v The source of this uncorrected OCR text may be viewed as a digital facsimile at: http://fax.libs.uga.edu/ ILIOS THE CITY ^OSTD COTJJSTTRY OF THE TEOJ ANS TUE RESULTS OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF TROY AND THROUGHOUT THE TROID IJi TIIU YEARS 1871-72-73-78-79 INCLUDINQ AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR BY DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN F.3.A., F.B.I. BRITISH ARCHITECTS AUTHOR OF "THOY AND IT3 REMAINS" " MYCEN« " E1C. WITH A PREFACE, APPENDICES, AND NOTES BY PROFESSORS RIDOLP VIRCHOW, MAX MÜLLER, A. H. SVYCE, J. P. M^HAFFY, H. BUl'GSCH-BET P. ASCHERSON, M. A. POSTOLACOAS, M. E. BUKNOUF, Μκ. F. CALVEHT, AXD Mit. A. J. DUFFIELD ΚίκΧητε μίν, ΤρωΓζ Kitt ϊϋκι ημιέΐς Αχαιοί ', ι ,-» ήτοι ¿γων tiftA rfpor*"'\\iov ήνεμόισσαν "·> V »^1. 11. iii. 304, 305'V"o'V ι·ιΓιί 5', îyl SÔtvfXoc Tf, μαχηαύμΐθ', ΐΐς ο κΐ τίκμωρ ', , Ιλίου Ev/rrtj/tev ' σί'ν γαρ ΘΕΙ,« ί!\ή\ονθμΐν ',', ; WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ABOUT 1800 ILLUSTRATIONS NEW YORK HARTER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 1881 Entered according to Act of Congre33, in the year 1880, by DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANtf, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. AU right» reserved. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, M.P., D.C.L., AS A TRIBUTE TO HIS ENTHUSIASTIC LABOURS AND SINGULAR INGENUITY IN ILLUSTRATING THE POEMS OP HOMER, THIS ACCOUNT OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF SACEED ILIOS Is llespectfullu ^¿btrateb BY HIS ADMIRING AND GRATEFUL FRIEND £ árUTHOEÍ ·"··"'·- CONTENTS. PREFACE.—By Professor RUDOLF VIRCHOW ..... [INTRODUCTION.—AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR, AND NARRATIVE OF HIS WORK AT TROY ...... I CHAPTER L—TUE COUNTRY OF THE TUOJANS (oí IL—ETHNOGRAPHY OF TIIK TROJANS: THEIR SEVKRAL DOMINIONS J, IN THE TROAD: TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY III.—THE HISTORY OF TUOY IV.—THE TRUE SITE cr V.—Tnt, FIRST PRE-HISTORIC Γιτγ ON THE HILL OF HISAARLIK VI.—THE SECOND PRE-HISTORIC CITY ON TIIK SITE 01- TROY . VII.—THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY ..... VIII.—THE FOURTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY ON THE SITF. OF TROY I..—THE FIFTH PRE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY X.—THE SIXTH CITY, MOST PROBYBLY A LYDIAN SETTLEMENT XL—THE SEVENTH CirYj THE GREEK ILIUM; OR NOVUM ILIUM XII.—THE CONICAL MOUNDS IN THE TROAD CYLLED THE HMÎOIC TUMULI ........ ΡΛΟΒ ix 1 67 119 152 184 211 264 !!05 518 573 537 008 648 APPENDIX I.—TROY AND HISSARLIK. By Professor VIRCHOW . 673 II.—ON THE RELATION OF NOVUM ILIUM TO THE ILIOS OF ——— HOMER. By Professor J. P. MYTJAFFY . . 686 III.—THE INSCRIPTIONS FOUND AT HISSARLIK. By Professor A. H. SAYCE ....... 691 IV.—THÏMBRA, ΠΑΝΑΪ ΤΕΡΕΠ. By Mr. Consul FRANK CALVKIIT 706 V.—MEDICAL P e A< r ICE IN THE TROAD IN 1809. By Pro fessor RUDOLF VIRCHOW ..... 721 VI.—CATALOGUE OF THE Pi ANTS HITHERTO KNOWN OF THE TROAD, COMPILED ACCORDING ΊΟ THE COLLECTIONS OF PROFESSOR RUDOLF VIKCHOW YND DR. JULIUS SCHMIDT. AND FROM THE LlTERARY SOURCES DV PROFESSOR PAUL ASCIII:RSON OF BERLIN, PROCESSOR THEODOR VON HELD- REICH OF ATHENS, AND DOCTOR F. KURTZ OF BERLIN 727 VII.—ON THE LOST ART OF HARDENING COPPER. By A. J. DUFFIKLD ........ 737 VIII.—ON HERA BOÜPIS. By Professor HENRY BUUGSCH-BEY 740 I..—TROY AND EGYPT. By Profi.'&-.or HENRY BRUGSCH-BEY 745 IINDE.Y ........... 752 NOTE.—Special attention is also called to Professor Max Müller"» Dissertation un the rt ttn(l f at |'ag&ä 31Ü-310. 123108 v DIAGRAM MAPS AND PLANS AT THE END OF THE BOOR. MAI· OF THE TROAD. 83- EMILE BURNOUF PLAN L—OF TROY. Idem. „ II.—OF THE HELLENIC ILIUM. Idem. „ III.—THE GREAT CENTRAL TRENCH. (Section from North to South : West Side.) Idem. „ IV.—GREAT TRESCH, FROM SOUTH-EAST TO NORTH-WEST. (North Front.) Idem. „ V.—PLAN OF THE SUBTERRANEAN BOILPINGS OF THE TUMULUS CALLED UJEK TEPKH. By M. GORKIEWICZ. „ VI.—TRANSVERSE SECTION OF THE SAME. Idem. SHOWING THE SUCCESSIVE STRATA OF REMAINS ON THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. Metre». Feet (.alt). Surface. ILLUSTRATIONS NUMBERS 1-1570.—WOOD ENGRAVINGS IN THE BODY OP THE WORK. NOTE.—These are so fully deat-ribed in their places, that tlie repetition of the descriptions here would he superfluous. NUMBERS 1801-2000.—TERRA-COTTA WHORLS, BALLS, ETC., ON THE PLATES AT THE END. NUTE.—The intermediate Numbers have been left vacant to avoid double Numbers, as the Numbers on the Plates had to be engraved before the Numbers in the text were fixed. 4 ω 7 CO 10 to 10 13 23 33 Stratum of the 7th City, the Aeolic Ilium. Remains of thp 6th, the Lydlan City. Stratum of the 5th City. Stratum of the 4th City. Stratum of the 3rd, the Burnt City (the Homerio Ilios). Stratum of the 2nd City. to Stratum of the Iht City. Native rock.—Its present height above the« sea is 109J feet. Its pre-sent height above the pluin at the foot of the hill is consequently 53^ feet, but it may probably have been 16 or 20 feet more at the time of the Trojan war, the plain having increased in height bj· the alluvia of the rivers and the detritus of vegetable and animal matter. > v COMPARATIVE TABLE OP FRENCH AND ENGLISH MEASURES, EXACT AND APPROXIMATE. Metric. Millimètre Centimètre . Décimètre Mètre . . 2 3 4 ι 5 6 7 8 / 1 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 30 40 50 100 Inches. 0-0393708 0-393708 3-93708 39-3708 78-7416 118-1124 157-4832 196-8540 236-2248 275-5956 314-9(¡64 354-3372 393-7089 433-0788 472-4496 511-8204 551-1012 590-5Π20 620-9328 669-3036 708-6744 748-0452 787-416 1181-124 1574-832 1968-54 :t937-08 Ft. Inch. " „ 0-03937 „ 0-39371 „ 3-9371 3 3-3708 6 6-7416 9 10-1124 13 1-4832 16 4 8540 19 8-2248 22 11-5956 26 2-9664 29 0-3372 32 9-7080 36 1-0788 39 4-4496 42 7-Ü204 45 11-1912 49 2-5620 52 5-9328 55 9-3036 59 0-6744 62 4-0452 65 7-4160 98 5-124 131 2-832 164 0-54 328 1-08 ^- Approximate. • 04 Or ττ-ς of «ich. •4 „ 1 „ 4 inches. 3j feet. 6V „ 10 „ 13 „ 16,' „ 19Í{ „ 23' „ 26¿ „ 29j „ 33 „ 36 (12 jds.) 39» feet. 42$ „ 46 , 491 , 5l\ ' 594 ; 021 , O.r>s , 98?, , 13H , 104 „ 328 (109 yde.) N.B.— The following is a convenient approximate rule :—" To turn Metres into Yards, add 1-11th to the number of Metres." PREFACE BOOK like the present, certain to he so long talked of after (Nachrede), I has no real need of a Preface ( Vorrede). Nevertheless, as my friend I Sehliemaim insists on my introducing it to the public, I put aside all I the scruples which, at least according to my own feeling, assign to me [only an accessory position. A special chance allowed me to be one of Ithe few eye-witnesses of the last excavations at Hissarlik, and to see Ithe ·' Burnt " City emerge, in its whole extent, from the rubbish-heaps of (former ages. At the same time I saw the Trojan land itself, from week to . ek, waking up out of its winter's sleep, and unfolding its natural glories '. •11 pictures ever new, evermore grand and impressive. I can therofore bear my testimony, not only to the labours of the indefatigable explorer, [whit found no rest until his work lay before him fully done, but also to the |truth of the foundations, on which was framed the poetical conception that bas for thousands of yoars called forth the enchanted delight of the edu- ited world. And I recognize the duty of bearing my testimony against Ithe host of doubters, who, with good or ill intentions, have never tired of rping alike at the trustworthiness and significance of his discoveries. It is now an idle question, whether Schliemann, at the beginning of1 fliis researches, proceeded from right or wrong presuppositions. Not only ι has the result decided in his favour, but also the method of his investiga- 1 tion ha^ proved to be excellent. It may be, that his hypotheses were too bold, nay arbitrary ; that the enchanting picture of Homer's immortal, oetry proved somewhat of a snare to his fancy ; but this fault of imagination, if I may so call it, nevertheless involved the secret of piis success. \Vho would have undertaken such groat works, continued through so many years,—have spent such large means out of his own fortune, —have dug through layers of debris heaped one on the other in a eries that seemed almost endless, down to the deep-lying virgin soil, — scept a man who was penetrated with an assured, nay an enthusiastic Fcoiiviction ? The Burnt City would still have lain to this day hidden in I the earth, had not imagination guided the spade. But severe enquiry has of itself taken the place of imagination. Year 'liy year the facts have been more duly estimated. The search for truth— lor the whole truth and nothing but the truth —has at last so far rele- the intuitions of poetry to the background, that I—a naturalist lhabituated to the most dispassionate objective contemplation (ηιίέ der \Gewuhnheit der htltesten Objec(ivitdf)—folt myself forced to remind my χ PREFACE BY PROFESSOR YÏÏICIIOW. friend, that the poet was not a poet only, that his pictures must also have had an objective foundation, and that nothing ought to deter us from bringing the reality, as it presented itself to us, into relation with the old legends formed upon definite recollections of the locality and of the events of the olden time. I rejoice that the book, as it now lies before us, fully satisfies both requirements : while it gives a true and faithful description of the discoveries and of the conditions of the land and the place, it everywhere links together the threads, which allow our imagination to bring the personal agents into definite relations with actual things. The excavations at Hissarlik would have had an imperishable value, even if the Hicid had never been sung. Nowhere else in thn world has the earth covered up BO many remains of ancient settlements lying upon one another, with such rich contents within them. When we stand at the bottom of the great funnel, which has opened up the heart of the hill- fortress, and the eye wanders over the lofty Avails of the excavations, beholding here the ruins of dwellings, there the utensils of the ancient inhabitants, at another spot the remnants of their food, every doubt as to the antiquity of this site soon vanishes. A mere dreamy contemplation is here excluded. The objects present such striking peculiarities as to position and stratification, that the comparison of their properties, whether among themselves, or with other remote discoveries, is of neces sity forced upon us. One cannot be otherwise than realistic (oljectiv), and I huve pleasure in testifying that Schliemann's statements satisfy every demand of truthfulness and accuracy. Whoever has himself made an excavation knows that minor errors can hardly be avoided, and that the progress of an investigation almost always corrects some of the results of earlier stages of the enquiry. But at Hissarlik the correction was simple enough to guarantee the accuracy of the general result, and what is now offered to the world may be placed, in respect of the authenticity of the facts, beside the best researches of archaeology. Besides, an error in verifying the position of any object could in each case relate to details only ; the great mass of results cannot be affected thereby. / The simple jnvestigation of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik suffices to ( prove with complete exactness the succession of the settlements, of which ^Schlieinanu now-^upposes— seven. But order of succession is not yet chronology. From the former we learn what is older and what later, but not how old each separate stratum is. This question involves a comparison with other like places, or at least objects, the date of which is well established ; in other words, interpretation. But, with interpretation, uncertainty also begins. The archieologist is seldom in the position of being able to support his interpretation by the identity of all the objects found. And especially, the farther the comparisons have to be fetched, the less is it possible to calculate that discoveries will corre spond in their totality. Attention is therefore directed to single objects, just as the palaeontologist seeks for characteristic shells (Leitmuschtln), to determine the age of a geological stratum. But experience has shown how uncertain are the Leitmuseheln of archaeology. The human intellect invents identical things at different places, and different things at the PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHO\V. XI same place. Certain artistical or technical forms are developed simul taneously, without any connection or relation between the artists or craftsmen. I recaí the case of the maeander ornament, which appears in Germany quite late, probably not till the time of the Roman empe rors, but presents itself much later still in Peru and on the Amazon, where it appears as yet inadmissible to regard it as importel. Local fashions and artistic forms are so far from being uncommon, that the expert sometimes recognizes the source of the discovery from a single piece. In the case of Hissarlik, the strata which can be defined according to their whole character occur very near the surface. Under the Greek City (Novum Ilium), ami the wall which is probably Macedonian, the excavator comes upon objects, especially upon pottery which, accord ing to its form, material, and painting, belongs to what is called the Archaic period of Greek art. Then begins the Pre-historic age, in the narrower sense of the term. Dr. Schliemann has endeavoured, on good grounds, to show that the Sixth City, reckoning upwards, should be ascribed, in accordance with tradition, to the Lydians, and that we may recognize in its artistic forms an approximation to Etrurian or Umbrian pottery. But the deeper we go, the fewer correspondences do we find. In the Burnt City we occasionally meet with one or another object, which reminds us of Mycenae, of Cyprus, of Egypt, of Assyria ; or probably rather, which points to α like origin, or at least to similar models. Perhaps we shall succeed in multiplying these connecting links, but as yet so little is known of all these relations, that the adaptation of a foreign chronology to the new discoveries seems in the highest degree dangerous. An example full of warning as to this sort of casuistical archaeology is furnished by the latest attack upon Dr. Schliemann by a scholar at St. Petersburg. Because Hissarlik oners certain points of correspondence with Mycenae, and the latter again with South Russia, this scholar there fore concludes that the South Russian chronology must also be the measure for Hissarlik, and that both Mycenae and Hissarlik are to be referred to roving hordes of Heruli in the third century after Christ. Going right to the opposite extreme, other scholars have been inclined to ascribe the oldest " cities " of Hissarlik to the Neolithic Age, because remarkable weapons and utensils of polished stone are found in them. Both these conceptions are equally unjustified and inadmissible. To the third century after Christ belongs the surface of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, which still lies above the Macedonian Avail ; and the oldest " cities "—although not only polished stones but also chipped flakes of chalcedony and obsidian occur in them —nevertheless fall within the Age of Metals For even in the First City, utensils of copper, gold, nay even silver, were dug up. It is beyond doubt that no Stone People, properly so-called, dwelt upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, so far as it has been as yot uncovered. A progressive development of such a people to a higher metallic civili zation can no more be spoken of here, than at any other point of Asia Minor hitherto known. Implements of polished stone are also found else- } v XU PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. XLll where in Asia Minor—as, for example, in the neighbourhood of tho ancient Surdes—but it is not yet proved that they belong to the " Stone Age." Probably this people immigrated at a period of their development, at which they had already entered on the " Metal Age." Were we to take for the foundation of the discussion what first suggests itself, the frequent occurrence of nephrite and Jadeite, we might suppose that the immigration took place from the bordera of China, and that, when the people reached the Hellespont, they had already acquired a high degree of technical dexterity ,ind of finished manufacture. It may be an accident that even in the oldest city two stone hammers have been found with holes bored through them, whereas in no other spot of all Asia Minor, so far as I know, ha/s any similar object occurred. In any case the art of stono-working was already far advanced, and the story of the foundation of Ilium, as sketched out in the Iliad, exactly coincides with the discoveries. The few skulls also, which were saved out of the lower " cities," have this in common, that without exception they present the character (lutbitus) of a more civilized people ; all savage peculiarities, in the stricter sense, are entirely wanting in them. It is strange enough that this race, according to all appearat_ ^noiron. Although there occasionally occur native red iron-stones, which have evidently been used, yet every object which was originally regarded as an iron instrument has proved, on closer investigation, not to be iron. No less strange is it that evcnJnJJie-Iliirnt Citv_Mo pt'oyef^imrd Tías amjivhere beeiL-fonnii. Weapons of copper and bronze occur frequently— lance-heaTln, daggers, arrow-heads, knives, if we may designate these as weapons—but no swords. Corresponding to this deficiency is another iii the case of ornaments, which to us Occidentals is still more striking,— I mean the absence of the JUntla (the buckle of the brooch). Among the copper and bronze pins aie many which, judging from their size and curvature, may be regarded as pins for dress ; but no single fibula in our sense has occurred. I was always of opinion, that the abundance of fibulip in the northern discoveries is explained by the greater necessity for fastening the garments tighter in colder climates. The Roman provincial fibula, which in the northern countries is all but the most frequent object in the discoveries of the Imperial age, falls even in Italy quite into the background. But the fact that, among a race so rich in metals as the ancient Trojans, absolutely no fibula has occurred, is certainly a sign of very high antiquity, and a sure mark of distinction from the majority of Western discoveries which have been adduced in comparison. The same may be said, in passing, of the absence of lamps in the ancient " cities." The pottery presents many more points of correspondence with that of the West. To be sure I could not cite any place where the whole of the pottery found agreed with that of any one of the older cities upon Hissarlik. It is not till the Sixth City that we find, as Dr. Schliemann has very convincingly proved, manifold relations witb the Etruscan vases; and I might still further remark, that not a few of the forms which occur at Ilissarlik in clay are executed in Etruria in bronze. In this connection. I may also refer, as Leitmuscheln, to tho Etruscan beaked pitchers, which have been dug up in the heart of Germany and Belgium. In most of the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik there are terra cottas just like those which are frequently met with in Hungary and Transylvania, in eastern and middle Germany, nay even in the pile- dwellings of Switzerland. I myself possess, through the kindness of Dr. Victor Gross, fragments of black polished clay bowls from the Lake of Jjienne, the inner surfaces of which are covered with incised geometrical I imtterns, filled with white earth, such as I brought away from the oldest city of Hissarlik. Quite lately I was present at the excavation of a great conical barrow, conducted by Prof. Klopfleisch in the territory of Anhalt : ! the greater number of the clay vessels discovered there had broad wiiig- slmped excrescences with perpendicular perforations, and very large and pai ticularly brond handles, which were put on quite low down close to the bottom, like those met with in the Burnt City. I have before alluded to the similarity of the little animal figures, the ornamented ; stamps, iind other terra-cottas in Hungary. The strange perforated | incense-vessels (lanterns) of Hissarlik find numerous analogies in the 1 burial-grounds of Lusatia and Posen. 