga towns wiped out of existence, 'the Cherokee realized that they must accept the situation and, after nearly twenty years of continuous warfare, laid aside the tomahawk to cultivate the arts of peace and civilization. The close of the century found them still a compact people (the westward movement having hardly yet begun) numbering probably about 20,000 souls. After repeated cessions of large tracts of land, to some of which they had but doubtful claim, they remained in recog nized possession of nearly 43,000 square miles of territory, a countiy about equal in extent to Ohio, Virginia, or Tennessee. Of this'terri tory about one-half was within the limits of Tennessee, the remainder being almost equally divided between Georgia and Alabama, with a small area in the extreme southwestern corner of North Carolina.2 The old Lower towns on Savannah river had been broken up for twenty years, and the whites had so far encroached upon the Upper towns that the capital and council fire of the nation had been removed from the ancient peace town of Echota to Ustanali, in Georgia. The 1 Indian Treaties, pp. 78-82, 1837; Ramsey, Tennessee, pp. 692-697, 1853; Royce, Cherokee Nation (with map and full discussion), Fifth Ann. Kep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 174-183,1888. !See table in Royce, op. cit., p. 378. 19 ΕΤΗ—01————6 I • il ι 82 MYTHS OF THE CHEKOKEE [ETJi. ANN. 19 towns on Coosa river and in Alabama were almost all of recent estab lishment, peopled by refugees from the east and north. The Middle towns, in North Carolina, were still surrounded by Indian country. Firearms had been introduced into the tribe about one hundred years before, and the Cherokec had learned well their use. Such civilized goods as hatchets, knives, clothes, and trinkets had become so common before the first Cherokee war that the Indians had declared that they could no longer live without the traders. Horses and other domestic animals had been introduced early in the century, and at the opening of the war of 1760, according to Adair, the Cherokee had "a prodigious number of excellent horses," and although hunger had compelled them to eat a great many of these during that period, they still had, in 1775, from two to a dozen each, and/bid fair soon to have plenty of the best sort, as, according to the same authority, they were skilful jockeys and nice in their choice. Some of them had growii fond of cattle, and they had also an abundance of hogs and poultry, the Indian pork being esteemed better than that raised in the white I settlements on account of the chestnut diet.1 In Sevier's expedition against the towns on Coosa river, in 1793, the army killed three hun dred beeves at Etowah and left their carcasses rotting on the ground. While crossing the Cherokee country in 1796 Hawkins met an Indian woman on horseback driving ten very fat cattle to the settlements for sale. Peach trees and potatoes, as well as the native corn and beans, were abundant in their fields, and some had. bees and honey and did a considerable trade in beeswax. They seem to have quickly recovered from the repeated ravages of war, and there was a general air of pros perity throughout the nation. The native arts of pottery and basket- making were still the principal employment of the women, and the warriors hunted with such success that a party of traders brought down thirty wagon loads of skins on one trip.8 In dress and house building the Indian style was practically unchanged. In pursuance of a civilizing policy, the government had agreed, by the treaty of 1791, to furnish the Cherokee gratuitously with farming tools and similar assistance. This policy was continued and broadened to such an extent that in 1801 Hawkins reports that "in the Cherokee agency, the wheel, the loom, and the plough is [sic] in pretty general use, farming, manufactures, and stock raising the topic of conversation among the men and women." At a conference held this year we find the chiefs of the mountain towns complaining that the people of the more western and southwestern settlements had received more than their share of spinning wheels and cards, and were consequently more advanced in making their own clothing as well as in farming, to which ^ l Adair, American Indians, pp. 230,231,1775, Λ s see Hawkins, MS journal from South Carolina to the Creeks, 1796, in library of Georgia Historical Society. MOONEY] INTEBMABRIAGE WITH WHITES 83 the others retorted that these things had been offered to all alike at the same time, but while the lowland people had been quick to accept, the mountaineers had hung back. " Those who complain came in late. We have got the start of them, which we are determined to keep." The progressives, under John Watts, Doublehead, and Will, threatened to secede from the rest and leave those east of Chilhowee mountain to shift for themselves.1 We see here the germ of dissatisfaction which led ultimately to the emigration of the western tend. Along with other