1 am not prepared to affirm that these are proofs of a direct connection. That question can only be reviewed when the countries of the Balkan peninsula shall have been more thoroughly investigated archicologically, a thing which is urgently to be desired. But even if a real connection should appear, the question will still remain open, whether the current of civilization set from Asia Minor to Eastern Europe, or the inverse way; and, since the former is presumptively the more probable, little would lie gained hence for the chronology of Hissarlik. Much might be brought in here, as, for instance, the hooked cross (Suastika), the Triquetrum, the circular and spiral decoration, the wave- ornament ; but I pass by these, as being widely-diffused marks, which, as we learn from experience, furnish little support for the determination of time. On the other hand, 1 cannot entirely refroin from touching on a point, on which I do not completely agree with Schliemann. I refer to our Face- Vases, such as occur plentifully in PomerelliMi and East Pornerania, as far as Posen and Silesia, in a region distinctly defined. I cannot deny that there is a great resemblance between them and the Trojan " Owl- Viises," though I also admit that the " Owl's Face " does not occur upon\ them. But as to this matter I am disposed somewhat to modify my j friend's expression. So far as I see, there is not a single Trojan Face- / Va*-e, which can be said to have a true Owl's Head, or in which the part of the vase referred to can be regarded as completely in the form of a bird. As a matter of Natural History, the type of tho form modelled on this upper part is human, and it is only within the human outlines and pro- poitions that the nose and the region of the eyes are owl-formed. The ear, on tho other hand, is always put on like that of a man, never like that of an owl. I do not deny that the form of the face often represents the owl-type, and I have no objection to make against the connection with tho 7λαυ/ίώτΓίς, but I should not like to extend the likeness to a larger xiv PREFACE D Y PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. XV \ surface than around the eyes and the upper parfe about the nose : the ears, and the mouth (where it occurs), as well as the breasta, are exclusively human. And so—only still more in the human form—are also the Faee- Urna of Pomerellen. I do not therefore give up the hope that a certain connection may yet be discovered ; but, if so, I am prepared to find that our Face-Urns will have to be assigned to a much later period than those of Troy. My conclusion is thia : that the discoveries at Hissarlik will not be explained by thoae made in the North or the West, Lut, inversely, that wo must test our collections by Oriental models. For Hisaarlik also, the probable sources of connection lie East and South ; but their determina tion requires new and far more thorough studiea in the fields of the Oriental world, hitherto so scantily reaped. It was not the Hind itself that first brought the Phoenicians and the Ethiopians into the Trojan legendary cycle ; the diacoveriea at Hissarlik themselves, in placing before our eyes ivory, enamel, figures of the hippopotamus, and fine works in gold, point distinctly to Egypt and Assyria. It ia there that the chrono logical relationa of Hissarlik must find their solution. Meanwhile, however, there stands the great hill of ruins, forming for realistic contemplation a phenomenon quite aa unique as the " Sacred Ilios " for poetical feeling. It has not its like. Never once in any other heap of ruins is a standard given by which to judge it. Therefore it will not fit into tho Procrustean bed of systematizers (¡Scheiiwtiker). Hincillae irae. This excavation has opened for the studiea of the archaeologist a completely new theatre—like a world by itself. Here begins an entirely new science. And in this unique hill there is a Stratum, and that one of the / deepest—according to Schliemann's present reckoning, the Third from the bottom,—which especially arrests our attention. Here was a great devouring fire, in which the clay walls of the buildings were molten and made fluid like wax, so that congealed drops of glass bear witness at the present day to the mighty conflagration. Only at a few places are cinders left, whose structure enables us still to discover~whftt-was^buratr:::::whether wood or straw, wheat or pease. A very-small part oj^this-^cftyhas upon the whole escaped the fire ; and only here and there in the burnt parts have portions of the houses remained uninjured beneath the rubbish of the foundering walls. Almost the whole is burnt to ashes. How enor mous must_have been the fire that devouredall this splendour ! We seem to hear the crackling_of the wood, the crash of the tumbling buildings ! And, in spite of this, what richelTTiave bjen^brought to light out of the ashes ! TreasurejTgf^gold, one after unother, presented themselves to the astonished eye. In that remote tíme7~when mairwas so little advanced in the knowledge of the earth and of his own power, in that time when, as the poet tells us, the king's sons were shepherds, the possession of such treasures of tho precious metals, and that in the finest and most costly workmanship, must have become famous far and wide. The splendour of this chieftain must have awakened envy and eovetousness ; and the ruin of his high fortress can signify nothing else than his own downfall and the destruction of his race. Was this chjeftain PRIAM? Waa thÍ9_city__SAcnED_jrjoa^? No one ever fathom the question, whether these were the names which men used when the celebrated king still looked out from his elevated fortress over the Trojan Plain to the Hellespont. Perhaps these mimes are only the poet's inventiona. Who can know? Perhnps the legend had handed down no more than the story of the victorious enterprise of war undertaken from the West, to overthrow the kingdom and the city. But who will doubt that on thia spot a terrible conquest was really won in fi«ht against a garrison, who not only defended themselves, their families, and their houses, with weapons of stone and bronze, but who also had great wealth in gold and silver, ornaments and furniture, to protect ? It is in itself of little consequence to quarrel about the names of these men or of their city. And yet the first question that rises to every one's lips, to-day as in the time of Homer, is this :—Who and whence among mankind •were tiny? Though the severe enquirer may refuse them names, though the whole race may glide past before the judgment-seat of science like the ghosts of Hades,—yet for us, who love the colours of daylight, the dress of life, the glitter of personality, for us PBIAM and ILIUM will remain the designations upon •nhich our thoughts fasten, as often ns they concern themselves with the events of that period. It was here, where Asia and Europe for the first time encountered in a war of extermination (in volkerfri-ssendem Kampfe) ; it was here that the onlyx decisive victory was won in fight, which the West gained over the East on the soil of Asia, during the whole time down to Alexander the Great. And now, under our eyes, this sito has been again disclosed. When those men whom we call the Classics wrote, the burnt abodes lay hidden beneath the ruins of succeeding settlements. To the question—" Where was Ilium ? "—no one had an answer. Even the legend had no longer a locality. It must assuredly have been otherwise when the poem had its origin. Whether we call the poet Homer, or substitute in his place a host of numelcss bards,—when the poetic tale originated, the tradition must still have been preserved upon the spot, that the royal fortress had stood e\iictly on this mountain spur. It is in vain to dispute with the poet his knowledge of the place by his own eyesight. Whoever the " divine bard " was, he must have stood upon this hill of Hissarlik—that is, the Castle- or Fortress-Hill—and have looked out thence over land and sea. In no other case could he possibly have combined so much truth to nature in his poem. I have described, in a brief essay,1 the Trojan country as it is, and compared it with what the Iliad says of it, and I believe I may call any one to bear witness, whether it is possible that a poet living at a distance could have evolved out of his own imagination so faithful a picture of the land and people as is embodied in the Iliad. To this is to be added another consideration. The Iliad is not merely un Epic which sings of human affairs : in the conflict of men the great circle of the Olympic gods takes part, acting and suffering. Hence it happened that the Iliad became the special religious book, the Bible of See Appendix I., Troy and Hisaarlik. ι ———id/// 3 V XVI PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIIÎCIIOW. the Greek«? and partly of the Romans. This must not be overlooked. Therefore I have especially called attention to the fact, that the theatre for tho action of the gods has been drawn rauch larger than for the men. The range of these poems extends far lieyond the Plain of Troy. Its limit is there, where the eye finds its boundary, on the lofty summits of Ida and the peak of Samothraee, whore the clouds have birth and the storms make their home. Who could have lighted upon such α story of the gods with this fineness of localizing, except one who had himself beheld the mighty phenomena of nature which are here displayed? Who, that had not gazed on them in their alternate course for days and weeks together ? The question of the Iliad is not simply the old question—Ubi Hium fuit ? No, it embraces the whole. We must not sever the story of the gods from the story of the men. The poet who sang of Ilium painted also the picture of the whole Troj'an country. Ida and Samothrace, Tenerlos and the Hellespont, Callieolone and the llarnpart of Herakles, the Scamander and the memorial tumuli of the heroes— all this appeared before the .view of the enraptured hearer. All this is inseparable. And therefore it is not left to our choice, where we should place Ilium. Therefore we must have a place, which answers to all the requirements of the poetry. There fore we are compelled to say : —Here, upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, —here, upon the site of the ruins of the Burnt City of Gold,—J¿ere was Ilium. And therefore thrice happy the man to whose lot it has fallen to realize in the maturity of manhood the dreams of his childhood, and to unveil the Burnt City. Whatever may be the acknowledgement of contemporaries, no one will be able to rob him of the consciousness, that he has solved the great problem of thousands of years. A barbarous government, which weighed as a heavy burthen on the land, has upon the whole kept down the condition of the surface of the country and the habits of human life in the Troad at the same level as when it imposed its yoke. Thus, much has been preserved which elsewhere would probably have been destroyed by daily cultivation. Sehliemann was able to make his exca vations, as it were, in a virgin soil. He hacM;h_e_coui-age_to dig deeper and still deeper, to remove..whole mountains of rubbish a,nd~3eZTr£a7 and at last he saw before him the treiiaur£^o_ught_and__dreami_ of, in its full reality^ And now tho treasure-digger has become a scholarr who, with Iong~and earuest_study, has compared the facts of Jria_ Experience, as well as the statements ofhTstorians and geographers, with the legendary tradi tions of poets and mythologers. May the work which he has terminated become to many thousands a source of enjoyment and instruction, aa it will be to himself an everlasting glory ! "~~"~—— ~~ ~~ KUDOLl·1 VIECHOW. BÄHLIN, September 10th, 1080. \\ ILIOS. INTRODUCTION. AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP THE AUTHOR, AKD NARRATIVE OP HIS WORK AT TROY. δ I. EARLY AND COMMERCIAL LIFE: 1822 TO 1806. J IP I begin this book with my autobiography, it is not from any feeling of vanity, but from a desire to show how the work of my later life has been the natural consequence of the impressions I received in my earliest childhood ; and that, so to say, the pickaxe and spade for the excavation of Troy and the royal tombs of Mycenae were both forged and sharpened in the little German village in which I passed eight years of my earliest childhood. I also find it necessary to relate how I obtained the means Λ/hich enabled me, in the autumn of my life, to realize the great projects I formed when I was a poor little boy. But I flatter myself that the manner in which I have employed my time, as well as the use I have made of my wealth, will meet with general approbation, and that my autobiography may aid in diffusing among the intelligent public of all countries a taste for those high and noble studies, which have sustained my courage during the hard trials of my life, and which will sweeten tho days yet left me to live. I was born on the 6th of January, 1822, in the little town of Neu Buckow, in Mecklenburg-Schwerin, where my father,1 Ernest Schliemann, was Protestant clergyman, and whence, in 1823, he was elected in that capacity to the parish of the village of Ankershagen between Waren and Penzlin, in the same duchy. In that village I spent the eight following years of my life ; and my natural disposition for the mysterious and the marvellous was stimulated to a passion by the wonders of the locality in which I lived. Our garden-house was said to be haunted by the ghost of niy father's predecessor, Pastor von Eussdorf ; and just behind our garden 'ft as a pond called "das Silberschalchen," out of which a maiden was believed to rise each midnight, holding α silver bowl. There was also in the village a small hill surrounded by a ditch, probably a pre-historic 1 Deceased in November ISTOj at tile acjfr of 90 yeirs. LIBRARY' AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [IKTROD. THE BOY'S DESIRE TO DIG UP TROY. burial-place (or so-called Hünengrab)? in which, as the legend ran, a robber knight in times of old had buried his beloved child in a golden cradle. Vast treasures were also said to be buried close to the ruina of a round tower in the garden of the proprietor of the village. My faith in the existenco of these treasures was so great that, whenever I heard my father complain of hia poverty, I always expressed my astonishment that he did not dig up the silver bowl or the golden cradle, and so become rich. There was likewise in Ankershagen a medieval castlo, with secret passages in its walls, which were six feet thick, and an underground road, which was supposed to be five miles long, and to pasa beneath the deep lake of Speck ; it was said, to be haunted by fearful spectres, and no villager spoke of it without terror.3 There \vaa a legend, that the castle had once been inhabited by a robber knight of the name of Henning von Holstein, popularly called " Henning Bradeiikirl," who was dreaded over the whole country, for he plundered and sacked wherever he could. But, to hia vexation, the Duke of Mecklenburg gave safe-conducts to many of the merchants who had to pass by his castle. Wishing to wreak vengeance upon the duke, Henning begged him to do him the honour of a visit. The duke accepted the invitation, and came on the appointed day with a largo retinue. But a cowherd, who waa cognizant of Henning's design to murder his guest, hid himself in the underwood on the road side, behind a hill a mile distant from our house, and lay in wait for the duke, to whom ho disclosed his master's murderous intention, and the duke accordingly returned instantly. The hill was said to have derived its present name, " Wartensberg " or " Watch-mount," from the event. Henning, having found out that his design had been frustrated by the cowherd, in revengo fried the man alive in a large iron pan, and gave him, when he was dying, a last kick with hia left foot. Soon after this the duke caine with a regiment of soldiers, kid siege to the castle, and captured it. When Henning saw that there was no escape for him, he packed all hia treasures in a box and buried it close to the round tower in his garden, the ruins of which are still standing, and he then committed suicide. A long line of flat stones in our churchyard was said to mark the malefactor's grave, from which for centuries his left leg used to grow out, covered with a black silk stocking.4 Nay, both the sexton Prange and the sacristan Wóllert swore that, when boys, they had themselves cut off the leg and used its bone to knock down pears from the treea, but that, in the beginning of the present century, the leg had suddenly stopped growing out. In my childish simplicity I of course believed all 2 This sepulchre still exists, and when I lately revisited Ankershagen I strongly recom mended its present proprietor, the excellent Sir. E. Winckelimnn, and hia accomplished lady, whose bountiful hospitality I here grate fully acknowledge, to excavate it, on the ground that they would in all probability find there, not indeed a golden craille, yet very interesting pre historic antiquities. 8 In this very same castle, the famous German translator of Homer, J. H. Voss, passed very unhappy days as tutor. See Dr. Fr. Schlie, RMtemnnn und seine Jiestrebunjert, who cites W. Herbst, Johann ffeinrtch Voss, i. p. 46. 1 According to the tradition, one of these legs had been buried just before the altar. Strange to say, when some years ago the church of Ankershagen was being repaired, a single leg-bone was found at a small depth before the altar, is my cousin the Kuv. Hans Becker, the present clergy man of Ankershngen, assures 4V · nay I often begged my father to excavate the tomb or to allow me to excavate it, in order to see why the foot no longer grew out. A very deep impression was alao made upon my mind by the terra- ott ι relief of a man on the back wall of the castle, which was said to be ti e portrait of Henning Bradenkirl himself. As no paint would stick to t nopuLir belief averred that it waa covered with the blood of the cow herd which could not be effaced. A walled-up fireplace in. the saloon was indicated as the place where the cowherd had been fried on the iron pan. Though all pains were said to have been taken to obliterate the joints of tint terrible chimncv, nevertheless they always remained visible ; and this too was regarded as a sign from heaven, that the diabolic deed should never be forgotten. I also believed in a story that Mr. von Gundlach, the proprietor of tho neighbouring village, Rumshagen, had excavated a mound near the church, and had discovered in it large wooden barrels containing Koman beer. Though my father was neither a scholar nor an archœologist, ho had a pas&ion for ancient history. He often told me with warm enthusiasm of the tragic fate of Herculaneum and Pompeii, and seemed to consider him the luckiest of men who had the means and the time to visit the excavations which were going on there. He also related to me with admiration the great deeds of the Homeric heroes and the events of the Trojan war, always finding in mo a warm defender of the Trojan cause. With great grief I heard from him that Troy had been so completely destroye'd, that it had disappeared without leaving any traces of its existence. My joy may be imagined, therefore, when, being nearly eight years old, I received from him, in 1829, aa a Christmas gift, Dr. Georg Ludwig Jerrer's Universal History? with an engraving representing Troy in flames, with its huge walls and the Scaean gate, from which Aeneas is «reaping, carrying his father Anchises on his back and holding his son Ascanius by the hand ; and I cried out, " Father, you were mistaken : Jcrrcr must have seen Troy, otherwise ho could not have represented it here." " My son," ho replied, " that is merely a fanciful picture." But to my question, whether ancient Troy had such huge walls as those depicted in the book, he answered in the affirmative. " Father," retorted I, "if such walls once existed, they cannot possibly have been completely «lestrtfyed: vast ruins of them must still remain, but they are hidden away beneath the dust of ages." He maintained the contrary, whilst I remained firm in my opinion, and at last we both agreed that I should one day excavate Troy. ' What weighs on our heart, be it joy or sorrow, always finds utterance from our lips, especially in childhood ; and so it happened that I talked of nothing else to my playfellows, but of Troy and of the mysterious and wonderful things in which our village abounded. I was continually laughed at by every one except two young girls, Louise8 and Minna7 1 Nürnberg, 1828. * Louise Meincke has been, since 1838, the happy nifc Of the Eer. E. Frulkh, and is now ''Vini? at Neu Brandenburg, in Mecklenburg. 7 Minnn Meincke married, in 1846, the excel lent farmer Richcis, ind is now living happily at Friedland, in Mecklenburg. l·''-/ J AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [IKTHOD. Meincke, the daughters of a farmer in Zahren, a village only a mile distant from Aukershagen ; the former of whom, waa my senior by six years, the latter of my own age. Not only did they not laugh at me, but, on the contrary, they always listened to me with profound attention, especially Minna, who showed me the greatest sympathy and entered into all my vast plans for the futuro. Thus a warm attachment sprang up between us, and in our childish simplicity we exchanged vows of eternal love. In the winter of 1829-30 we took lessons in dancing together, alternately at niy little bride's house, at ours, and in the old haunted castle, then occupied by the farmer Mr. Heldt, where, with the same profound interest, we contemplated ITcnning's bloody bust, the ominous joints of the awful fireplace, the secret passages in the walls, and the entrance to the underground road. Whenever the dancing-lesson was at our house, we would either go to tha cemetery before our door, to see whether Henning's foot did not grow out again, or sit down in admiration before the church-registers, written by the hand of Johann Chr. von Schröder and Gottfriederich Heinrich von Schröder, father and son, who had occupied my father's place from 1709 to 1799 ; the oldest records of births, marriages,, and deaths inscribed in those registers having a particular charm for us. Or we would visit together tho younger Pastor vcwi Schröder's daughter,8 then eighty-four years of age, who was living close to us, to question her about the past history of the village, or to look at the portraits of her ancestors,9 of which that of her mother, Olgartha Christine von Schröder, deceased in 1795, was our special delight, partly because we thought it a masterpiece of workmanship, partly because it resembled Minna. We also often visited the village tailor Wöllert,10 who was one-eyed, had only one foot, and was for this reason called " Peter Hüppert," or Hopping Peter. He was illiterate, but had such a prodigious memory that he could repeat my father's sermon word by word after having heard it in church. This man, who might possibly have become one of the greatest scholars of the world, had he had a university education, was full of wit, and excited our curiosity to the utmost by his inexhaustible stock of anec dotes, which he told with a wonderful oratorical skill. Thus, to give but one of them : ho told us how, being desirous to know whither the storks migrated for the winter, he had, in the time of my father's predecessor, Pastor von Bussdorf, caught one of the storks which used to build their nests on our barn, and had fastened round its foot a piece of parchment, on which, at his request, the sexton Prange had written that he himself, the sexton, and Wöllert the tailor, at the village of Aukershagen in Meck lenburg-Schwerin, humbly begged the proprietor of the barn, on which a Deceased in 1SW, at the age of 93. • By the kind efforts of Miss Ha Frölich, the accomplished daughter of Mrs. Louise Freilich, nil these portraits—five in number—have lately become my property, and I have assigned to them the place of honour in my libiary, facing the Acropolis of Athens. At the deith of Miss von Schrutlur, these portraits had passed over into the possession of my father's successor, Pistor Con- radi, who had bequeathed tliem to the chuicli of /Vnkershagen, but he ceded them to me in order to use the proceeds for presenting to that church, while he still lived, a more durable object, namely, a silver calvx. 10 Deceased in 1850. MINNA MEINCKE. 5 the stork had its nest in the winter, to inform them of the name of his country. When the stork was again caught by him in the spring, another' parchment was found attached to its foot, with the following answer in bad German verse :— " Schwerin Mecklenburg ist uns nicht bekannt, . Das Land wo sich der Storch befand Nennt sich Sankt Johannes-Land." « We do not know Schwerin Mecklenburg : tha country where the stork was is called Saint John's Land." Of course we believed all this, and would have given years of our lifo to know where that mysterious Saint John's Land was to be found. If this and similar anecdotes did not improve our knowledge of geo graphy, at least they stimulated our desire to learn it, and increased our passion for the mysterious. From our dancing-lessons neither Minna nor I derived any profit at all whether it was that we had no natural talent for the art, or that our minds were too much absorbed by our important archaeological investi gations and our plans for the future. It was agreed between us that aa soon as wo were grown up we would marry, and then at once set to work to explore all the mysteries oí Ankcrshagen ; excavating the golden cradle, the silver basin, the vast tn asures hidden by Henning, then Henning's sepulchre, and lastly Troy; nay, we could imagine nothing pleasanter than to spend all our lives in digging for the relics of the past. Thanks to God, my firm belief in the existence of that Troy has never forsaken me amid all the vicissitudes of my eventful career ; but it was not destined for me to realize till in tho autumn of my life, and then without Minna—nay, far from her—our sweet dreams of fifty years ago. My father did not know Greek, but he knew Latin, and availed him self of every spare moment to teach it me. When I was hardly nine jefirs old, my dear mother died : this was an irreparable misfortune, perhaps the greatest which could have befallen me and my six brothers and sisters." But my mother's death coincided with another misfortune, which resulted in all our acquaintances suddenly turning their backs upon us and refusing to have any further intercourse with us. I did not care much about the others ; but to see the family of Meincke no more, to separate altogether from Minna—never to behold her again—this was a thousand times more painful to me than my mother's death, which I soon forgot under my overwhelming grief for Minna's loss. In later life I have undergone many great troubles in different parts of the world, but none of them ever caused me a thousandth part of the grief I felt at the tender age of nine years for my separation from my little bride. I'mthcd in tears and alone, I used to stand for hours each day before Olgartha von Schröder's portrait, remembering in my misery the happy "My two brothers are dead. Of my four of Professor Wilhelm Kuhse in Dillenburg •inters only the eldest, Elise, is unmarried.' The (Hesse-Cassel) ; and the fourth, Louise, is the «econil, Doris, was tha happy wife of the late happy wife of the teacher Martin Pechel m •»cretiry Hans Petrowsky in Roebel (Mecklen- Dargun (Mecklenburg). "uig) ; the third, Wilhelmine, is the hnppy wife v AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF TUB AUTHOR. [IlsTBOD. days I had passed in Minna's company. The future appeared dark to me; all the mysterious wonders of Ankershagen, and even Troy itself, last their interest for α time. Seeing my despondency, my father sent me for two years to his brother, the Bevercnd Friederich Schliemann,1 who was the pastor of the village of Kalkhorst in Mecklenburg, where for one year I had the good fortune of having the candidate C:irl Andres2 from Neu Strelitz as a teacher ; and the progress I made under this excellent philologist was so great that, at Christmas 1832,1 was able to present my father with a badly-written Latin essay upon the principal events of the Trojan war and the adventures of Ulysses and Agamemnon. At the age of eleven I went to the Gymnasium at Neu Strelitz, where I was placed in the third class. But just at that time a great disaster befel our family, and, being afraid that my father would no longer have the means of supporting mo for a number of years, I left the gymnasium after being in it only three months, and entered the Realschule of tho same city, whore I was placed in the second class. In the spring of 1835 I advanced to the first class, which I left in April 183G, at the age of fourteen, to become apprentice in tho little grocer's shop of Ernes» Ludwig Holtz,3 in the small town of Fürstenberg in Mecklenburg-Strelitz. A few days before my departure from Neu Strelitz, on Good Friday 1830, I accidentally met Minna Meincke, whom I had not seen for more 'than five years, at the house of Mr. C. E. Laué.4 I shall never forget that interview, the last I ever had with her. She had grown much, and was now fourteen years old. Being dressed in plain black, the simplicity of her attire seemed to enhance her fascinating beauty. When we looked at each other, we both burst into a flood of tears and fell speechless into each other's arms. Several times we attempted to speak, but our emotion was too great ; neither of us could articulate a word. But soon Minna's parents entered tho room, and we had to separate. It took me a long time to recover from my emotion. I was now sure that Minna still loved me, and this thought stimulated my ambition. Nay, from that moment I felt within me a boundless energy, and was sure that with unremit ting zeal I could raise myself in the world and show that I was worthy of her. I only implored God to grant that she might not marry before I had attained an independent position. I was employed in the little grocer's shop at Fürstenberg for five y ears .and a half; for the first year by Mr. Holtz, and afterwards by his successor, the excellent Mr. Theodor Hückstaedt.5 My occupation consisted in retailing herrings, butter, potato-whiskey, milk, salt, coffee, sugar, oil, and candles ; in grinding potatoes for the still, sweeping the shop, and the like employments. Our transactions were on such a small scale, that our aggregate sales hardly amounted to 3000 thalers, or £450 annually; nay, we thought we had extraordinary luck when we sold two 1 Deceased in 18G1. 2 Candidate Carl Andres is now librarian of the Grand-ducal library and keeper of the Mu seum of Antiquities in Neu Strelitz. • Deceased in 183G. * Mr. Lauë died in 1860, but Mrs. I.aue, now eighty-four years old, is still living at Neu Strelitz, where the author lately saw her. 1 Th. Hückstaedt died in 1872, but the little grocer's business is continued by his excellent widow and her son-in-law, Mr. îleyer. .--, THE MILLER RECITING HOMER. 7 I OLÍ í -J ounds' worth of groceries in a day. There I of course came in contact nlv with.the lowest classes of society. I was engaged from five in the rniu" j¿ji eleven at night, and had not a -moment's leisure for studv. Moreover I rapidly forgot the little that I had learnt in child hood; but I did not lose tho love of learning; indeed I never lost it, and as long as I live, I shall never forget the evening when a drunken uiilÎer came into the shop. His name was Hermann Niederhöffer. He was tho son of a Protestant clergyman in lîoebel (Mecklenburg), and had almost completed his studies at the Gymnasium of Neu Euppin, when he was expelled on account of his bad conduct. Not knowing what to do with him, his father apprenticed him to the farmer Langermann in the village of Dambeck ; and, as even there his conduct was not exemplary, he anaiu apprenticed him for two years to the miller Dettmann at Giistrow. Dissatisfied w'ith his lot, the young man gave himself up to drink, which, however, had not made him forget his Homer ; for on the evening that he entered the shop he recited to us about a hundred lines of the poet, observing tho rhythmic cadence of the verses.6 Although I did not understand a syllable, the melodious sound of the words made a deep impression upon me, and I wept bitter tears over my unhappy fate. Three times over did I get him to repeat to me those divine verses, rewarding his trouble with three glasses of whiskey, which I bought with the few pence that made up my whole fortune. From that moment I never ceased to pray God that by His grace I might yet have the happiness of learning Greek. There seemed, however, no hope of my escaping from the hapless and humble position in which I found myself. And yet I was relieved from it, as if by a miracle. In lifting a cask too heavy for me, I hurt my chest ; I spat blood and was no longer able to work. In despair I went to Hamburg, where I succeeded in obtaining a situation with an annual salary of 180 marks, or £9 sterling : first in the grocer's shop of Lindemann junior, on the Fishmarket in Altona ; and afterwards in that of E. L. Deyclce junior, at tho corner of the Mühren and Matten- Twiete in Hamburg. But as I could not do the heavy work, owing to my weakness in tho chest, I was found useless by my employers, and was turned away from each place, after having occupied it for only eight clays. Seeing the impossibility of filling a situation as grocer's shop man, and prompted by want to engage in any work, however humble, • This Heimann Niederhoffer is now 66 yeara old, and is living in eisy circumstances at Roebel, where the author lately saw him, and instantly recognized him by the pathos with which he de- clfimed Homer, as well as by other circumstances. Having been born in 1813, he was twenty-fonr je.ars of age when, in 1837, he entered the little shop of Lrnest Ludwig Holtz, at Fürstenberg, where the author was apprenticed. He remained for seven years afterwards, making in all ten Tears, a journeyman miller, working successively at a great many dînèrent places in Germany. Having· in 1844 returned to hia family at Iloeliel, through the influence of his relations he obtained employment as communal clerk at Wredeuhagen, and remained for four years in that capacity, until in 1848 the magistrate of Roebel gave him the office of collector on a turnpike read. In this employment he at once married an excellent wife, who induced him to give up intoxi cating liquors, so that he retained the same place for thirty-ono jeais, only leaving it in the spring of 1879, when he retired to Roebel. Wonderful to say, in spite of all the vicissitudes of his eventful life, he has forgotten neither his Homer nor his Virgil, and still declaims them with the same warm enthusiasm as he did forty- three years ago in the shop at Fiirstenbcrg. ffc/í 8 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [IKTROD. merely to earn my food, I endeavoured to obtain employment on board a ship, and at the recommendation of a very kind-hearted shipbroker, Mr. J. F. Wcndt, a native of Sternberg in Mecklenburg, who when a child had been brought up with my late mother, I succeeded in obtaining a situation as cabin-boy on board the little brig Dorothea, commanded by Captain Simonsen, owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroogmann of Hamburg, and bound for La Guayra in Venezuela. I had always been poor, but never yet so utterly destitute as at that time ; I had even to sell my only coat in order to buy α blanket. On the 28th of November, 1811, we left Hamburg with a fair wind ; but in a few hours it turned contrary, and we were accordingly detained for three days in the river Elbe, near Blankenese, until on the 1st of December the wind again became fair. On that day we passed Cux- haven and entered the open sea, but we had no sooner reached Heligo land than 'the wind returned to the west, and remained there up to the 12th of December. We were continually tacking, but made little or no progress, until in the night of the llth-12th December we were shipwrecked in a fearful storm off the island of Texel, on the bank called " de Eilandsche Grond." After escaping innumerable dangers, and having been tossed about by the fury of the elements for nine hours in a very small open boat, the crew, consisting of nine men, wcro all saved. I shall always remember with gratitude to Heaven the joyful moment when our boat was thrown by the surf on a bank close to the shore of the Texel, and all danger was over. I did not know the name of the land we had been cast upon, but I perceived that it was a foreign country. I felt as if on that bank a voice whispered to me that the tide in my earthly affairs had come, and that I had to take it at its flood. My belief was confirmed when, on the very day of our arrival, my little box, containing a few shirts and stockings, as well as my pocket- book with the letters of recommendation for La Guayra procured for me by Mr. Wcndt, was found floating on the sea and was picked up, while all my comrades and the captain himself lost everything. In consequence of this strange event, they gave me the nickname of " Jonah," by which I was called as long as we remained at the Texel. We were kindly received there by the consuls Sonderdorp and Earn, who proposed to send me, together with the rest of the crew, by way of Harlingen, back to Hamburg. But I declined to return to Germany, whore I had been so overwhelmingly unfortunate, telling them that I regarded it as my destiny to remain in Holland, that I intended to proceed to Amsterdam to enlist as a soldier, for I was utterly destitute, and saw, for the moment, no other means of obtaining a living. At my urgent request, therefore, Messrs. Sonderdorp and Earn paid 2 guilders (3a. 4.d.) for my passage to Amsterdam. The wind having now changed to the south, the little vessel by which I was forwarded had to stay a day at the town of Enkhuyzen, and it took us no less than three days to reach the capital of Holland. For want of clothes I suffered fearfully on this passage. Fortune did not smile on me at first at Amsterdam : winter had set in ; I had no coat, and was suffering cruelly from the cold. My intention to enlist aa a „, MODE OF LEARNING LANGUAGES. 9 UM— J llier could'not be realized so soon as I had imagined; and the few fl τιιΐ9 which I had collected as alms on the island of Texel and in F kliuvzcu as well as the two florins which I obtained from Mr. Quack, the consul for Mecklenburg at Amsterdam, were soon spent in the tavern f Mrs. Graalman in the Eamskoy a» Amsterdam, where I had taken my lodfin^a. As my means of living were entirely exhausted, I feigned illnWand was taken into the hospital. From this terrible situation I was π leased by thé kind shipbroker already mentioned, Mr. Wendt7 of Hamburg, to whom I had written from the Texel, informing him of my shipwreck and my intention to try my fortune at Amsterdam. By α lucky chance my letter reached him when he was sitting at a dinner party with numerous friends. The account of the disaster which had befullen me excited universal compassion, and a subscription which he nt once raised for mo produced the sum of 240 florins (£20), which he sent me through Consul Quack. At the same time, ha recommended me to the excellent Cónsul-General of Prussia at Amsterdam, Mr. W. Hepner,8 who procured me α situation in the office of Mr. F. C. Quien.9 In my new situation my work consisted in stamping bill» of exchange and getting them cashed in the town, and in carrying letters to and from the post-office. This mechanical occupation suited me, for it left me time to think of my neglected education. First of all I took pains to learn__to_write_ legibly, and this I succeeded in doing after twenty lessons from the famous calligraphist Magnée, of Brussels. Afterwards, in order to improve my position, I applied myself to the study of modern languages. My annual salary amounted only to 800 francs (£32), half of which I spent upon my studies; on the other half I lived—miserably enough, to be sure. My lodging, which cost 8 francs a month, was a wretched garret without a fire, where I shivered with cold in winter and was scorched with the heat in summer. My breakfast consisted of rye-meal porridge, and my dinner never cost more than two-pence. But nothing spurs one on to study more than misery and the certain prospect of being able to release oneself from it by unremitting work. Besides, the desire of showing myself worthy of Minna created and developed in me a boundless courage. I applied myself with extraordinary diligence to the study of English. Necessity taught me a method which greatly facilitates the study of a language. This method consists in reading a great deal aloud, without making a translation, taking a lesson every day, con stantly writing essays upon subjects of interest, correcting these under the supprvision of a teacher, learning them by heart, and repeating in the next lesson what was corrected on the previous day. My memory was bad, since from my childhood it had not been exercised npon any object ; but I made use of every moment, and even stole time for study. * Wy bencEictor J. F. Wendt died in January 18Γ.6. * Consul Ilepner died in 1870. * The commercial house of V. G. Quien still eittts at Amsterdam, under the same name. The founder of the house is dead, but his two sons, Ch-arles and George Quien, who were already partners in the house when the author first entered it at the beginning of 1842, are both still alive. v I,/I 10 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. In order to acquire a good pronunciation quickly, I weufc twice every Sunday to tho English church, and repeated to myself in a low voice every word of the clergyman's sermon. 1 never went on my errands, even in tho rain, without having my book in my hand and learning something hy heart ; and I never waited at the post-office without reading. By such methods I gradually strengthened my memory, and in three months' time found no difficulty in reciting from" memory to my teacher, Mr. Taylor, in each day's lesson, word by word, twenty printed pages, after having read them over three times attentively. In this way I committed to memory the whole of Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakafield and Sir Walter Scott's Ιυαηΐιοβ. From over-excitement I slept but little, and employed my sleepless hours at night in going over in my mind what I had read on the preceding evening. The memory being- always much more concentrated at night than in the day-time, IJcnind these repetitions at nîglit of paramount use. Thus I succeededXn acquiring in half a year a thorough knowledge of the English language. · I then applied the same method to the study of French, tjje^diffieulties of which I overcame likewise in another six months. OjxFrench authors I learned by heart the whole of Fénelon's Aventures de Télémaque and Bornardin de Saint Pierre's Paul et Virginie. This unremitting study had in the course of a single year strengthened my memory to such a degree, that the study of Dutch, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese appeared very easy, and it did not take me more than six weeks to write and speak each of these languages fluently. "Whether from my continual readings in a loud voice, or from the effect of the moist air of Holland, my complaint in the chest gradually disappeared during my first year's residence in Amsterdam, and it has never returned. But my passion for study caused me to neglect my mechanical occupation in the office of Mr. F. C. Quien, especially as I began to consider it beneath me. My principals would give me no promotion; they probably thought that a person who shows his in capacity for the business of a servant in an office proves thereby his unfitness for any higher duties. At last, however, through the inter cession of my worthy friends, Louis Stoll10 of Mannheim and J. H. Ballauf " of Bremen, I had on the 1st of March, 1844, the good fortuno to obtain a situation as correspondent and book-keeper in the office of Messrs. B. H. Schröder & Co. of Amsterdam,1 who engaged me at a salary of 1200 francs (£48) ; but when they saw my zeal, they added 800 francs a year more by way of encouragement. This generosity, for which I shall ever bo grateful to them; was in fact the foundation of my prosperity ; for, as I thought that I could make myself still more useful by a knowledge of Russian./! set to work to learn that language also. But the only Russian books I could procure were an old grammar, 1040.] BEGINS BUSINESS IN RUSSIA. 11 ι '"!ι 10 ílr. L. Stoll is still flourishing at Mann heim. 11 Deceased in 1873. 1 The house of B. H. Schröder and Co. of Amsterdam still exists and continues to flourish. Mr. B. H. Schiüder died in 1849, but Mr. Henry Schröder, the same who personally engaged me on the l.-,t of March, 1844, rrad who was then already a partner in the house, is still one of its principals. lexicon, and a bad translation of Les Aventures de Télémaque. In spite ftf all my enquiries, I could not find α teacher of Russian, since, with the exception of the Russian Vice-Consul, Mr. Tannenberg, who would ot consent to give me lessons, there was no ono in Amsterdam who understood a word of the language. So I betook myself to the study of it without a master, and, with the help of the grammar, I learned the Russian letters and their pronunciation in a few days. Then, following my old method, I began to write short stories of my own composition, and to learn them by heart. As I had no one to correct my work, it was, no doubt, extremely bad; but I tried at the same timo to correct my mistakes by the practical exercise of learning the Russian Aventures de Télémaque by heart. It occurred to me that I should make more progress if I had some one to whom I could relate the adventures of Teleniachus ; so I hired a poor Jew for four francs a week who had to come every evening for two hours to listen to my Russian recitations, of which he did not understand a syllable. As the ceilings of the rooms of the common houses in Ilolland consist of single boards, people on the ground-floor can hear what is said in the third storey. My recitations therefore, delivered in a loud voice, annoyed the other tenants, who complained to the landlord, and twice while stu dying the Russian language I was forced to change my lodgings. But these" inconveniences did not diminish my zeal, and in the course of six \veeks I wrote my first Russian letter to Mr. Vasili Plotnikoff, the London agent for the great indigo-dealers, Messrs. M. P. N. Malutin Brothers,2 at Moscow, and I found myself able to converse fluently with him and the Russian merchants Matweieff and Froloff, when they came to Amsterdam for the indigo auctions. After I had completed my study of the Russian Innguage, I began to occupy myself seriously with the literatures of the languages^! had learned. In January, 1846, my worthy principals sent me as their agent to St. Petersburg. Here, as well as in Moscow, my exertions were in the very first two months crowned with the fullest success, which far ex ceeded the most sanguine expectations of my employers and myself. No sooner had I rendered myself indispensable to Messrs. B. H. Schröder & Co. in my new career, and thus obtained a practically independent position, than I hastened to write to the friend of the Meincke family, Mr. C. E. Laué of Neu Strelitz, describing to him all my adventures, and begging him to ask Minna at once for me in marriage. But, to my horror, I received a month later the heartrending answer, that she was just married. I considered this disappointment at the time as the greatest disaster which could have befallen me, and I was for some time utterly unfit for any occupation and sick in bed. I constantly recalled to mind all that had passed between Minna and myself in early childhood, all our sweet dreams and vast plans, for the ultimate realization of which I now saw such a brilliant chance before me ; but how could I think of Ί Thp three brothers Malutin have been long dead, but the comniercial house continues to flourish under the same name. v 12 AUTOBIOGRAPHY· OP THE AUTHOIÎ. [ISTBOD. 1854] A WONDERFUL ESCAPE. 