things of civilization, negro slavery had been introduced and several of the leading men were now slaveholders (31). Much of the advance in civilization had been due to the intermar riage among them of white men, chiefly traders of the ante-Revolu tionary period, with a few Americans from the back settlements. The families that have made Cherokee history were nearly all of this mixed descent. The Doughertys, Galpins, and Adairs were from Ireland; the Rosses, Vanns, and Mclntoshes, like the McGillivrays and Graysons among the Creeks, were of Scottish origin; the Waffords and others were Americans from Carolina or Georgia, and the father of Sequoya was a (Pennsylvania ?) German. Most of this white blood was of good stock, very different from the "squaw man" element of the western tribes. Those of the mixed blood who could afford it usually sent their children away to be educated, while some built schoolhouses upon their own gi'ounds and brought in private teachers from the outside. With the beginning of the present century we find influential mixed bloods in almost every town, and the civilized idea dominated even the national councils. The Middle towns, shut in from the outside world by high mountains, remained a stronghold of Cherokee conservatism. With the exception of Priher, there seems to be no authentic record of any missionary worker among the Cherokee before 1800. There is, indeed, an incidental notice of a Presbyterian minister of North Caro lina being on his way to the tribe in 1758, but nothing seems to have come of it, and we find him soon after in South Carolina and separated ' from his original jurisdiction.8 The first permanent mission was estab lished by the Moravians, those peaceful Gemían immigrants whose teachings were so well exemplified in the lives of Zeisberger and Heckewelder. As early as 1734, while temporarily settled in Georgia, they had striven to bring some knowledge of the Christian religion to the Indians immediately about Savannah, including perhaps some stray Cherokee. Later on they established missions among the Dela- wares in Ohio, where their first Cherokee convert was received in 1773, being one who had been captured by the Delawares when a boy and had grown up and married in the tribe. In 1752 they had formed a settlement on the upper Yadkin, near the present Salem, 1 Hawkins, Treaty Commission, 1801, manuscript No. 5, hi library of Georgia Historical Society. Toóte (?), in North Carolina Colonial Records, v, p. 1226, 1887. .«.«il MYTHS OF THE CHEBOKEÈ [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 10 North Carolina, where they made friendly acquaintance with the Cherokee.1 In 1799, hearing that the Cherokee desired teachers—or perhaps by direct invitation of the chiefs—two missionaries visited the tribe to investigate the matter. Another visit was made in the next summer, and a council was held at Tellico agency, where, after a debate in which the Indians showed considerable difference of opinion, it was decided to open a mission. Permission having been obtained from the government, the work was begun in April, 1801, by Kev. Abraham Steiner and Rev. Gottlieb Byhan at the residence of David Vann, a prominent mixed-blood chief, who lodged them in his own house and gave them every assistance in building the mission, which they afterward called Spring place, where now is the village of the same name in Murray county, northwestern Georgia. They were also materially aided by the agent, Colonel Return J. Meigs (32). It was soon seen that the Cherokee wanted civilizers for their children, and not new theologies, and when they found that a school could not at once be opened the great council at Ustanali sent orders to the missionaries to organize a school within six months or leave the nation. Through Vann's help the matter was arranged and a school was opened, several sons of prominent chiefs being among the pupils. Another Moravian mission was established by Reverend J. Gambold at Oothcaloga, in the same county, in 1821. Both were in flourishing condition when broken up, with other Cherokee missions, by the State of Georgia in 1834. The work was afterward renewed beyond the Mississippi.8 In 1804 the Reverend Gideon Blackburn, a Presbyterian minister of Tennessee, opened a school among the Cherokee, which continued for several years until abandoned for lack of funds.3 Notwithstanding the promise to the Cherokee in the treaty of 1798 that the Government would " continue the guarantee of the remain der of their country forever," measures were begun almost imme- 1 diately to procure another large cession of land and road privileges. In spite of the strenuous objection of the Cherokee, who sent a delegation of prominent chiefs to Washington to protest against any further sales, such pressure was brought to bear, chiefly through the efforts of the agent, Colonel Meigs, that the object of the Government was accomplished, and in 1804 and 1805 three treaties were negotiated at Tellico agency, by which the Cherokee were shorn of more than eight thousand square miles of their remaining territory. By the first of these treaties—October 24, 1804—a purchase was made of a small tract in northeastern Georgia, knowrn as the " Wafford ι North Carolina Colonial Records, v, p. x, 1887. - Reichel, E. H., Historical Sketch of the Church and Missions of the United Brethren, pp. 65-81; Bethlehem, Pa., 1848; Holmes, John, Sketches of the Missions of the United Brethren, pp. 124,125, 209-212; Dublin, 1818; Thompson, A. C., Moravian Missions, p. 341; New York, 1890; De Schweinitz, Edmund, Life of Zeisberger, pp. 394, 663, 696; Phila., 1870. 