1 realizing them without her participation ? Then again I hitterly accused myself for not having demanded her in marriage before proceeding to St. Petersburg ; but again I recollected that I could not have done ao without exposing myself to ridicule, because while in Amsterdam I was only a clerk, and my position was a dependent one, subject to the caprice of my employers; besides, I was not sure of succeeding at St. Petersburg, where instead of success I might have made a completo failure. I fancied that neither could she be happy with anyone else besides me, nor that I could possibly ever live with another wife but her. Why then should fate be so cruel as to tear her from me when, after having for sixteen long years striven to reach her, I seemed at last to have succeeded in attaining her? It had indeed happened to Minna and me as it often happens to us in our sleep, when we dream that we are pursuing some body and can never catch him, because as often as we reach him he escapes us again. I thought I could never get over the misfortune of losing Minna as tho partner of my life ; but time, which heals all wounds, at last healed mine, so that, although I remained for years mourning for her, I could at least continue my, mercantile pursuits without further interruption. In my very first year at St. Petersburg my operations had already been so successful, that in the beginning of 1847 I was inscribed in the Guild as a wholesale merchant. But, in spite of my new functions, I remained in connection with Messrs. Β. Π. Schröder and Co. of Amsterdam, whose agency I kept for nearly eleven years. As I had acquired in Amsterdam a thorough knowledge of indigo, my transactions were almost exclusively limited to that article; and, as long as my fortune was below 200,000 frs. (£8000), I neveTgavov credit except to merchants of the very first standing. Thua^I had to content myself at first with very small profits, but my business was a perfectly safe one. Not having heard of my brother, Louis Schliemann, who in the beginning of 1849 had emigrated to California, I w?nt thither in the spring of 1850, and found that he was dead. Happening, therefore, to be in California when. on^Ke 4th of July, 1850, it was made a State, and all those then residen^m the country became by that very fact naturalized Americans, I joyfully embraced the opportunity of becoming a citizen of the United States. At the end of 1852 I established a branch-house at Moscow for wholesale dealing in indigo, first under the direction of my excellent agent, Mr. Alexci Matweieff, and after his death under the direction of his servant Jutchenko, whom I raised to the dignity of a merchant of the Second Guild, considering that an able servant may easily become a good director, whilst a director can never become a good servant. As I was always overwhelmed with work at St. Petersburg, I could not continue my linguistic studies the.re, and it was not until the year 1854 that I found it possible to aaquire the Swedish and Polish languages. Divine Providence protected/me marvellously, and on more than one occasion I was saved from apparently certain destruction by a mere accident. All my life long I shall remember the morning of the 4th of 13 The Russian October, 185!. It was at the time of the Crimean Avar. rkj being blockaded, all the merchandise intended for St. Petersburg had to bo "shipped to the Prussian porta of Memel or Königsberg, thence t bo forwarded overland. Some hundreds of chests of indigo, as well as lui^e quantities of other goods, had been thus shipped by Messrs. J. Henry Schioder & Co. of London 3 and Messrs. Ii. H. Schröder & Co. of Amsterdam, on my account, by two steamers to my agents, Messrs. Meyer & Co. of Memel, to be sent on by the latter overland to St. Petersburg. I liad just returned from tho indigo auctions at Amsterdam in order to sei after my goods at Memel, and had arrived late in the evening of the 3rd of October at the Hôtel de Prusse in Königsberg, when, happening to look out of the window of my bedroom on the following morning, I 9ßw the following ominous inscription, written in large gilt letters on the tower of the gate close by, called " das Grüne Thor :"*— "Vultua fortunae variatur imagine lunae, Crescit decrcscit, couatana peieUtere neseit." Though I am not superstitious, the inscription made a profound im pression upon me, and I was seized with a kind of panic, as though an unknown disaster were hanging over me. In continuing my journey by the mail-coach, I was horror-stricken to learn, at the first station beyond TiKit, that the whole city of Memel had been consumed on the previous day by a fearful conflagration; and I saw this but too well confirmed on my ai rival before the city; which resembled an immense graveyard on which blackened walls and chimneys stood out like tombstones, mournful monuments of the fragility of human things. Almost in despair, I ran among the smouldering ruins in search of Mr. Meyer. At last I found him, and asked him whether my goods were safe : by way of answer, he pointed to his smouldering warehouses and said, "There they are buried." The blow was tremendous : by eight and a half years' hard labour in St. Petersburg I had only saved 150,000 thalers, or £22,500, and this was now all lost. But no sooner had I acquired the certainty that I was ruined, than I recovered my presence of mind. It gave mo groat comfoit to think that I had no_de.bta to pay, for it was only at the beginning of the Crimean war, and business being then very unsafe, I had bought only for cash. So I thought Messrs. Schröder of London and Amsterdam would give me credit, and I felt confident that I should make up the loss in course of time. In the evening, when on the point of leaving by the mail for St. Petersburg, I was telling my misfortune to the other passengers, when a bystander suddenly asked me my name, and, having heard it, exclaimed : " Schliemann is the only man who has not lost anything! _I am Meyer & Co.'a first clerk. Our warehouse being * The house of Messrs. J. Henry Schröder and CO. of London and Hamburg, with whom I hut e had the good foitimetube in connection now f'T thirty-four Years, is one of the lithent and mn»t eminent commercial houses in the world. Ihe senior partner, the venerable Βπτοη John Henry τηη Scliro 1er, now ninetr-si': years old, the founder of the celebrated house of benevo lence das SchrGdersche Stift, still manages the Hamburg house; hia partner is the very able Mr. Vugler. The London house is managed by the vencribls Ti.irun J- H. W. Schriiler, jun., anil his very able partners Mi. Henry Tiarks and Mr. von der Meden. J This gate was pulled down in August 1804, in consequence of munirjnal improvements. litt t AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [ISTBOD. ί crammed full of goods when the steamers arrived with his merchandise, we were obliged to build close to it a wooden barrack, in which all his property lies perfectly safe." Tho sudden transition from profound grief to great joy is difficult to bear without tears : I was for some minutes speechless ; it seemed to mo like a dream and incrediblo that I alone should have escaped unhurt from the universal ruin. But so it was. The strangest thing was that the fire had originated in Meyer & Co.'s stone warehouse, at the northern extremity of the town, whence, owing to a furious gale which was blowing from the north at the time, the flames rapidly spread over the whole city; whereas, under the protection of the same storm, the wooden barrack remained unhurt, though it was not more than a couple of yards north of the warehouse. My goods having thus been preserved, I speedily sold them to great advantage; turned the money over and over again ; did a large business in intligo^dyewooda, and war material (saltpetre, brimstone^ and lead) ; and, as capitalists were afraid to do much business during the Crimeao^rar, I was able to realize large profits, and more than doubled my capital in a singlo year. I was greatly assisted in my transactions during the Crimean war by the great tact and ability of my agent, my dear friend Mr. Isidor Lichtenstein, senior, partner in the house of Messrs. Marcus Colín & Son at Königs berg, and his junior partner, Mr. Ludwig Leo, who forwarded all rny transit goods to me with a promptitude really wonderful. My wish to learn Greek had always been great, but before the Crimean war I did not venture upon its study, for I was afraid that this language would exercise too great a fascination over me and estrange me from my commercial business ; and during the war I was so over whelmed with work, that I could not even read the newspapers, far less a book. AYhen, however, in January 1856, the first tidings of peace reached St. Petersburg, I was no longer able to restrain my desire to learn Greek, and at once set vigorously to work, taking first as my teacher Mr. Nicolaos Pappadakes and then Mr. Theokletos Vimpos, both from Athens, where the latter is now archbishop. I again faithfully followed my old method ; but in order to acquire quickly the Greek vocabulary, which seemed to mo far more difficult even than the Eussian, I procured a modern Greek translation of Paul eu Virginie, and read it through, com paring every word with its equivalent in the French original. When I had finished this task, I knew at least one-half the Greek words the book contained, and after repeating the operation I knew them all, or nearly so, without having lost a single minute by being obliged to use a dictionary. In this manner it did not take me more than six weeks to master the difficulties of modern Greek, and I next applied myself to the ancient language, of which in three months I learned sufficient to understand some of the ancient authors, and especially Homer, whom I read and re-read with the most lively enthusiasm. I then occupied myself for two years exclusively with the literature of ancient Greece ; and during this time I read almost all the classical authors cursorily, and the Iliad and Odyssey several times. Of the _, ,-η STUDY OF GREEK AND LATIN. 15 lBti'.'-O I -J Γ reek grammar, I learned only the declensions and the verbs, and never lost ray precious time in studying its rules ; for as I saw that bovs after being troubled and tormented for eight years and mora in schools with the tedious rules of grammar, can nevertheless none of them •«•rito a letter in ancient Greek without making hundreds of atrocious blunders, I thought the method pursued by the schoolmasters must be altogether wrong, and that a thorough knowledge of the Greek grammar could only be obtained by practice,—that ia to say, by the attentive reading of the prose classics, and by committing choice pieces of them to memory. Following this very simple method, I learnt ancient Greek as I would have learnt a living language. I can write in it with the greatest fluency on any subject I am acquainted with, and can never forgot it. I am perfectly acquainted with all the grammatical rules without even knowing whether or not they are contained in the grammars ; and when- over a man finds errors in my Greek, I can immediately prove that I am right, by merely reciting passages from the classics whore the sentences employed by me occur.5 Meanwhile my mercantile affairs in St. Petersburg and Moscow went OP steadily and favourably. I was very cautious in my business; and filthough I received severe blows during the fearful commercial crisis of 1857, they did not hurt me much, and even in that disastrous year I made, after all, some profits. In the summer of 1858 I renewed with my friend, Professor Ludwig von Muralt,6 in St. Petersburg, my study of the Latin language, which had been interrupted for nearly 'twenty-five years. Now that I knew both modern and ancient Greek, I found the Latin language easy enough, and soon mastered its difficulties. I therefore strongly recommend all directors of colleges and schools to introduce the method I have followed ; to do away with the abominable English pronunciation of Greek, which has never been in nsc outside of England ; to lot children first bo taught modern Greek by native Greek professors, and only afterwards begin ancient Greek a I hear with pleasure from my honoured fneuil Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, that he learned the classical languages in a similar » i) ; he v,lites to me on the subject as follows : " Up to my thirteenth year I took private lessons in a small Pomeranian town. My last teacher there w as the second clergyman, whose custom »a· to make me translate and write a gre.it deal eitoreporaneously ; on the other hand, he did not let me Icai n by heai 11 single grammatical rule in the itnctiT sense of the word. In this way the fc^rniaj of the anrimt languages afforded me so mu» h pleasure, that I also very frequently made trnn-lations for myself which had not been set me 11 Λ task. When I was, sent to the Gymnasium at Cxlin, the.diroctor was so highly pleased with my Latin that, until my departure from the »choul, I remained his particular favourite. On tn., other hand, the teacher of Greek, Professor Gritben, whii had studied theology, could so little conceive how any one could make a good Greek translation without a literal knowledge of Buttmann's dammar, that he openly accused me of deceit ; even when in spite of all his vigilance he could not detect me in any illicit expedient, he nevertheless pursued me τι ith his suspicions until my examen abiturwntis. At this he ex amined me out of the Greek text of the New Testament : and, when I passed successfully, he declared to the assembled teachers, who unani mously bestowed upon me a favourable tes timony, that he had to decide against me, since I did not possess the maturity of morals re quired for the University. Fortunately this protest remained without effect. Having passed the examination, I sat down in my room and learned Italian without any assistance." * Professor von Murait is now living at Lau sanne, in Switzerland. '/t !i J h 16 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [ÍNTROD. when they can speak and write the modern language with fluency, which it can hardly take them more than six months to do. The same professors can teach the ancient language, and by following my method they will enable intelligent boys to master all its difficulties in a year, so that they will not only learn it as a living language, but will also understand the ancient classics, and be ablo to write fluently on any subject they are acquainted with. This is no idle theory, but a stubborn fact, which therefore ought to be listened to. It is α cruel injustice to inflict for years upon an unhappy pupil a language of which, when he leaves college, as a general rule ho knows hardly more than when he first began to learn it. The causes of this miserable result are, in the first place, the arbitrary and atrocious pronunciation of Greek usual in England ;7 and in the second place the erroneous method employed, according to which the pupils learn to disregard the accents entirely, and to consider them as mere impedi ments, whereas the accents constitute a most important auxiliary in learning the language. What a happy eflect would be produced on general education, and what an enormous stimulus would be given to scientific pursuits, if intelligent youths could obtain in eighteen months a thorough knowledge of modern Greek, and of that most beautiful, most divine, and most sonorous language, which was spoken by Homel and Plato, and could learn the latter as a living tongue, so as never to forget it ! And how easily, at how small an expense, could the change be made ! Greece abounds with highly-educated men, who have a thorough knowledge of the language of their ancestors, who are per fectly acquainted with all the classics, and who would gladly and at moderate salaries accept places in England or America. How greatly the knowledge of modern Greek assists the student in mastering ancient Greek I could not illustrate better than by the fact, that I have seen here in Athens office-clerks who, feeling no inclination for commerce, have left the comiting-house, settled down to study, and been able in four months' time to understand Homer, and even Thucydidcs. Latin should, in my opinion, be taught not before, but after, Greek. " In the year 1858 I thought I had money enough, and wished to retire from commercial pursuits. I travelled in Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Italy, and Egypt, where I sailed up the Nile as far as the Second Cataracts. I availed myself of this opportunity to learn Arabic, and I afterwards travelled across the desert from Cairo to Jerusalem. I visited Petra, and traversed the whole of Syria ; and in this manner had abundant opportunity of acquiring a practical knowledge of Arabic, the deeper study of which I continued afterwards in St. Petersburg. After leaving Syria I visited Smyrna, the Cyclades, and Athens, in the summer of 1859, and I was on the point of starting for the island of Ithaca when » To any the least, Greek «as pronounced in Russian just as they are now pronounced 892 years ,igu precisely as it is now in Greece, in Greece. The same may be said of the Greek since all the Greek words borrowed by the names which occur in the cuneiform inscriptions RETIRES FROM BUSINESS. 17 ' d with fever. At the same time I received information from 1 "'S kríburg that a, merchant, Mr. Stepan Solovieff, who had failed, St" « me a large sum of money, and with whom I had agreed that he T'^ld repjiv it in tho course of four years by annual instalments, not T had iiot made his first payment, but had brought a suit against me 011 J,J Commercial Court. I therefore hurried back to St. Petersburg, '"in cured of fever by the change of air, and promptly gained my cause. iViit my antagonist appealed to the Senate, where no lawsuit can be turmiiiated in°less than three and a half or four years; and my presence tho Miot being necessary, I went into business onc-o more, much against " will, and^tka much larger scale than before. My imports from May nv , tÔOctober (ÍSGoViiched as high a sum as £500,000. Besides indigo and olive oil, I aWííi 18^0 and 18G1 embarked largely in cotton, which gave ereut mofit«, owing to the Civil War in the United States of America, and the blockade' of the Southern ports. But when cotton became too dear, I abandoned it, and in its stead went into tea, the importation of which by sen was permitted from May 18u2 and onwards. My first tea order to MPSSIS. J. Henry Schröder and Co. of London was for 30 chests ; and \vlicu these were advantageously disposed of, I imported 1000, and after- vurds 4000 and 6000 chests. I also bought of Mr. J. E. Günzburg of St. Petci&bur", who was withdrawing from the trade in goods, his whole stock of tea, at a cheap rate, and gained in the first six mouths £7000 on my tiansactions in that commodity. But when in tho winter of 1802-18(53 the insurrection broke out in Poland, and the Jews, profiting by the disorder then prevailing there, smuggled immense quantities of tea into Pius^ia, I could not stand this competition, being obliged to pay the high import cluty. I therefore retired again from the tea -trade, but it took me a long time to soil at a small profit the 6000 chests which had remained on my hands. But my staple commodity always remained indigo; for, as I knew the article wellflmd was always favoured by Russian language, when in 988 A. D. Russia adopted the Greek religion, are pronounced of the time of the Seleucida. s. John Henry Schröder and Co. of London with choice and cheap pu t chases, and as I also imported large quantities direct from Calcutta, mid never confided the sale of indigo to clerks or servants, as others did, but always stood myself in my warehouse, and showed and sold it peraoiiiilly and wholesale to the indigo dealers, I had no competition to fear, and my net profit on this article was on an average £10,000 annually, with G per cent, interest on the capital employed. Heaven continued to bless all my mercantile undertakings in a won derful manner, so that at the end of 1863 I found myself in possession of α lortune such as my ambition had never ventured to aspire to. But m the midst of the bustle of business I never forgot Troy, or the agree ment I had made with my father and MifiiiaTm 1830 to excavate it. I loved money indeed, but solely as the means of realizing this great idea of my life. ÍBesides, I had recommenced business much against my will, and "meiely in order to have some occupation and distraction while the tr-dious lawsuit with the merchant who had attacked me was going on. ^Uien therefore his appeal had been rejected by the Senate, and I had received from him the last payment, in December 18G3, I began to liqui- v ι/ IS PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATIONS. [INTBOD. date my business. But before devoting myself entirely to archasology, ancl to the realization of tho dream of my life, I wished to see a little moro of the world. So I started in April, 18G4, for Tunis, to investigate the ruins of Carthage, er i went thence, by way of Egypt, to India. I visited in succession the island of Ceylon, Madras, Calcutta, Benares, Agrá, Lucknow, Delhi, the Himalaya Mountains, Singapore, and the island of Java, and stayed for two months in China, whore I visited Hong Kong, Canton, Amoy, Foochoo, Shanghai, Tin-Sin, Peking, and the Great Wall. I then went to Yokohama and Jeddo in Japan, and thence crossed the Pacific Ocean in a small English vessel to San Frauciaco in California. Our passage lasted fifty days, which I employed in writing my first work, La Chine et le Japon* From San Francisco I went, by way of Nicaragua, to the Eastern United States, travelled through most of them, visited Havannah and the city of Mexico, and in the spring of 18G6 settled down in Paris to study archaaology, henceforth with no other interruption than short trips to America. § II. FIRST VISITS TO ITHACA, THE PELOPONNESUS, AND ΤΗΟΓ: 1868, 1870. At last I was able to realize the dream of my life, and to visit at my leisure the scene of those events which had always had such an intense interest for me, and the country of the heroes whose adventures had delighted and comforted my childhood. I started therefore, in April .J18G8, by jga^L-of Rome and Níi^les, for '"Vfn, Cepjialonia, and Ithaca. This famous island I investigated carefully ; but theonly~e'Sca valions I made there were in the so-called Castle of Ulysses, on the top of Mount Aëtos. I found the local character of Ithaca to agree perfectly with the indications of the Odyssey, and shall have occasion to describe this island more fully in the subsequent pages. I afterwards visited the Peloponnesus, and particularly examined the ruins of Mycenae, where it appeared to me that the passage in Pausanias9 in which the Royal Sepulchres are mentioned, and which has now become so famous, had been wrongly interpreted ; and that, contrary to the general belief, those tombs were not at all understood by that writer to bo in the lower town, but in the Acropolis itself. I visited Athens, and started, from the Piraeus for the Dardanelles, whence I went to the village of Bounarbashi, at the southern extremity of the Plain of Troy. Bounarbashi, together with the roc-ky heights behind it, called the Bali Dagh, had until then, in recent iinu;t, been almost universally considered to be the site of the Homeric Ilium ; the springs at the foot of that village having been regarded as the two springs mentioned by Homer,10 one of which sent forth warm, the other cold water. But, instead of only two springs, I found thirty-four, and probably there are forty, the site of them being called by the Turks Kirk-Gins,—that is to say, " forty eyes ;" moreover, I found in all the springs a uniform temperature of 17° centigrade, equal to 02°'6 Fahrenheit. In addition to this, the distance of Bounar- • Paris, 1866, Librairie Centrale. Paua. ii. 16, § 4. xii. 147-156. BOUNARBASHI. 1»' , j from the Hellespont is, in a straight line, eight miles, whilst all the "^nations of the Iliad seem to prove that the distance between Ilium d the Hellespont was but very short, hardly exceeding threo miles. Nor would it have been possible for Achilles to have pursued Hector in the pl«i" rouu(l tue wa^s °^ -^rov' ^Λ^ ^™? stoocï on tue summit of HounarlMshi. I was therefore at once convinced that the Homeric city ould not possibly have been here. Nevertheless, I wished to investigate » important a matter by actual excavations, and took a number of work men to siiik pits in hundreds of different places, between the forty springs and the extremity of the heights. But at the springs, as well as in Uounarbashi and everywhere else, I found only pure virgin soil, and struck the lock at a very small depth. At the southern end of the heights alone there are some ruins belonging to a very small fortified place, which I hold with the learned archasologist, my friend Mr. Frank Calvert, United States Vite-Consul at the Dardanelles, to be identical with tho ancient city of Gcrgis. Here the late Austrian Consul, G. von Hahn, made some excavations, in May 18fi4, in company with the astronomer Schmidt, of Athens. The average depth of the debris was found not to exceed a foot and a half; and Von Hahn, as well as myself, discovered there only frag ments of inferior Hellenic pottery of the Macedonian time, and not a single relic of archaic pottery. The walls too of this little citadel, in \\hich so many great luminaries of archasology have recognized the walls of í'riam's Pergamus, have been erroneously called Cyclopean. -ABounarbashi having thus given negative results, I next carefully examined all the height,'« t.n t.ha right, n,nrl Irvft^jrf ·thñ Trojan Plain, but my i-psearcTrealjOfÍi au fi ÍiÍTS-imtü~ir came to the aite of the city called by Strâbo KewJQium,1 which is at a Tfîstance of only three miles from the Hellespont, and perfectly-Anewers- in this, as well as in all other respects, to the topographical requirements of the Iliad. My particular attention was attracted to the spot by__the_jmposing position ill called HISSAUUK, which formed the and natural fortifications of the north-western coiner oj^kunjjn^iIîùlBT~tnid »et!Uied~to-nie to mark the site of its Acropolis "as well asóf the Pergamus of Priam. According to the measurement of my friend M. Emile Burnouf, honorary director of tho French School at Athens, the elevation of this hill is 49°'43 mètres or 1(32 ft. above the level of the sea. In a hole dug here at random by two villagers, some twenty-five years ago, on the brink of the northern slope,/in a part of the hill which belonged to two Turks of Koum-Kaleh, there was found a small treasure of «bout 1200 silver staters of Antiochus III. The fitst_T£gent writer who asserted the identity of Hissarlik with the Homeric Troy \vas^Iaclaren,2\ Heshowed by the moat convincing argu- monts that Troy could never have been on the heights of Bouuarbashi, and that, if it ever existed, Hissarlik must mark its site. But already 1 Oi, to use lis exact phrase, "the present * Dissertation on the Topography of the Plain Ilium" the Ilium of his day, ri νυν "Ιλιοι/, ή of Tro,,, Edinburgh, 1822; nnd The Plain of »w va\,s, Ti ffTj^pivivlxioi-. Troy described, Uinburgh, 1853. F 20 PRELIAtÎNARY INVESTIGATIONS. [ISTHOD. before him, Dr. Edw. Dan. Clarke3 had declared himself against Bounar- bashi, and tlumght that the Homeric city had been at the village of Chiblak, a theory afterwards adopted by P. Barker \Vebb/ Such weighty authorities as George Grote,5 Julius Braun,6 and Gustav von Ecken-, brecher,7 have also declared in favour of Hissarlik. Mr. Frank Calvert . further, who began by upholding the theory which placed Troy at Bouuarbashi, became, through the arguments of the above writers, and particularly, it appears, through those of Maclareii and Barker Wcbb, a convert to the Troy-Hissarlik theory and a valiant champion of it. He owns nearly ou^-half of Hissarlik, and in two small ditches he had dug on his property he had brought to light before my visit some remains of the Macedonian and Roman periods ; as well as part of the wall of Hellenic masonry, which, according to Plutarch (iu his Life of Alexander), was built by Lysimachus. I at once decided to commence excavations here, and announced this intention in the work Ithaque, le Pêlopoiniese et Troie, which I published at the end of 18Ü8.3 Having sent a copy of this work, together with a dissertation in ancient Greek, to the University of Rostock, that learned body honoured me with the diploma of Doctor of Philosophy. With unremitting zeal I have ever since endeavoured to show myself worthy of the dignity conferred on me. In the book referred to I mentioned (p. 97) that, according to my interpretation of the passage of Pausauias (ii. 10, § 4) in which he speaks of the Sepulchres at Mycenae, the Royal Tombs must be looked for in the Acropolis itself, and not in the lower town. As this inter pretation of mine was in opposition to that of all other scholars, it was at the time refused a hearing ; now, however, that in 1876 I have actu ally found these sepulchres, with their immense treasures, on the very site indicated by me, it would seem that my critics were in the wrong and not myself. Circumstances obliged me to remain nearly the whole of the year 1869 in the United States, and it was therefore only in April 1870 that I was able to return to Hissarlik and make a preliminary excavation, in order to test the depth to which the artificial soil extended. I made it at the north-western corner, in a place where the hill had increased considerably in size, and where, consequently, the accumulation of debris of the Hellenic period was very great. Hence it was only after digging 16 ft. below the surface, that I laid bare a wall of huge stones, 6^ ft. ^ thick, which, as my later excavations have shown, belonged to a tower of-the Macedonian epoch. 1 Travels in tarioas Countries of Europe, Asia, Zeitplter, Heidelberg, 1856-1858, ii. pp. 206- and Africa ; Lnmlon, 1812. 274. 4 Topographie de It Traade; Taris, 1844. ' Die ay; des Homerischen Troja; Diissel- • Ilkt. οι tíreece; 4th edit. London, 1872, i. dorf, 1875. pp. 305, 306. · In French, published by C. ReinwaM, 15 rue • Geschichte der Kunst in 'ihrem Eiituicklunqs- des Saints Pèies, Paris; in German, by F. A. gangs, Wiesbaden, 1856 ; and Homar und sein Brockliaus, Leipzig. ' 1071.] FIRST YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS AT TROY. 21 § III. FIHST YEAU'S WOIIK AT HISSARLIK : 1871. In order to carry on more extensive excavations I needed a firman f oni the Sublime Porte, which I only obtained in September 1871, tl rou"h the kind offices of my friends the United States Minister li-.-ident fit Constantinople, Mr. "Wyne McYeagh, and the late dragoman of the United States Legation, Mr. John P. Brown. At length, on the 27th of September, I made my way to the Darda nelles together with my wife, Sophia Schliomaim, who is a native of Athens and a warm admirer of Ili'iuer, and who, with glad enthusiasm, ioiuud me in executing the great work which, nearly half a century ago, jiiv childish simplicity had agreed upon with my father and planned with Minim. But we met with ever-recurring difficulties on the part of the Turkish authorities, and it was not until the llth of October that we could fairly commence our work. There being no other shelter, we were obliged to live in the neighbouring Turkish village of Chiblak, a mile and a quarter nom Hissarlik. After working with an average number of eighty labourers daily up to the 24th of November, we were compelled to cease the excavations for the winter. But during that interval we had born able to make a large trench on the face of the steep northern slope, and to dig down to a depth of 33 ft. below the surface of the hill. AVe ñrst found there the remains ot the_later Aeolie Ilium, which, on an average, reached to a depth of 6^ ft. Unfortunately we were obliged to destroy the foundations of a building, 59 ft. long and 43 ft. broitd, of large wrought stones, which, by the inscriptions found in or close to it, which will be given in the chapter 011 the Greek Ilium, seems to have been the Bouleuterion or Senate House. Below these Hellenic ruins, and to a depth of about' 13 ft., the débris contained a few stones, and some very coarse hand-made pottery. Below this stratum I came to a laigeTiumbcr of house-walls, of uuwrought stones cemented with earth, and, for the first time, met with immense quantities of stone implements and ssiddlc-qucrns, together with more coarse hand-made pottery. From about 20 ft. to 30 ft. below the surface, nothing was found but calcined delrit, immense masses of sun-dried or slightly-baked bricks and house- walls of the same, numbers of saddle-querns, but fewer stone implements of other kinds, and much better hand-made pottery. At a depth of 30 ft. and 33 ft. we discovered fragments of house-walls of large stones, many of them rudely hewn ; we also came upon a great many very large blocks. The stones of these house-walls appeared as if they had been separated from one another by a violent earthquake. My instruments for excavating were very imperfect : j_ had to work with onlv_pickar£e3fWQ6den shovels, baskets, and eight wheelbarrows. I § IV. SECOND YEAB'S WOBK AT HISSAHLIK : 1872. I returned to Hissarlik with my wife at the end of March 1872, and resumed the excavations with 100 workmen. But I was soon able to increase the number of my labourers to 130, and had often even 1 p.- */ * UU men at work. I was now well prepared for the work, having been 22 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TliOY. [INTHOD. provided by my honoured friends, Messrs. John Henry Schröder & Co. of London, with the very best English wheelbarrows, pickaxes, and spades, and having also procured three overseers and an engineer, Mr. A. Laurent, to make the maps and plans. The last received monthly £20, the overseers £G each, and my servant £7 4s. ; whilst the daily wages of my common labourers were 1 t'r. 80 c., or about 18 pence sterling. I now built on the top of Hissarlik a wooden house, with three rooms and a magazine, kitchen, &c., and covered the buildings with waterproof felt to protect them from the rain.9 λυ. 1. Tioy an aten Slum Kuum Klul. lu June lvT9. On the steep northern slope of Hissarlifc, which rises at an angle of 45°, and at a perpendicular depth of 46ift. below the surface, I dug out a platform 233 ft. wide, and found there an immense number of poisonous snakes; among them remarkably numerous specimens of the small brown adder called anteiion (αντ»ί\ίου), which is hardly thicker than an earthworm, and gets its name from the vulgar belief, that the person bitten by it only survives till sunset. I first struck the rock at a depth of about 53 ft. below the surface of the hill, and found the lowest stratum of artificial soil to consist of very compact debris of houses, as hard as stone, and house-walls of small pieces of unwrought or very rudely cut limestone, put together so that the j'oiut'between two of the stones in a lower layer is always covered by a single stono in the course above it. This lowest stratum was succeeded by house-walls built of large limestone blocks, generally unwrought, but often rudely cut into something resembling a quadrangular shape. Some times I came upon large masses of such massive blocks lying close upon one another, and having all the appearance of being the broken walls of some large building. There is no trace of a general conflagration, either in this stratum of buildings built with large stones or in the lowest layer of dcltris; indeed, the multitudinous shells found in these two lowest strata are uninjured, which sufficiently proves that they have not been exposed to a great heat. I found in these two lowest strata the • These houses are seen in the views on the subsequent pages, No. 5 on p. 29, &c. SECOND YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS. 28 stoiio implements as before, but the potteiy is différent. Tho ioiLLi.y diiliM also from that in the upper strata. As the cutting of the great platform on the north side of Hissarlik advanced but slowly, I began on the 1st of May a second large trench from the south side ; but the slope being there but slight, I was forced ta cive it a dip of 14°. I here brought to light, near tho surface, a pretty bastion, composed of large blocks of limestone, which may date from the time of Lysirnachus. The southern part of Hissarlik has been for UK d pimcipully by the debris of the later or Novum Ilium, and for this reason Greek antiquities are found here at a much greater depth than oil the top of the hill. I A* it wag my object to excavate TBOY, which I expected to find iii one of the lower cit/es, I was forced to demolish many interesting ruins in the upper strata; as, for example, at a depth of 20ft. below the surftice, the ruins of a pre-historic building 10ft. high, the walls of which consisted of hewn blocks of limestone perfectly smooth and cemented with clay. The building evidently belonged to the fourth of tho enormous strata of debris in succession from the virgin soil; and if, as cannot be doubted, each stratum represents the ruins of a distinct city, it belonged to the fourth city. It rested on the calcined bricks and other dt'bri* of the third city,10 the latter being apparently marked by the ruins of four different houses, which had succeeded each other on the site, and of which the lowest had been founded on remnants of walls or loose stones of the second city. I was also forced to destroy a small channel made of green sandstone, 8 in. broad and 7 in. deep, which I found at a depth of about 36ft. below the surface, and which probibly served as the gutter of a house. Wit! ι the consent of Mr. Frank Gal vert, I also began on the 20th of June, with the help of seventy labourers, to excavate in his field on the north side of Hissarlik,1 where, close to my large platform and at a perpendicular depth of 40ft. below the plateau of the hill, I dug out of its slope another platform, about 109 ft. broad, with an upper ter- mce and side, galleries, in order to facilitate the removal of the débris. N<> sooner had I commenced the work than I struck against a marble triglyph with a splendid metope, representing Phoebus Apollo and the four horses of the Sun.2 This triglyph, as well as a number of drums of Doric columns which I found there,j;an leave no doubt that a temple of Apollo of the Doric order once existed on the spot, which had, how ever, been so completely destroyed that I did not discover even a stone of its foundations in situ. When I had dug this platform for a distance of 82 feet into the hill, I found that I had commenced it at least 16^ ft. too high, and I therefore abandoned it, contenting myself with cutting into its centre a trench In my fo-mer work, Tray and its Remains, ' See the lirgo trench marked V on the north this burnt citv, which I hold to be the Ilium of side to the right of point c, on Man I. (of Troy). Humer, «as reckoned as the second from the I See the engraving and description in the 'irgm soil. The reasons fi>r now reckiming it chapter on the Greek Ilium, the third will be given at the proper place. v l ! 24 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT THOY. [IN TROD. No. 2. Front View of Walla belonging to the First and Second Cities. The wall Β IB built of large blocks Joined with small ones ; Ita coineea are sloping, and appear to have followed the dip of the ancient aoil The >vall A la still more flicient ; it ¡a ail abavturus or retaining wall, und baa served to aualaln the slope of the bill. 26ft. wide at the top and 13ft. wide at tho bottom.3 At a distance of 131 ft. from the slope of the hill, I came upon a great wall, 10 ft. high and Gift, thick (see No. 2, B), the top of which is just 34 it. below the surface. It is built in the so-called Cyclopean manner, of large blocks joined together with small ones : it had at one time been much higher, as the quantity of stones lying beside it seemed to prove. It evidently belonged to the city built with large stones, the second in suc cession from the virgin soil. At a depth of 6 ft. below this wall I found a retaining wall of smaller stones (see No. 2, A), rising at an angle of 45°. This latter wall must of course be much older than the former : it evidently served to support the slope of the bill, and it proves beyond any doubt that, sinco its erection, the hill had increased 131 ft. in breadth and 34 ft. in height. As my friend Professor A. II. Sayce was the first to point out, this wall, A, is built in exactly the same style as the house-walls of the first and lowest city, the joint between two of the stones in the lower layer being always covered by a third in the upper layer. Accordingly, in agreement with him, I do not hesitate to attribute this wall to the first city. The débris of the lower stratum being as hard as stone, I had very great difficulty in excavating it in the ordinary way, and I found it easier to undermine it by cutting it vertically, and with the help of windlasses and enormous iron levers, nearly 10 ft. in length and 0 in. in circumference, to loosen and so break it down in fragments 16ft. high, Iß ft. broad, and 10ft. thick. But I found this manner of excavating very dangerous, two workmen having been buried alive under a mass of débris of 25t50 cubic feet, and having been saved as by a miracle. In consequence of this accident I gave up the idea of running the great platform 233 ft. broad through the whole length of the hill, and decided on first digging a trench, 98 ft. wide at the top and 65 ft. at the bottom.4 As the great extent of my excavations rendered it necessary for me to work with no less than from 120 to 150 labourers, I was obliged, on the 1st of June, on account of the harvest season, to increase the daily wages to 2 francs. But even this would not have enabled me to collect the requisite number of men, had not the late Mr. Max Müller, German Consul at Gallipoli, sent me 40 workmen from that place. After the 1st 1 See this trench marked W in the middle of the large trench v, to the right of point c on Plan I. (of Troy). 4 See No. 4, p. 23, to the right ; also Sectional Plan 111. at the eild of the volume, the letters x-y on this pl«n marking the east side of this great trench, which is indicated by the same letters on Plan I. (of Troy). 1S72.] DISCOVERY OF GREAT WALLS. 25 f July, however, I easily procured a constant supply of 150 workmen. Through tho kindness of Mr. Charles Cookson, English Consul at Constan tinople, I secured 10 hand-carts, which are drawn by two men and pushed l v a thiid. I thus had 10 hand-carts and 88 wheelbarrows to work with, in addition to which I kept (5 horse-carts, each of which cost 5 francs or 4s. a day, so that the total cost of my excavations amounted to more than 400 francs (£10) a day. Besides screw-jacks, chains and wind lasses, my implements consisted of 24 large iron levers, 108 spades, and 103 pickaxes, all of the best English manufacture. I had three capital No 3. fhe Great Tower of Ilium, seen from the S.u. The tup i* R M. (üo It.) below the surface of llio hill: the foundation is on the rock, 14M. (46JÎÎ.) deep: the height of the Toner is 20ft. foremen, and my wife and myself w^re present at the work from sunrise to sunset; but our difficulties increased continually with thß daily augmenting distance to which we had to remove the débris. Besides this, the constant strong gale from the north, which drove a blinding dust into our eyes, was exceedingly troublesome. On the south side of the hill, where on account of the slight natural »lope I had to make my great trench with an inclination of 7(5°, I dis covered, at a distance of 197 ft. from its entrance, a great mass of masonry, consisting of two distinct walls, each about 15 ft. broad, built close 26 NARRATIVE OF WORK Αϊ ΤΠΟΥ. [INTHOÔ. 187J-] THIRD YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS. 27 together, and founded on the rock at a depth of 46J ft. below the surface. Both are 20 ft. high ; the outer wall slopes on the south side at an angle of 15°, and ia vertical on the north side. The inner Avail falls on' at an angle of 45D on its south side, which is opposite to the north sido of the outer wall. There is thus a deep hollow hetweeii the two walls. The outer wall is built of smaller stones cemented with clay, but it does not consist of solid masonry. The inner wall ia built of large unwrought blocks of limestone ; it has ou the north side solid masonry to a depth of only 4 ft., and leans here against a sort of rampart ü5¿ ífc. broad and lût ft. high, partly composed of tho limestone which had to he removed in order to level the rock for building the walls upon it. These two wall» are perfectly flat on the top, and have never been higher ; they are 140 ft. long, their aggregate breadth being 40 ft. on the east and 30 ft. tit the west end. The remnants of brick walls and masses of broken bricks, pottery, whorls, stone implements, saddlequern-atones, &c., with which they were covered, appear to indicate that they were used by the inha bitants of the third or burnt city, aa the substructions of a great tower ; and I shall therefore, to avoid misunderstanding, call theae walla, through out tha present work, " the Great Tower," though they may originally have been intended by their builders for a different purpose. The accom panying engraving (Ño. 3) givea a sketch of the two walls aa they looked when they were first brought to light and when they still appeared to be one solid mass of masonry. A much better view of these two great walla is given by the engraving No. 144. § V. THIHD YEAR'S WORK AT HISSARLIK : 1873. I ceased excavating on tha 14th of August, 1872, and resumed my operations, in company with my wife, on the 1st of February of the following year. In the preceding autumn, by tha side of my two wooden buildings, we had built a house for ourselves composed of stones brought to light in my excavations, and had made the walla 2 ft. thick ;5 but we were compelled to let our foreinen occupy it, aa they were not sufficiently provided with clothes and wrappers, and would otherwise have perished during the great cold of the winter. My poor wife and myself, therefore, suffered very much, since the icy north wind, which recala Homer's fre- ' quent mention of the blasts of Boreas, blew with such violence through the chinks of our house-walls, which were made of planks, that we were not even able to light our lamps in the evening ; and although we had fire on the hearth, yet the thermometer showed — 4° Eeaumur or 23° Fahrenheit, while the water which stood near the hearth froze into solid masses. During tha day we could to some degree bear the cold by work ing in the excavations, but in the evenings we had nothing to keep ua warm except our enthusiasm for the great work of discovering Troy.6 See engraving No. 9, p. 34, the house to the right, represented also on No. 10, p. 35, on which the house to the left ia one of the wooden buildings removed hither. " For the sake of convenience, I shall through out this work use the name "Troy," specially employing it to denote the burnt city, the third in succession from the virgin soil, whatever may be the name which will be ultimately given tu it by the scientific world. Once we had the narrowest possible escape from being burnt alive. TI o stouca of our fireplace rested merely upon the boards of the floor, J whether through a crevice in the cement between the stones or from me other cauae, one night the floor took fire ; and when I accidentally awoke at 3 o'clock, I found flamea extending over a large part of it. The •υοηι was filled with dense smoke, and the north wall was just beginning to catch fire; a few seconds would have sufficed to burn a hole into it, and the whole house would then have been in flames in lesa than a minute, for a high north gale was blowing on that aide. I did not, however, lose my presence of mind. Pouring the contents of a bath upon the buining wall, I at once atopped the fire in that direction. Our cries awoke a labourer who was asleep in the adjoining room, and he called the foremen nom the stone house to our assistance. Without losing a moment they fetched hammers, iron lèvera, and pickaxea: the floor was broken nn, torn to pieces, and quantities of damp earth thrown upon it, aa we had no water. But, aa the lower beams were burning in many places, a quarter of an hour elapsed 'before we got the fire under and all danger ΛΥί« at an end. For the first three weeks I had an average number of 100 workmen only, but on the 24th of February we were able to increase the number to 158, and later on to 1GO, which remained our average number of labourers up to the last. Besides continuing the excavations on the north side in the field of Mi. Frank Calvert, I opened another trench, 42^ ft. broad, on the same side, at the eastern end _ of tha large platform,7 upon which I had to throw the greater part of the debris which was dug up, as it would have been difficult to carry it to a greater distance. I also dug in a north-westerly direction, from the south-eastern corner of the ancient city.8 As tho hill at this point has only a very gradual slope, I was com pelled to give tho new trench a considerable dip, but nevertheless was able to make eight side passages for removing tha debris. Experience had shown me that much precious time was lost in breaking down an eai then wall with long iron levers driven in by a ram, and that it was much more profitable and losa dangerous for the workmen to keep the earthen wall always at an ascending angle of 55°, since they can then dig as occasion requirea, and cut away the debris from below with pickaxes. In this new trench I had first to break through a wall 10 ft. thick, consisting of large blocks of marble, most of which were drums of Corinthian columns cemented with lime ; then I had to pierce the wall of Lygimachus, which was also 10 ft. thick, and built of large hewn stones. lie-idea this, we had to cut our way through two Trojan walls, the first 5} ft. thick, and tha second 10ft.; both consisting of stones joined together with earth.9 While making this excavation I found a great ' S--e \o. 4 to the loft, mid on Plau I. (of and on Sectional Plan IV. the points z-z. "rm. ) the letters e e to the south of point C. · See ibid. See on Plan I. (of Troy) the trench z-z v 28 NAHRATIVE OP WORK AT TllOY. [I N TROD. number of large earthen wine-jars (πίθοι), from 3J to 6j{ ft. high and from 2 to 4ft. wide, as well as numerous drums of Corinthian columns 1HTÎÎ-] r»REEK TEMPLK OF ATHENE. and other sculptured blocks of marble. All these marbles must have belonged to the Hellenic buildings, the southern wail of which I laid At first this wall is composed of small listancc of 285^ ft. o ^tk gpment, and it reata upon well-hewn blocks of lime- ht'""H. ^firther on it consists solely of this latter masonry. The direction St"ni ' all and hence of the whole building, is enst south-cast. TÎ no inscriptions, which I found among its ruins.11 and one of which that it \va,9 set up in the lepov-that is to say, in the temple — t " 10 doubt that this was the temple of the Ilian Athene, the ττολι- <-1 tita for it is only this sanctuary that could have been called " nlv TO 'lepov on account of its size and importance, which surpassed that of nil the other temples of Novum Ilium. No. 5. The Excavations below the Temple of Athoné. From tbe East. As the excavations appeared in April lata. Its foundations nowhere extended to a greater depth than 6£ ft. The floor, which consisted of large slabs of limestone resting upon double lavera of hewn blocks of the same material, was frequently covered with only a foot of vegetable soil, and never with more than 3} ft. of it. Tliia explains the total absence of entire sculptures ; for whatever sculp tures there were in or upon the temple could not sink into the ground on the summit of the hill when the building was destroyed, and they therefore remained on the surface for many centuries, till they were broken up by religious zeal or out of sheer mischief. Hence we can easily explain the enormous mass of fragments of statues which cover the entire hill. In order to bring Troy itself to light, I was forced to sacrifice the ruins of this temple, of which I left standing only some I«rts of the north and south walls.1 10 See Sectional Plan IV., line z-z, and Plan I. Greek Ilium. ("f Tiov) under the s.ime Mien. ' See the woodcuts No. 5, No. 7, and Sectional 'hey will be given in the chapter on the Plan IV., points z-z in the upper row, marked U. 30 NARRATIVE OP WORK AT TBOY. [IRTROD. LABYRINTH OF HOUSE-WALLS. 