3 Morse, American Geography, I, p. 577,1819. MOONEY] TREATY OF WASHINGTON——1806 85 settlement," upon which a party led by Colonel Wafford had located some years before, under the impression that it was outside the bound ary established by the Hopewell treaty. In compensation the Cherokee were to receive an immediate pa}rment of five thousand dollars in goods or cash with an additional annuity of one thousand dollars. By the other treaties—October 25 and 27,1805—a large tract was obtained in central Tennessee and Kentucky, extending between the Cumber land range and the western line of the Hopewell treaty, and from Cumberland river southwest to Duck river. One section was also secured at Southwest point (now Kingston, Tennessee) with the design of establishing there the state capital, which, however, was located at Nashville instead seven years later. Permission was also obtained for two mail roads through the Cherokee country into Georgia and Ala bama. In consideration of the cessions by the two treaties the United States agreed to pay fifteen thousand six hundred dollars in working implements, goods, or cash, with an additional annuity of three thousand dollars. To secure the consent of some of the leading chiefs, the treaty commissioners resorted to the disgraceful precedent of secret articles, by which several valuable small tracts were reserved for Doublehead and Tollunteeskee, the agreement being recorded as a part of the treaty, but not embodied in the copy sent to the Senate for con firmation.1 In consequence of continued abuse of his ofBcial position for selfish ends Doublehead was soon afterward killed in accordance with a decree of the chiefs of the Nation, Major Ridge being selected as executioner.2 By the treaty of October 25,1805, the settlements in eastern Tennessee were brought into connection with those about Nashville on the Cumber land, and the state at last assumed compact form. The whole southern portion of the state, as defined in the charter, was still Indian coun try, and there was a strong and constant pressure for its opening, the prevailing sentiment being in favor of making Tennessee river the boundary between the two races. New immigrants were constantly crowding in from the east, and, as Royce says, " the desire to settle on Indian land was as potent and insatiable with the average border settler then as it is now." Almost within two months of the last treaties another one was concluded at Washington on January 7,180tf, by which the Cherokee ceded their claim to a large tract between Duck river and the Tennessee, embracing nearly seven thousand square miles in Tennessee and Alabama, together with the Long island (Great island) in Holston river, which up to this time they had claimed as theirs. They were promised in compensation ten thousand dollars in five cash installments, a grist mill and cotton gin, and a life annuity 'Indian treaties, pp.108,121,125,1837; Eoyce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Ann.Eep. Bureau of Ethnol ogy, pp. 183 193,1888 (map and full discussion). "McKenney and Hall, Indian Tribes, π, p. 92,1868. MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN.3 86 of one hundred dollars for Black-fox, the aged head chief of the nation. The signers of the instrument, including Doublehead and Tollunteeskee, were accompanied to Washington by the same commissioners who had procured the previous treaty. In consequence of some misunderstand ing, the boundaries of the ceded tract were still further extended in «i supplementary treaty concluded at the Chickasaw Old Fields on the Tennessee, on September 11, 1807. As the country between Duck river and the Tennessee was claimed also by the Chickasaw, their title- was extinguished by separate treaties.1 The ostensible compensation for this last Cherokee cession, as shown by the treaty, was two thou sand dollars, but it was secretly agreed by Agent Meigs that what he calls a "silent consideration" of one thousand dollars and some rifle« should be given to the chiefs who signed it.2 In 1807 Colonel Elias Earle, with the consent of the Government, obtained a concession from the Cherokee for the establishment of iron works at the mouth of Chickamauga creek, on the south side of Ten nessee river, to be supplied from ores mined in the Cherokee country. It was hoped that this