31 ¡I Just below the south wall of the temple I hrought to light the remains of a small round cellar, 3J ft. in diameter and about 2£ ft. high, which stood beneath the foundations, and must therefore he older than the templo. It was built of chalk and stones, but the inner side had been daubed over with a kind of varnish or glaze, and had a glossy appearance. This small cellar was filled with fragments of Greek terra-cottas, among which, however, I found six small vases almost uninjured. Below the temple, at a depth of from 23 to 2(J ft. beneath the surface, I discovered a house with eight or nine ''hambers :a its walls consist of small stones cemented with earth, from 19^ to 25^ in. thick. Several of these walls were 10 ft. high, and on some of them could he seen large patches of a plaster made of yellow or white clay. In most of the rooms the floors had been of wood; in one only I found a floor of unhevra slabs of limestone. By the side of the house, as well as in its larger apartments, I found a great quantity of human bones, but_pnjy_twji skeletons, which must be those of warriors, for they were found at a depth of 23 ft., with fragments of helmets on or near their heads. Unfortunately the frag ments are so small and corroded, that the helmets cannot he put together again ; hut their upper portions (φά\οί) were well preserved, and a draw ing of one of them will he given in ita place. My honoured friend, Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, has kindly made exact drawings of these skulls, which will he given in the chapter on the Third, the burnt City, together with his dissertation on them. By the side of one of the skeletons, I found a large lance-head, of which Ϊ shall also give a drawing. The quantity of pottery found in and around this house was really enormous. It deserves particular mention that, when the Temple of Athene was built, the site on which it stood was artificially levelled, and a considerable portion of it was cut away. This is proved by the calcined ruins of the burnt city which are here found immediately below the foundations of the temple, whereas elsewhere two distinct strata of débris, 16ft. deep, intervene between the Hellenic city and the burnt city. On the east side of the house was a sacrificial altar of a very primitive description, which is turned to thoTSf.W. by W., and consists of a slab of slate-granite about 5] ft. long and 5J ft. broad.3 The upper part of the stone is cut into the form of a crescent, probably to facilitate the slaughter of the animal which was intended for sacrifice. About 4 ft. below the sacrificial altar I found a channel made of slabs of green slate, which probably served to carry off the blood. The altar stood on a pedestal of bricks but very slightly buint, and was surrounded by an enormous quantity of similar bricks and wood-ashes to a height of 10 feet. Both the sacrificial stone and ita pedestal were daubed over with a white crust of clay, which upon the pedestal was nearly an inch thick. Below tho level of the altar and the pro-historic house already mentioned, I came upon walla of fortification4 and very ancient houses,' the walls of which are still partially covered with a coating of clay and colour, all bearing traces of a terrible conflagration, which had a See the engraving No. 7. 1 See the engraving No. 6. * See 1'l.m of Troy on the south side, in the two placea marked f, Λ. 4 See No. 7 to the left, just below the over hanging marble block. No. 6. Great Altar fur Sacrifices, found in the depths of the Temple of Athene. (1: 25 actual size.) Aa tue altar appeared m 187J. so completely destroyed everything in the chambers, that we only occa sionally found charred fragments of pottery among the red and yellow wood-ashns with which the spaces were filled. Curiously enough, other hou^f-walla wero again found below : these must be still older than those abovo; like them, they show indications of having been exposed to a great heat. In fact, this labyrinth of ancient house-walls, built one above another and discovered under the Temple of Athene erected by Lysimachus, is unique, and presents the archceologist with the richest materials for investigation. The greatest difficulty connected with the discovery, hdwe\er, is afforded by one of the above-mentioned walls of fortification, 11^ ft. high, which runs tíirough the labyrinth from W.N.W. to E.S.E. This ig likewise built of stones joined together with earth, and is G ft. brond at the top and 12 ft. broad at the foot. It does not stand directly upon the native rock, nor was it built till the rock had gradually become covered with a layer of earth 1^ ft. in thickness. Running parallel with this wall of fortification, only 2i ft. from it and at the same depth, there is a wall 2 ft. high, which is likewise built of stones cemented with earth.6 The chamber at the greatest depth to which I have excavated is 10ft. high and 11] ft. wide; but it may have been higher: its length I have not been able to ascertain. One of the compartments of the * See Plan I. (of Troy), on the south side, in the places marked/, Λ. 32 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [INTROD. 1873.] THE COLOSSAL JARS. 33 uppermost houses, below the Temple of Athene and belonging to the third, the burnt city, appears to have been used as a magazine for storing L corn or wine, for there are in it nine enormous earthen jars (πίθοι) of various forma, about 5j ft. high and 4J ft. across, their mouths being from • i ι 11 35' in. broad.7 Each of them has four handles, 3| in. broad, and "]' * 1 iv of which they are made is as much as 2} in. thick. Upon the No. a The ΛΙαβα/ίηο, with its Colossal Jara, in the depths of the Temple of Athene ; aa It appeared in June 1ΗΪ3. ' gontii side of the jars I found a wall of fortification, 2G ft. long and 10ft. high, built of sun-dried bricks, which, though thoroughly baked in the conflagration, were exceedingly fragile. In the middle of March I also commenced a large excavation close to my wooden house and to the west of the 'Great Tower.8 I found near the surface the ruins of a large houso of the Greek period, which extended to a depth of G^ft. It must have belonged to a great man, perhaps a high priest, for the floors of the rooms were made of large slabs of red stone excellently polished. Below this Greek house I found, as usiisl, a layer of flabris with but few stones ; then a number of house- walls composed of small stones joined together with earth ; and beneath these again immense masses of burnt and partly-vitrified bricks. At last, at the depth of 30 ft. below the surface, I brought to light a street 17¿ ft. wide, paved with stone flags, from 4¿ to 5 ft. long and from 35 in. to 4£ ft. broad, which runs down very abruptly in a south-westerly direction towards the Plain.9 The slope of the street is so great that, while on the north side, so far as it is there uncovered, it is only 30 ft. below the surface of the hill, at a distance of 33 ft. further to the south it already ht« as low as 37 ft. under the ground. This well-paved street led me to conjecture that a large building must ut one time have stood at the end of it, at a short distance on the north- In the viiiw, No. 8, six of the jara are shown, «nd a seventh (broken) la outside the trench to the right. The two largest of nil ire out of view, «n the other aide of the wall of the mngazine. • See No. 9 to the left. » See No. 10 and No. 13, and Plau I. (of Troy), a. 1" 34 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROT. east side, and I therefore immediately set 100 men to dig through the ground lying in front of it in that direction. I found the street covered to a height of from 7 to 10ft. with yellow, red, or black wood-ashes, mixed with thoroughly-burnt and often partly-vitrified fragmenta of bricks and stones. Above this thick layer of délrris I came upon the ruins of a large building composed of stones cemented with earth, of which I only A/ .,-. THE GREAT TKEXCH. 35 IKlJ-] b oke away as much as was necessary to clear the street with its Λ C EH „ BO 1| = B» -; fggl H! είδΐ ί il« u¿«s ι5!1 ι I NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY.. [INTROD. ΝΟ.Π. Να IX Nos. Il, 12. Cupper Boita; found exactly m the middle (No. 11) of the first (No. 12) of the second Guttjs parapeta.10 Proceeding thus in a north-easterly direction, I brought to light two large gateways, standing 20 ft. apart, and in each of them a long copper bolt, which had no doubt served to fasten the wooden wings of the gates, and of which I giva drawings. The first gateway is 12| ft. wide, and ia formed by two projections of the side-wall, one of which stands out to a distance of 2 k ft., the other to a distance of 2f ft. ; both are 3] ft. high and 3^ ft. broad. The pnvement of large flags ends at the first gate, whence to the second gate—for a distance of 20 ft.—the street is very roughly paved with large unhewn stones.1 The pavement has probably become uneven through the fall of the walls of the great tower, which must once have crowned the Gates, and of whose existence the masses of calcined rubbish, from 7 to 10 ft. deep, which covered the passage, furnish tho most evident proofs. It is clear that wood entered largely into the construction of thoso walln, not only from the large masses of wood-ashes, but also from the fact that the large red flags of the street, though they looked fresh and solid when first brought to light, speedily crumbled away when exposed to the air ; a circumstance which can only be explained by the intense heat to which they had been subjected. Like the first gate, the second gate is also formed by two projections in the wall, which are 2 ft. high, more than 3 ft. broad, and project about 2^ ft. I cleared the street as far as 5 ft. to the north east of the second gate, but did not venture to proceed further, as this could not have been done without breaking down more of the walls of the large house erected upon the debris with which it is covered to the depth of from 7 to 10 ft. This house is, of course, of later date than the double gate ; but still I considered it of great interest to archaeology, the more so as it covered the ruins of extensive and more ancient buildings to the right and left of the gate. These latter are on a level with the double gate, and, as that to the north-west seems to be the largest building of the burnt city, the third in succession from the virgin soil, I believed it to be the mansion of the last chief or king of the town. The correctness of this opinion appears to be corroborated by the large number of treasures I subsequently discovered in or close to it. The more recent house had been erected when the ruins of the more ancient houses were completely covered with ashes and burnt debris, as is obvious from the fact that the more recent walla run in all directions above the more ancient ones, never standing directly upon them, and frequently separated from them by a layer of calcined rubbish, from 7 to 10 ft. deep. The ruined walls of the lower as well as of the upper houses are built of stones joined together with earth ; but the walls of the lower houses are much thicker and more solidly built than those of the upper one. It is plain that the more 14 See No. 10. ' See No. 10 anil No. 13, nnd the place mnrked a on Plan I. (of Troy). THE DOUBLE GATE. 37 recent house was not built till the street was covered up, to a depth of from 7 to 10 ft., by the ruins and débria of the fallen buildings. From thche and other considerations, I wished to preserve as much as possible of both the'ancient and the more recent buildings, the more 1 1ft I 38 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [IxTROD. 1873.] LIMITS OF THE HOMERIC TROY. 39 I so aa I feared my statements in regard to them might be disbelieved. Consequently, after clearing the double gate, I left the ruins of both buildings in situ, and removed the débris from those chambers only of the ancient houses which could be excavated without injury to the building above them. I found in them a vast quantity of pottery of the most interesting character, which will be made known to the reader in the proper place. The great cold did not last long, and we had afterwards splendid weather. The nights however were cold up to the middle of March, and the thermometer frequently fell to the freezing-point towards morning, whereas during the day the heat of the sun was already beginning to be troublesome, the thermometer often showing 18° Reaumur (721° Fahren heit) in the shade at mid-day. From about the lat of March we heard the perpetual croaking of millions of frogs in the surrounding marshes, and in the second week of March the storks returned. One of the many discomforts of our life in the wilderness we inhabited was the hideous shrieking of innumerable owls, which built their nests in the holes of iny trenches ; their shrieks had a weird and horrible sound, and were especially intolerable at night. Up to the beginning of May 1873, I had believed that the hill of Ilissarlik, where I was excavating, marked the site of the Trojan citadel only ; and it certainly is the fact that Hissarlik was the Acropolis of Novuin Ilium.2 I therefore imagined that Troy was larger than the latter town, or at least as large ; but I thought it important to dis cover the precise limits of the Homeric city, and accordingly I sank twenty shafts as far down as the rock, on the west, south-west, south- south-east, and east of Hissarlik, directly a't its foot or at some distance from it, on the plateau of the Ilium of the Greek colony. As I found in these shafts no trace of fragments either of pre-historic pottery or of pre-historic house-walls, and nothing but fragments of Hellenic pottery and Hellenic house-walls ; and as, moreover, the hill of Ilissarlik has a very steep slope towards the north, the north-east, and the north-west, facing the Hellespont, and is also very steep on the west side towards the Plain, the city could not possibly have extended in any one of these directions beyond the hill itself. It therefore appears certain that the ancient city cannot have extended on any side beyond the primeval plateau of Hissarlik, the circumference of which is indicated on the south and south-west by the Great Tower and the double gate ; and on the north-west, north east, and east, by the great boundary wall. The shafts which I sank beyond the hill are all indicated by letters, A to u, on the Plan of the Hellenic Ilium, on which it is also stated at what precise depth in each of them the rock was struck; and of the seven deepest shafts sections are given. I therefore call particular attention to this Plan.3 I also call particular attention to the tombs which I came upon in the shafts which are marked D, o, and B on the Plan of * I reluctantly give the later Ilium the epilliet NoTUtn, because the city existed for at least 1000 years, ami its site has been a desert for perhaps 1400 year«. All classical writers (except Stnbo) call it simply Ilium. ' See PLin II. at the cod of the volume. Novum Ilium. Each of these three tombs was cut out of the rock and covered with flat slabs: each contained a corpse; but the corpses were nil so much damaged, that the skulls crumbled to dust when exposed to the air. The tombs evidently belonged to persons of small means und of a late date, since what little pottery was found in them was of a very inferior description and evidently of the Roman period. But the fnct that in three out of the twenty shafts, which I sank at random on the site of Novum Ilium, tombs were discovered, seems to denote with great probability that the inhabitants of that city buried their dead, or at least a large portion of them, within the precincts of the town. Cremation however was also in use with them, since in the first trench I opened, in April 1870,1 struck upon an urn of the Pioman period, filled with ashes of animal matter intermixed with remnants of calcined bones, which are evidently those of a human body. I did not find any other burnt bodies in the strata of Novum Ilium, but it must be remembered that I only excavated in Hissarlik, which does not cover a twenty-fifth pirt of the later city.* Hissarlik moreover was the Acropolis of Novum Ilium and contained the principal temples, in consequence of which it is likely that it was considered sacred ground, in which no burials were allowed. Hence it is very probable that, if systematic excavations were made in the lower city, many sepulchres and funeral urns would be found. The inhabitants of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik seem gene rally to have burnt the dead, as I found in 1872 two tripod-urns with calcined human remains on the virgin soil in the first city; and in i871, 1872, and 1873, a vast number of large funeral urns, contain ing human ashes, in the third and fourth cities. I found no bones however except a single tooth, and on one occasion among the ashes a human skull, which is well preserved, with the exception of the lower ja\v, which is missing : as I found a brooch of bronze along with it, I suppose it may have belonged to a woman. I am also indebted to Prof. Virchow for drawings of this skull, which will be given, together with his dissertation on it and the other skulls, in the chapter on the Third, the burnt City. It is true that nearly all the pottery found in the pre-historic ruins of Hisbarlik is broken, and that there is hardly one large vessel out of twenty which is not in fragments ; nay, in the first two cities the pottery has all been shattered by the weight and pressure of the stones with which the second city was built. But still, even if all the funeral urns with human ashes ever deposited in Hissarlik had been well preserved, yet, judging from the fragments of them —in spite of the abundance of these fragments—I can hardly think that I could have found even a thousand entire urns. It is, therefore, evident that the inhabitants of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik buried only a sniiill part of their funeral urns in tho city itself, and that we must look for their principal necropolis elsewhere. Whilst these important excavations were going on, I neglected the trenches on the north side, and only worked there when I had workmen to 4 See Man II. (of the Hellenic Ilium). 40 NARRATIVE OP WORK AT TROY. 1B73.J DISCOVERY OP THF, GREAT TREASURE. 41 spare. But I brought to light here the prolongation of the great wall which I agree with Prof. Sayce in attributing to the second stone city.5 Wishing to investigate the fortifications on the west and north-west sides of the ancient city, in the beginning of May 1873 I also com menced making a trench, 33 ft. broad and 141 ft. long, on the north west side of the hill, at the very point where I had made the first trench in April 1870.6 I broke first through an Hellenic circuit-wall, probably that which, according to Plutarch in his Life of Alexander, was built by Lysimachns, and found it to be 13ft. high and 10ft. thick, and to consist of large hewn blocks of limestone. Afterwards I broke through an older wall, 8J ft. high and 6 ft. thick, composed of large blocks cemented -with earth. This second wall is attached to the large wall which I brought to light in April 1870, and the two form two sides of a quadrangular Hellenic tower,' a third wall of which I had to break through later on. This part of the hill was evidently much lower in ancient times, as seems to be proved not only by the wall of Lysimachus, which must at one time have risen to a considerable height above the surface of the hill, whereas it is now covered by 16^ ft. of rubbish, but also by the remains of the Hellenic period, which are here found to a great depth. It appears, in ftct, as if the rubbish and debris of habitations had been thrown down on this side for centuries, in order to increase the height of the place. In order to hasten the excavations on the north-west side of the hill, I cut a deep trench from the west side also,8 in which, unfortunately, I struck obliquely the circuit-wall of Lysimachus, here 13 ft. high and 10 ft. thick, and was consequently compelled to remove a double quantity of stones to force a way through it. But I again came upon the ruins of large buildings of the Hellenic and pre-Hellenic periods, so that this excavation could only proceed slowly. Here at a distance of 69 ft. from the declivity of the hill, at a depth of 20 ft., I struck an ancient enclo sure-wall, 5 ft. high, with a projecting battlement, which, on account of its comparatively modern structure and small height, must belong to a post-Trojan period. Behind it I found a level place, paved partly with large flags of stone, partly with stones more or less hewn ; and after this a wall of fortification, 20 ft. high and 5 ft. thick, built of large stones and earth, which ran below my wooden house, but G^ ft. above the Trojan circuit-wall, which starts from the Gate.9 While following up this circuit-wall, and bringing inore and more of it to light, close to the ancient building and north-west of the Gate, I struck upon a large copper article of the most remarkable form, which attracted my attention all the more, as I thought I saw gold behind it.10 On the top of it was a layer of red and calcined ruins, from 4| to 5i ft. thick, as hard as stone, and above this again the above-mentioned wall of 4 See the Sectional Plan 111. X, o. • This trench is just in front of the reader in the view No. 10, p. 35 ; it is also represente* ou the Sectional Plan No. IV., z', West, and on the Plan I. (of Troy) under the letter z'. 1 See No. 10 (p. 35) ill the trench below the standing man. 1 See on the Plan 1. (of Troy) the trench marked K to the webt of the gate. • See this Trojan wall, marked ft, to the north west of the gate on Plan I. (of Troy). 10 The precise spot of this important discovery is marked Δ on Plan I. ( of Troy). f t fication (5 ft. broad and 20 ft. high), built of large stones and earth, l ich must have been erected shortly after the destruction of Troy. In 1er to secure the treasure from my workmen and save it for archœ- lo^y it w as necessary to lose no time ; so, although it was not yet the 1 our for breakfast, I immediately had païdos called. This is a word of uncertain derivation, which has passed over into Turkish, and is here eini'l°ye|l in pkica °^ ανύπαυσκ, or time for rest. While the men were catín" and resting, I cut out tha Treasure with a largo knife. This required great exertion and involved great risk, since the wall of fortifica tion beneath which I had to dig, threatened every moment to fall down upon me. But the sight of so many objects, every one of which is of inestimablo value to archaeology, made me reckless, and I never thought of any danger. It would, however, have been impossible for me to have removed the treasure without the help of my dear wife, who stood at niy side, ready to pack the things I cut out in her shawl, and to carry them away. All the différent articles of which this Treasure was com- poucd will be described at the proper place in the precise order in which they were taken out of the ruins. I here only give a general view of tho whole (No. 14). As I found all these articles together, in the form of a rectangular mass, or packed into one another, it seems certain that they were placed on the city wall in a wooden chest. This supposition seems to be corro borated by the fact that close by the side of theso articles I found a copper key. It is therefore possible that some one packed the treasure in the chest, and carried it off, without having had time to pull out the key ; when he reached the wall, however, the hand of an enemy, or the fire, overtook him, and he was obliged to abandon the chest, which was imme diately covered, to a height of 5 ft., with the ashes and stones of the adjoining house.11 Perhaps the articles found a few days previously in a room of the chiefs house, close to the place where the Treasure was discovered, belonged to this unfortunate person. These articles consisted of a helmet and a silver vase, with a cup of electrum, which will be described in the chapter on this Third City. On the thick layer of déiris which covered the Treasure, the builders of the new city erected a fortification-wall already mentioned, composed of large hewn and unhewn stones and earth. This wall extended to within 3.1 ft. of the surface of the hill. That the Treasure was packed together at a moment of supreme peril appears to be proved, among other things, by the contents of the largest silver vase, consisting of nearly 9000 objects of gold, which will be described in the subsequent pages. The person who endeavoured to save the Treasure had, fortunately, the presence of mind to place the silver vase, with the valuable articles inside it, upright in the chest, so that nothing could fall out, and everything has been preserved uninjured. But as in 1878 and 1879 I found, at a dis- «torey of the towu-chiefs honae, I now rather tauce of but a few yards from the spot where think that the same may have been the case this treasure was discovered, four more treaxnres, with the large treasure, which miut evidently have fallen from an upper 42 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. YIKTKOD. 1374.] "TROY AND ITS REMAINS." 43 Hoping to find more treasures here, I pulled down the upper wall, and I also broke away the enormous Llock of débris which separated my western and north-western trenches1 from the great massive walls which I used to call the "Tuwer." But to do this I had to pull down the 1 Hi ιΈ!Η| ti ί&Γ-ϊ Λ -*Λ—————————UJ . —— τ ...T No. 14. General View of 'heTreiaur^. (Depth. 2t ft.·) a. Key of the Treasure Chest. 6 The Golden Diadems, Fillet, Eur-rlngn, and snmll Jewels, c. Silver "Tilentt" and Vessel« of Oliver and Gold, ti. Silver Vases anil curious I'Ute of Copper, β. Weapons and lldiuet-cresfcs of Cupper or Umiize. /. Cupper Vew-eL g. Cupper Cauldron. A. Copprr Shield. larger of my wooden houses, and to hridge over the Gates, so as to facilitate the removal of the debris. I found there many interesting 1 See Plan I. (of Troy) ; also on Nos. 9 «nil 10 the block in front, and on No. 13 on the left side. antiquities ; more especially three silver dishes (φιά\αι), 1 ft. 9 in. helow the place where the Treasure was discovered : two of them were broken in pieces by the labourer's pickaxe, the third is entire. That the Treasure itself escaped injury from the pickaxes, was due to the large copper vessel, which projected in such a way that I could cut everything out of the bird debris with a knife. I now perceived that the trench which I had made in April 1870 had exactly struck the right point for excavating,2 and that, if I had only continued it, I should, in a few weeks, have uncovered the most remarkable buildings in Troy ,· whereas, by abandoning it, I had to make colossal excavations from east to west, and from north to south, through the entire hill, in order to find them. We discontinued the excavations on the 17th of June, 1873. In December of the same year the Turkish authorities of Koum Ktilch seized many gold ornaments which two of my workmen had found in three different places in the preceding March, whilst working for mo in the trenches of Hissarlik, at a depth of nearly 30 ft. below the surface of the hill. Most of these jewels were contained in a vase with an owl's head. Unfortunately one of the workmen had got his part of the booty molted down by a goldsmith at Ren Kioi, and made into orna ments after the present Turkish fashion. All theso gold ornaments, both genuine and re-made, are now in the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. The genuine ones will be represented and explained in the subsequent pages ; and it will be seen that they are nearly all of the same type as those contained in the great treasure discovered by me, though similar types had never before been found elsewhere. In the beginning of 1874, Mr. F. A. Brockhans of Leipzig published, in German, an account of my excavations and discoveries at Troy, under the title of Troianisehe Alterthümer, of which a translation in French by Mr. Alexander R. Rangabe, Ambassador of Greece at Berlin, appeared simultaneously. Both editions were accompanied by an Atlas containing 218 photographs, representing nearly 4000 of the objects discovered in the excavations, together with a minuto description of each of them. The English translation of the same work, made by Mihs Dora Schmitz and . edited by Mr. Philip Smith, was published by Mr. John Murray of London, | in November 1874, under the title of Troy and us Remains. § VI. I^TEttVAL m THE "VVonK AT THOY : EXCAVATIONS AT MÏCENAE : 1874-1877. Having obtained from the Greek Government permission to excavate [at Mycenae, I began operations there in February 1874, by sinking thirty- E'nir shafts in its Acropolis ; and I had just discovered the site of the incient Royal Sepulchres mentioned by Pausauias, when I was interrupted See No. 10, p. 35, the trench just in front, below the standing man. The sama trench is marked z' on Plan I. 44 INTERVAL OF WORK AT TROY. [iNTttOD. EXCAVATIONS AT MYCENAE. 45 in my explorations by the legal proceedings instituted against me at Athena by the Turkish Government, which claimed one-half of my collec tion of Trojan antiquities. The lawsuit lasted for a year, when the Court decided that I should pay the Turkish Government uii indemnity of £400 in settlement of their claims. But instead of £400 I sent, in April 1875, £2(jOO to the Turkish Minister of Public Instruction, for the benefit of · the Imperial Museum, expressing my great desire always to remain on friendly terms with them, and explaining to them that they stood as much in need of a man like myself as I stood in need of them. My donation was so kindly received by H. H. Safvet Pasha, then Minister of Public Instruction, that I was emboldened to go to Constantinople at the end of December 1875, to solicit a new firman for the exploration of Troy. By the powerful assistance of my honoured friends, H. E. the United States Minister Resident Mr. Maynard, H. E. the Italian Ambassador Count Corti, H. H. Safvet Pasha, and particularly by the unremitting zeal and undaunted energy of H. E. the Great Logothete Aristarches Bey, I was on the point of obtaining my firman, when my request was suddenly rejected by the Council of State. But H. E. the Great Logothete Aristarches Bey having introduced me to H. E. the late Itashid Pasha,3 then Minister of Foreign Affairs, a man of high culture, who had been for five years Governor of Syria, I had no difficulty in inspiring him with a warm enthusiasm for Troy und its remains, so that he went himself to H. H. the Grand Vizier, Mahmoud-Nedim Pasha, spoke warmly in my favour, and obtained from him an order that the firman should be given mo without delay. I received my firman accordingly at the end of April 1876, and at once proceeded to the Dardanelles to continue my excavations. But I there found the Governor-General, Ibrahim Pasha, totally averse to the continuation of the works, probably because ever since I had stopped them, in June 1873, he had been in the habit of himself giving a sort of firman to the numerous travellers who came to see my excavations, and this of course would have ceased had I resumed my operations. Having kept me therefore for nearly two months at the Dardanelles, under the pretence that he had not yet received the confirmation of my firman, he at last allowed me to recommence the excavations, but gave me as guardian a certain Izzet Effendi,4 whose sole office it was to throw obstacles in my way. Seeing the utter impossibility of going on, I returned to Athens, and wrote a letter to the Times (published 24th of July, 1876), in which I denounced Ibrahim Pasha's conduct before the tribunal of the civilized world. The article having been reproduced by the Constantinople papers, he was transferred in October 1876 to another Vilayet. I could then have recommenced the excavations at Troy ; but at the end of July I had begun to excavate again at Mycenae, and could not give up my work there until I had thoroughly explored all the royal * Rnshid Pasha was murdered in June, 1876. * Tliia Izzet Effendi has lately been exiled on account of gross embezzlement of government . monies. i,s The really wonderful success which attended my excavations, . i,umense and marvellous treasures with which I enriched the Greek tioii are well known ; for all ages to come travellers from all parts of t} R \voild will flock to the Greek capital to see here in the Mycenae Museum the result of my disinterested labours. The publication of my ork on Mycenae in English and German occupied the whole of 1877 ; the French edition kept me busy until the summer of 1878, and it waa only in July of that year that I was able to think of continuing the excavations at Troy. But my firman of April 1870 having been civcn for two years only, it had now expired, and a new firman had to bo procured ; many fresh difficulties, too, had arisen which I could never have -overcome without the aid of my honoured friend Sir Austen Henry Layard, Ambassador of her Britannic Majesty at Constantinople, who smoothed away all my difficulties with the Turkish Government, obtained for me a more liberal firman than that which I had had before, and always cheerfully lent me his powerful assistance whenever I applied for it, which sometimes happened as often as twice a day during the progress of the excavations. I therefore fulfil a most agreeable duty in now thanking his Excellency publicly and most cordially for all the services he has rendered me, without which I could never have brought mv work to a close. But my new finnan not being ready till September 1878,1 had time to make a more thorough exploration of the island of Ithaca. § VII. EXPLORATION OF ITHACA : 1878. I regret to say that systematic excavations for archaeological purposes are altogether out of the question here. 1 began my researches in the valley called Polis, which is in the northern part of the island, and has generally been considered as the site of the Homeric capital of Ithaca : first, on account of its name, which is the Greek word for city ; second, on account of its splendid harbour, at a distance of only two miles from a sm;»ll island now called Mathitarió, which, being the only one in the strait between Ithaca and Ccphalonia, has naturally always been identified with the Homeric island of Asteris, behind which the suitors of Penelope lay wait for Telemachus on his return from Pylos and Sparta.5 As a fourth ¡ason for the identity of Polis with the site of the capital of Ithaca, I y mention an acropolis which a traveller fancies he can perceive on e very steep rock, at a height of about 400 ft., on the north side of tho port. My first care was to climb up to it, and I found it to consist of a very irregular calcareous rock, which had evidently never been touched by the hands of man, and can most certainly never have served as a work of defence. But as seen from below, this rock has the shape of a fortress. It is still at the present day called " castrón " here, and in like manner it must in remote antiquity have been called " Polis," the original meaning of this word having been "acropolis." Thus there can be no ' Od. iv. 844-847 : Tls víj¡TOS μίσ 'I9í£m)s Tf τι παιπα\οίσ<πα, "AffTípís, ου μνγάλη · aùrrj αμφίδυμοι- τί? S* ΐνι νανλαχρι is Αχαιοί. EXPLORATION OF ITHACA. [IKTROD. doubt that the name of this valley is derived—not, as has hitherto been thought, from a re«,l city, but merely from an imaginary fortress. Besides, this valley is the most fertile spot in Ithaca, and it can therefore never have been used for the site of a city; in fact, no case lias ever occurred in Greece wheie a city was built on fertile laud, and least of all can such have been the case on the rocky island of Ithaca, where arabia land is so exceedingly rare and precious. If, therefore, there had been a city at Polis, it could only have been built on the surrounding rocky heights, the pointed or abrupt and always irregular shape of which precludes the idea that they can have ever been inhabited by men. Colonel Leakeβ mentions an old ruin on the south side of the port ; it still exists, but is nothing else than a Christian church of the Middle Ages. I visited and carefully measured the island of Mathitarió. Its length ' is 580 ft. ; its breadth varies between 108 ft. and 170 ft. On account of these small dimensions, it cannot possibly be identified with the Homeric Asteris, which, as the poet says, had two ports, each of them with two entrances. But still I havo no reason to question that the sight of Mathitarió may have given to Homer the idea of his imaginary Asterig. Ou the island are the ruins of a tower and three buildings, one of which is said to have been a school-house, which would explain the name Mathi tarió. The ruins can hardly be more than a couple of centuries old. Though for all these reasons I was perfectly convinced that no city can ever have occupied the fertile valley of Polis, yet I thought it in the interest of science to investigate the matter by actual excavations. With the permission of the owner of the land, Mr. N. Metaxas Zannis, I sunk many shafts there ; but in nearly all of them I struck the natural rock at a depth of 10 to 13 ft., except in the middle of the valley, which seems to have been hollowed out to a great depth by a mountain torrent. Frag ments of rudely-made black or white Greek pottery and pieces of tiles were all I found. There were only a few fragments of archaic pottery, for which I could claim the date of the sixth century B.C. Toinbs are sometimes found on the neighbouring heights, but, as is proved by the pottery and coins contained in them, they are of the third, fourth, or fifth century B.C. Of the same period are also tho antiquities found in a cavern to the right of the port of Polis : for an inscription found there, I can witli certainty claim the date of the sixth or even the seventh century B.c.7 Therefore, the supposition that Polis is the site of the Homeric capital of Ithaca must now be definitely abandoned. I afterwards carefully surveyed the remaining northern part of the island, but I nowhere found the site of an ancient town, except in the environs of the small building of cyclopean masonry, usually called tho " School of Homer," which the owner of the property, the priest Sp. Vreto, has, in his pious zeal, lately converted into a small church. But unfortunately he left in it the thick layer of débris it contained, which has now become the pavement of the church. Had he cleared it out and • Trátela in Northern Greece. See my Mycenae, p. 78. THE CAPITAL ON MOUNT AETOS. 47 rnrcfully collected tho potsherds, we might probably at once have found in the'-e the key to the date of the building. He refused me permission to excavate cüurc^j but allowed me to do so in the adjoining field", where a number of rock-hewn house-foundations and remnants cf lopciin walls testified to the existence of an ancient settlement. I dug there a great many holes, but always struck the native rock at less than 3 it and sometimes even at a depth of less than 12 in. : thus there can be no doubt that a town existed here in classical times, and most probably it is the very town mentioned by Scylax, Per. 34, and Ptolemy, iii. li. 13. I proceeded thence to Mount Aetos, situated on the narrow isthmus, hardly one mile wide, which joins Northern and Southern Ithaca. I believed the ancient city to have been at the northern foot of that mountain, and to have extended all over the small ridge which crosses the hollow between it and Mount Merovúni to the south of it. But I dis covered I had been mistaken, for I found everywhere the purest virgin soil, except on the very crest of the ridge, where, near the chapel of Hagios Georgios, 1 found a very small plain with an accumulation of artificial soil 10 ft. deep. I dug there two long trenches, in one of which I brought to light a terrace-wall 7 ft. high, consisting of huge polygonal blocks well fitted together; to compare this wall to the modern terrace-walls which surround it, is to compare a giant's work to a work of dwarfs. Of pottery I found there nothing but a few fragments of black Greek vases. Having here also failed in my researches, I most carefully explored Alonnt Aëtos, which rises to a height of GOO ft. from the sea, and has on its artificially but rudely levelled summit a platform of triangular form, with two large cisterns and a small one, and remnants of six or seven θΐηπ,ΙΙ cyclopean buildings, which were either separate houses or, more probably, chambers of the large cyclopean mansion which is said to have stood there, and is commonly called "the Castle of Ulysses." There can hardly be any doubt that in the same manner as the Acropolis of Athens was widened by Cimon,8 who took in a large portion of its north - eastern slope and filled up the lower space with stones and débris, the level summit of Mount Aetos was extended to the north and south west by a huge cyclopean wall still existing, the space between the top and the wall being filled up with stones and débris. Thus the summit formed a level quadrangular platform, 160 ft. 8 in. long by 127 ft. 4 in. broad, so that there was on the summit ample room for a large mansion and courtyard. To the north and south of the circuit-wall are towers of cyclopean masonry, from each of which a huge wall of immense boulders runs down. But at a certain distance these two walls begin to form a curve, and ultimately join each other. Two more cyclopean walls run down from the top — the one in an easterly, the other in a south-easterly direction — and join the curve formed by the two first- named walls. Lastly, I have to mention a huge circuit-wall about 50 ft. helow the upper circuit-wall. This wall has fallen on the west side, hut is in a marvellous state of preservation on the other sides. To • Pausaniaa, i. 28, § 3. 48 EXPLORATION OP ITHACA. [INTROD. ί iucreaao the strength of the place, the foot of the rock has been cut away so as to form a perpendicular wall of rock 20 ft. high. Three gates tan bo recognized in the walls. Between all these cyclopean walls there once stood a city, which may have contained 2000 houses, either cut out in the rock or built of cyclo pean masonry. Of 190 of these houses I have been able to find the ruins more or less well preserved. I measured twelve of them, and found them between 21 ft. and 63 ft. long, and from 15 ft. to 20 ft. broad. The usual size of the rudely-cut stones is 5 ft. in length, 4 ft. 8 in. in breadth, and 2ft. in thickness. Tho size of these stones by far exceeds that of the stones in the cyclupean houses I discovered at Mycenae and Tiryns. Some of the houses consisted of only one room ; others had four or even six chambers. From below not one of the houses is visible ; and as the peasants of Ithaca thought them to be mere heaps of stones, they did not point them out to foreigners, who might ascend Mount Aëtos a hundred times without noticing any one of them, for the slopes of Aëtos ascend at an angle of 35°, and they are thus 7° steeper than the upper cone of Mount Vesuvius. It is therefore exceedingly difficult and fatiguing to ascend Mount Aëtos, the more so as it is full of pointed rocks, and over grown with thorny underwood and thistles. Besides, the path by which the peasants lead strangers to the top does not pass near any of the better-preserved cyclopean houses ; it passes only a few foundations, in which even the best arch.£eologist might fail to recognize remnants of houses unless he had seen tho bettor-preserved buildings. For all these reasons even Colonel Leake only saw " some terrace walls and some foundations of buildings on the side of Aëtos ;" and from this remark of his no one could have expected to find here the ruins, more or less well preserved, of 190 houses of Ithaca's most ancient capital, which had, however, long before Colonel Loakc, been identified by William Gell.9 This cyclopean capital is unique in the world, and every admirer of Homer .ought to come out to see it. Visitors ought to take as their guide the peasant Nicolaos Psarros, whom I have repeatedly shown over the ancient city. He lives at the foot of Mount Aëtos, close to tho chapel of Hagios Georgios. For two weeks I excavated with thirty workmen in those cyclopean buildings : but fragments of pottery, which has no resemblance to any of the Mycenean pottery, but is much like that from the two most ancient cities at Troy ; fragments of most curious tiles with impressed ornaments ; also two with a sort .of written characters for which I cannot claim a high antiquity ; further, the fragments of a very ancient and most curious handmill—these were the only results of all my labour. But I must wonder that I have succeeded in finding even thus much, because on account of the steep slope no accumulation of debris was possible here, and tho heavy winter rains have for ages swept all remnants of ancient industry into the sea. The heat 011 Mount Aëtos is overwhelming, on account of the rocks and stones, which got hot in the sun. GROTTO OP THE NYMTIIS. 