would be a considerable step toward the civili zation of the Indians, besides enabling the Government to obtain its supplies of manufactured iron at a cheaper rate, but after prolonged effort the project was finally abandoned on account of the refusal of the state of Tennessee to sanction the grant.3 In the same year, by arrangement with the general government, the legislature of Tennessee attempted to negotiate with the Cherokee for that part of their unceded lands lying within the state limits, but without success, owing to the unwillingness of the Indians to part with any more territory, and their special dislike for the people of Tennessee.4 In 1810 the Cherokee national council registered a further advance in civilization by formally abolishing the custom of clan revenge, hitherto universal among the tribes. The enactment bears the signa tures of Black-fox (Ina'lï), principal chief, and seven others, and reads as follows: IK COUNCIL, OOSTINALEH, April 18, 1810. 1. Be it known this day, That the various clans or tribes which compose the Cher okee nation have unanimously passed an act of oblivion for all lives for which they may have been indebted one to the other, and have mutually agreed that after this evening the aforesaid act shall become binding upon every clan or tribe thereof. 2. The aforesaid clans or tribes have also agreed that if, in future, any life should be lost without malice intended, the innocent aggressor shall not be accounted guilty; ι Indian Treaties, pp. 132-136,1837; Royce, Cherokee Nation, Fifth Arm. Hep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 193-197,1888. 2 Meigs, letter, September 28, 1807, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, p. 754, 1832; Royce, op. cit., p. 197. »See treaty, December 2,1807, and Jefferson's message, with inclosures, March 10,1808, American State Papers: Indian Affairs, I, pp. 752-764,1832; Royce, op. cit.,pp. 199-201. «Ibid., pp. 201,202. MOONEY] THE UNICOI TURNPIKE 87 and, should it so happen that a brother, forgetting his natural affections, should raise his hands in anger and kill his brother, he shall be accounted guilty of murder and suffer accordingly. 3. If a man have a horse stolen, and overtake the thief, and should his anger be so great as to cause him to shod his blood, let it remain on his own conscience, but no satisfaction shall be required for his life, from his relative or clan he may have belonged to. By order of the seven clans.1 Under an agreement with the Cherokee in 1813 a company composed of representatives of Tennessee, Georgia, and the Cherokee nation was organized to lay out a free public road from Tennessee river to the head of navigation on the Tugaloo branch of Savannah river, with provision for convenient stopping places along the line. The road was completed within the next three years, and became the great high way from the coast to the Tennessee settlements. Beginning on the Tugaloo or Savannah a short distance below the entrance of Toccoa creek, it crossed the upper Chattahoochee, passing through Clarkes- ville, Nacoochee valley, the Unicoi gap, and Hiwassee in Geoi'gia; then entering North Carolina it descended the Hiwassee, passing through Hayesville and Murphy and over the Great Smoky range into Tennessee, until it reached the terminus at the Cherokee capital, Echota, on Little Tennessee. It was officially styled the Unicoi turn pike,8 but was commonly known in North Carolina as the Wachesa trail, from Watsi'sa or Wachesa, a prominent Indian who lived near the crossing-place on Beaverdam creek, below Murphy, this portion of the road being laid out along the old Indian trail which already bore that name.3 Passing over for the present some negotiations having for their pur pose the removal of the Cherokee to the West, we arrive at the period of the Creek war. Ever since the treaty of Greenville it had been the dream of Tecum- tha, the great Shawano chief (33), to weld again the confederacy of the northern tribes as a barrier against the further aggressions of the white man. His own burning eloquence was ably seconded by the subtler persuasion of his brother, who assumed the role of a prophet with a new revelation, the burden of which was that the Indians must return to their old Indian life if they would preserve their national existence. The new doctrine spread among all the northern tribes and at last reached those of the south, where Tecunrtha himself had gone to enlist the warriors in the great Indian confederacy. The prophets of the Upper Creeks eagerly accepted the doctrine and in a short time their warriors were dancing the "dance of the Indians of the lakes." In 'In American State Papers: Indian Affairs, n, p. 283,1834. 8See contract appended to Washington treaty, 1819, Indian Treaties, pp. 269-271,1837; Royce map, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1888. "Author's personal information. \ 1 \ MYTHS OF THE CHEROKEE [ΕΤΗ. ANN. 19 88 £ü Sí Si «t», pu' °" i»'"' »a b·"*"""'an