49 I need hardly say that the drawing which Sir \V. Gell gives in his Jthafu ui the Palace of Ulysses is altogether imaginary. . cummenced excavating the stalactite grotto near the little port „f Di-xia, which is generally identified with the port of Phurkya, where Llvsncs was landed by the Phaeacians, the grotto being rightly con- Hidcnd tu be identical with the Homeric Grotto of the Nymphs, in which Hyascs, assisted by Athene, hid his. treasures. But having opened a trench just before the little altar, down to the rock, without even liiulmg u potsheid, I abandoned this ungrateful excavation. The grotto is \ery spacious, and it exactly answers tho description of Homer, who .sjtys " that it has two entrances, one on its north side for men, and «no on its south side for the imuiortfil gods, for no man can enter by the divine door."lu All this is true; but by the entrance fur the gods he 11KIHI.H the artificially cut hole in the vault of the grotto, which must have served as a chimney to carry off the smoke of the sacrificial fires. Ficim this chimney to the bottom of the grotto the depth is 56 ft., and, of course, no man can enter by this way. But for ages the proprietors df the field seem to have utilized this chimney to get rid of some of the stones which abound here, for the grotto is filled with small stones to the depth of 5 or 6 ft. From the vault of the grotto hang innumerable stiilact.'tcs, which gave to Homer the idea of the stone urns and amphora, and the stone frames and looms on which the Nymphs wove purple- colomed mantles and veils.1 I most carefully explored the whole southern portion of Ithaca. The town of Vathy, the present capital of Ithaca, is not yet a hundred years old, and the complete absence of ancient potsherds on the flat soil seems to prove that there was no city or village on the site in ancient times. Before Vathy was founded, the city was on a rockv height about one mile further south. On tho site of the old town I found Lut a very small accumulation of debris, and no trace of ancient pottery. Near the south-eastern extremity of the island, about 4^ miles from Yathy, are a number of rooms like stables, averaging 25 ft. in length and 10ft. in breadth, partly rock-cut, partly formed by cyclopean walls of very huge rudely-wrought stones, which must have given to Homer the idea for the twelve pig-sties built by the divine swineherd Enniaena.2 To the east of these stables, and just iu front of them, thousands of very common but most ancient potsherds indicate the existence of au ancient rustic habitation, which Humer appears to have described to us as the house and station of Eumaeus.3 This is the more probable, as at a very 14 Soe Λ7. xiii. 109-112. The whole pavage - Tim Geography and Antiquities of Ilhaea ; London, 1807. αύταρ Μ κρατυϊ \ιμ(νοι τανύφΛ\θ! i\aír¡, byxfài δ' a'trrjí Αντραν ίττήρατον f)cpoe¡Sés, ''ρίαι Νυμφάαν α{ Νηίίίδ« Ka\tavrat. *" δί jrfnjTÍjpí's Tí (cctl αμφιφαρήΐί \atvw tvSa y ÍTttiTo. τιβαιβάσσαυσ l \1β(οι »fpií^Keej, ΐνβατε νΰμφαι uυρα, βαπιια ίδέσθαι, '" 8* ύδατ' a'fváivTa. δΐ'ω 54 τι ο'ι βάροα W τ/Αϊ Βαρίαο, ΚΛταιβαται ίνβρύτταΐίτιν, α'ι S* αϊ irpàî NIÍTOU «VI 9f lírepai' oùSé τι Kclvy &vSpfs ίσίρχινται, αλλ' ίβανάτων dWs ¿ TIP. 1 See vv. 105 108 in the paswige just cited. 1 Od. xiv. IM, U: ίντοσβςν δ' αϋλτ;? w the Korax, in a recess, is α natural and always plentiful spring of pure water, which tradition identi fies with Homer's fountain of Arethusa, where the swine of Enmaeus were watered.5 I excavated in the stables, as well as in front of them 011 the site of the rustic habitation ; I found the stables filled with stones, but on the site of the house I struck the rock at a depth of 1 ft., and found there fragments of very interesting, most ancient, unpainted pottery, also of archaic pottery with red bands, and masses of broken tiles of a later period. I found in my excavations at the foot of Mount Aêtos two coins of Ithaca, having on one side a cock with the legend ΙΘΑΚίίΝ, and on the other side a head of Ulysses with a conical cap or pilidion ; also two coins . of Agathocles of Syracuse. These latter coins are here frequently found and abundantly offered for sale. Corinthian and.Ilonian coins are also very frequent here. According to Aristotle" and Autigonus Carystius,' no hare can live on Ithaca. But, on the contrary, hares are more abundant here than on any other Greok island, it being next to impossible to hunt them on the steep slopes of the huge mountains overgrown with thorny underwood. I may add that Ithaca is, like Utica, a Phoenician word, and means " colony." According to Homer, Poseidon was the grandfather of Laertes, and Mr. Gladstone appears, therefore, to be right in holding that the descent from Poseidon always means " descent from the Phoenicians." I strongly recommend a visit to Ithaca, not only to all admirers of Homor, but also to all those who wish to see the ancient Greek type of men and great female beauty. Visitors should not omit when at Vathy, the capital of Ithaca, to call upon my friend Mr. Aristides Dendrinos, to whom and to whose amiable lady, Mrs. Praxidea Dendrinos, I here make my warmest acknowledgment for their bountiful hospitality. Mr. Den drinos is the most wealthy man in Ithaca, and will at all times be happy to assist travellers with his advice. He has a son Telemachus and a daughter Penelope. § VIII. FOURTH YEAR'S WORK AT TROT: 1878. I recommenced my excavations at Troy towards the end of September 1878, with a large number of workmen and several horse-carts, having previously built felt-covered wooden barracks, -with nine chambers for my own accommodation and that of my overseers, servants, and visitors. ν SÍOTTOÍVTJS καΐ Λαί'ρταο γέροντα:, ρΊ/τοϋτο/ λά{ο-<τι, καΐ tQplyiaaatv αχίραψ. 4 Od. xiv. 3Ü8-400 : ci 5έ Κ€ UJ) e\erjfftv αι/αζ Tetís, as cryopcúcd, δ/iûas tirifftreuas ßa\fftv ßfya\rts Karat ιτέτρης, βφρα /cal άλλοι πτωχοί a\túfrai * Od. xiii. 407-410 : δ·ή*ΐϊ τον ye σύ(σσι ττορή/iei/oi'' al δί νέμονται τταρ Kopafcos ιτΕτρρ, cirí -re κρήνρ 'ApeOoúaTj, ίσθουσαι fiá\avov fiÇvociKfci /caí μ4\αν ϋδωρ. πίνονται, τα ff vfffffi Tpítptt τ(θα\υίαν αλοιφή". « Hist. An. viii. 27. 2. ' Hist., Mir. 11. 1878.] EXCAVATIONS RESUMED AT TROY. 51 built a wooden barrack, which served both as a storehouse for anti- unities ind as a small diuing-hall, together with a wooden magazine, in which the antiquities were preserved, which were to be divided between the Imperial Museum and myself, and of which the Turkish delegate had tho key; also a wooden magazine for my implements, wheelbarrows, hand-carts, and other machinery for excavating; besides a small stone house for the kitchen, a wooden house for my ten gensdarmes, and a stable for the horses.8 All the&e buildings were erected on the north-west slope of Ilisbarlik, which here descends at an angle of 75° to the plain. The site of my barracks is, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, 25·.~»ί> mètres = 84 ft. above the level of the sea ; consequently U3'88 m. =r 78 ft. below the summit of Hissarlik. The ten gensdarmes, to whom I paid £20 10s. monthly, were all lofugoes from líoumelia, and were of great use to me, for they not only served as a guard against the' brigands by whom the Troad was infested, but they also carefully watched my labourers whilst they were excavating, and thus forced them to be honest. How necessary the ton gensdarmes were to me could not have been better proved than by the fight which took place a short time after my departure in the village of Kalifatli, only twenty minutes' walk from Fftssarlikj between the peasants and a large number of armed Circassians, who in the night attacked the house of a villager reputed to possess 10,000 frs. The villager ascended the terrace of his house and cried for assistance, whereupon his neighbours hurried out with their rifles and killed two of the assailants, but unfortunately lost two of their own number — the brother-in-law and son-in-law of the demarch of Kalifatli. The wages of my three overseers were from £5 to £10 monthly; those of the common workmen, 2 frs. or 20 pence daily ; the three carpenters received 3¿ frs. or 2s. Id. ; the wheelwright 5 frs. or 4s. a day. But the highest wages of all were paid to my servant, who thought he was indispensable, and therefore refused to serve for less than 300 frs. or £12 monthly ; but he made at least twice as much out of his wine and bread- store, of which his brother was the manager, for he cold to my labourers on credit, and, as he was my paymaster, he always got back his money easily and could never lose. My p.nflp.n.ymira wora ηρ^τ prmpi'pf|11y directed the large building .to the. jvest and, north-west of thcga north-eastern-pTölougatiöll-nf-tke^gateway.9 flíaíTálways identified the large building with t lie residence of the last chief or king of Troy, because in it, or close to it, had been found not only thlT large treasure I myself discovered, bu~t~also The treasure which had been" concealed ~from~me~ W~my labourers and seized by the Turkish authorities, besides a vast quantity of Trojan pottery ; but I now maintain that identity with more assurance than ever, having again discovered in it, or close to it, three «mall treasures and aJarge-one of gold jewels. Of these the first was__ iound and excavated on the 21st of October, in the presence of seven See the froutis|'iece, to the right. See on No. 10, p. 33, the whole block in front ; also the block on which tne two houses stand. I 52 NAIUIATIVE OF WORK AT TKOY. [INÏHOD. 1879.] FIFTH YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS. officer* of IT.M.S. Monarch, in a chamber in the north-east part of the building, ut a depth of '26 ft. 5 in. below the surface of the mound. It was contained in a broken hand-made terra-cotta vessel, which lay in an oblique position about 3 ft. above the floor, and must have fallen from an upper atorey. I give a drawing of the town-chief's house in the chapter on the Third City. Its longest wall runs parallel with the great external wall of the city, and is 53 ft. 4 in. long and 4 ft. 4 in. high ; it consists uf [smaller and larger stones joined together with clay. Near the north- Iwestern extremity of this wall, and just 3 ft. above the ground, I found, \n a layer of grey wood-ashes, two more small treasures, both contained in broken hand-made terra-cotta vases, of which the one lay in an ojblique, the other in a horizontal position, from which circumstance I conclude that both had fallen from an upper part of the house; the orifices of the vases nearly touched each othejL__Only 3ft. from this discovery, but on the house-wall itself, and at a depth of~2(TftrbeIoTv -•the surface of the ground, aiargeftreasure of J)rojize__weapons and gold jewels was^íoúñdT All the objects contained in these four treasures, as well as all the other antiquities discovered in these excavations, will be described in the subsequent pages, as well as the gold ornaments found elsewhere. I also continued excavating on the site of my former platform, on the north side of the hill,10 but, on account of the winter rains, was obliged to stop the works on the 2oth of November. According to the stipu lations of my firman, I had to give up two-thirds of all the objects I found to the Imperial "Museum, and carried off only one-third inysell. § IX. FIFTH YEAR'S ΛΥοκκ AT TROY AND THE HEROIC TUMULI, AND EXPLORATION OF THK TROAD : 1879. I went to Europe, and returned to the Dardanelles towards the end of February 1879. Having again procured the services of ten gensdarmes or zaptiehs and 150 workmen, I recommenced the excavations on the 1st of March. Up to the middle of March I suffered cruelly from the north wind, which was so icy cold that it was impossible to read or write in my wooden barracks, and it was only possible to keep oneself warm by active exercise in the trenches. To avoid taking cold, I went, as I had always done, very early every morning on horseback to the Hellespont to take my sea-bath, but I always returned to Hissarlik before sunrise and before the work commenced.1 Two of my gensdarmes always served nie as a guard in the bathing excursions, or whenever I absented myself from '<· S« Ko. 4 to the left ; also Hau I. (of Troy) between the pointa X and O. 1 These rides in the dark were mit without accidents. Travellers to the Trofld will see a large block mUsing from the northern edge of thebriJge of Koum Kini. This atone was liroken out when once in the dark I rode too near the edge, :ind I wna precipitated with my hiirse into the bushes below. The horse having fallen upon me, I could not eitricate myself from beneath it ; and my gensilurmea having gone ihead, could not hear my cries. A whole hour I was in thiä de-.p^i'nte position, till nt last mv gensdamiea, not seeing me coining to my usual bathing-place at Karanlik, returned ami extricated me. Since that accident I alwais alight before pnasin? a Turkish bridge, and lead my hoiie over by the bridle. I I Hissarlik. But the cold weather did not last longer than a fortnight, and after that we had a succession of fine weather. The storks appeared in the beginning of March. At the end of March I was joined at Hissarlik by my honoured friends Professor Rudolf Virchow of Berlin, and M. Emile Burnouf of Paris, Honorary Director of the French School at Athens; the latter having been scut to Troy on a scientific mission by the French Government, at the initiative of M. Jules Ferry, the Minister of Public Instruction. Both assisted me in my researches to the utmost of their ability. Pro fessor Virchow studied the flora, fauna, and geological characteristics of the Plain of Troy, as well as the condition of the ruina and débris brought to light in the course of my excavations ; and M. Burnouf, who is an excellent engineer and painter, made all the plans and maps, as well as many of the sketches contained in this book. Ho also studied the geology of the Plain of Troy, as well as the several layers of debris at Hissarlik. My endeavours were this time principally directed towards bringing to light the entire circuit of the walls, and I therefore excavated to the east and south-west of the gate2 (which, according to M. Buruouf's mea surement, is 4Γ10 mètres = 135 ft. 2 in. above the level of the sea, and 8'33 m. — 27 ft. 5 in. below the surface of the hill), and to the north-west and north of the house of the chief, as well as to the east of my great northern trench.3 It being especially important to preserve the houses of the burnt city, I gradually excavated the ruins of the three upper cities horizontally, layer by layer, until I reached the easily-recognizablo calcined debris of the third or burnt city. Having brought down to one level the whole space I intended to explore, I began at the extremity of the area, excavating house by house, and gradually proceeding with this work in the direction of the northern slope, where the débris had to be shot. In this manner I was able to excavate all the houses of the third city without injuring their walls. But of course all that I could bring to light of them were the substructions, or first storeys, 3 to ID it. high, built of bricks or of stones cemented with earth. The great number of jars they contain can hardly leave any doubt that these served as cellars ; though at first sight it is difficult to explain the scarcity of doorways, of which visitors will see but few. But it appears that these lower parts of the houses were entered by wooden stairs or ladders from above ; regular openings for the doors, however, exist in all the rooms and chambers of the large building to the west and north-west of the gate. Professor Virchow calls attention to the fact that, in an architectural point of view, the condition of this third city is the exact prototype of the kind of building which still characterizes the villages of the Troad. It was only when his medical practice4 had introduced him into the interior of the present houses that he was able to understand the archi tectural details of those of the ancient state. The characteristic of the architecture is, that in most cases the lower part of the houses has no | See Plan I. (of Troy). | See Sectional Plan HI., χ, γ. I give in Appendix V. Prof interesting account of his medical practice in the Trawl. Professor Virchow's 54 NARRATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [INTROD. 1870.] ANOTHER VISIT TO BOUNAKBASHI. 55 entrance, and ia surrounded by a atone wall. The upper storey, which is built of quadrangular sun-dried bricks, serves as the habitation for the family ; the lower one, which is entered by staira or ladders from above, serves as a storehouse. Whenever the ground-floor has a door, it is also very frequently used as a stable for the cattle. When, as often happens also at tho present day, modern houses of this kind fall into ruin, the ruins present precisely the same aspect as those of the third or burnt city of Hissarlik. The stones of the walls of the first storey of the Trojan houses present no trace of having been wrought ; they have coiné from the easily-obtainable natural strata of the tertiary fresh-water limestone of the neighbouring ridge. The rooms enclosed by these Trojan house-walls contain those gigantic terra-cotta jars which often stand in whole rows, representing a considerable fortune by their huge size, which is so great that a man can stand upright in each of them. Streets also were scarce ; for besides the broad street of the gate, 1 brought to light only one street 4 ft. broad, paved with large flags, which bear the marks of the intense heat to which they have been exposed. This street may be seen just above the ruins of the second city, on the east side of my great trench ;6 there is, besides, a passage 2 ft. broad, between the Trojan houses running off at right angles from the street d to the N.B. I further excavated to the east and south-east of the " Great Tower," where I was forced to destroy a number of house- walls close to the magazine containing the nine great jars discovered in 1873,6 in order to unearth the city wall and its connection with the two gigantic stone walls called by me " the Great Tower." All this has been accomplished. My excavations to the south, south-west, west, north-west, and north of the gates, have also enabled me to uncover the city wall in these directions ; so that it is. now disclosed in its entire circuit, except where it has been cut through by my great trench. In tho course of these Researches I found, in the presence of Professor Virchow and M. Burnouf, on the slope of the north-western part of the wall another treasure, consisting of gold ornaments, which will be de scribed hereafter. Outside the city wall on the east side, I discovered a great many house-walls, but scarcely any antiquities, which circumstance appears to prove that the suburb was inhabited by the poorer class. The south east corner of the city presents no signs of the great conflagration. I dug about one-half of my great trench down to the limestone rock, and thus laid bare three parallel house-walls7 of the first settlers on Hissarlik. I also dug a deep drain for the discharge of the rain-water. Although H.E. Mnnif Effendi, the Minister of Public Instruction, had already in January 1879 consented to H.E. Sir Henry Layard's request that a firman should be granted me for the exploration of the Turnuli, the go-called heroic tombs of the Troad, I had the very greatest difficulty in obtaining it. I was however powerfully aided by Sir Henry Layard and my honoured friend Mr. Ed. Malet, Minister Plenipotentiary during I IIÍH absence, as well as by H.E. Count ITatzfeldt, the German Ambassador at Constantinople, who assisted me at the request of Professor Virchow, and the firman at last arrived on the 17th of April. I immediately started to explore the two largest tumuli of the Troad, the Besika Tepeh and the Ujek Tepeh, as well as four smaller ones. These excavations will be described at length in the chapter on the Tumuli. In company with Professor Virchow, I again visited the village of Bouuarb.oshi, and the heights behind it, the Bali Pagh, which have had for nearly a hundred ye;irs the undeserved honour of being identified with the site of the Homeric Ilium. Professor Virchow fully agrees with me that the circuit-walls of the little Acropolis — which, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, is 114· 3(5 me tres = 472 ft. above the level of the sea, and in which so uiiiuy great modern luminaries in archaeology have seen the walls of Piiiim's Pergainus—have never deserved to be called " Cyclopean." He was the first to observe, from the peculiar manner in which the stones of the walls have been wrought, that they have been slowly shaped (abge splittert) with an iron pick-hammer, and must consequently belong to a comparatively late period. As above mentioned, these ruins probably mark the site of Crergis, where, according to Xenophon,8 Queen Mania kept her treasures. I showed him that the average depth of the accumu lation of debris in the little Acropolis is only 1 ft. 6 in., and that only Hellenic pottery is found there. Ho recognized the agora of the little town in a recess of ainphitheatrical form, in which the ruins of four rows of stone seats may still be seen. It is strange that this agora never fell under the notice of any one before, and that it was reserved for the keen eje of Professor Virchow to discover it. We also visited the springs9 of Bounarbashi,10 which, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, are 27'77 mètres = 91 ft. above the level of tho sea, and in which the defenders of the Bounarbashi theory recognize two springs only—one lukewarm, the other icy cold — in order to force them into agreement with those described by Homer, near which Hector was killed by Achilles : " But they dashed forward by the watch-tower and the wind-beaten fig-tree always along the wall, on the chariot road, until they reached the two fair-flowing springs, where the twin sources of the eddying Scamander bubble up : for the one flows with lukewarm water, from which clouds of steam arise as from a burning fire ; the other runs forth in summer like hail or cold snow, or as from frozen water." " • This street is marked d on Plan I. (of Troy). 1 See No. 8, p. 33. 1 Sec Plan III. /, between M and H. * Hist. Gr., m. l, § 15 : Τοητα 5t πΰίήσαί 2κί}ψίί/ και Γί'ργιΟα ¿^upas no\fis κατίσχίι; ί"9α καί τα χρήματα μάλιστα fy τρ Mawa. ''When he (MeiJias) had done this, he took possession of the fortified cities of Scepsis nnd "etgii, where Mania chiefly kept her treasures." * As before mentioned, I counted here thirty- foal springs ; but as the spot where they rise ι c illed Kn-k-Gios, or " forty eyes," there are 1'iolnbly forty springs here. 10 Bounarlnshi means " head of the springs." Clarke (i. p. 109) reminds ua that in Wales there ΪΆ a Pen tro fynnyn, which means " head of the three springs." 11 11. xsii. 145-152: o? δ* παρά σκοπιών και ¿ptvfbv 3]vtp.âfvra Ttí%cos oliv írtffK κατ' αμαζιτυν ¿σσεύοντο· κρουναι δ1 ικανοί/ καλλιρ^ΐίω, «ιΌα δε ττηγαί δοιαΐ αναΊσσουσί 2καμάνδρου Siviievtas. Il μίν yàp ff 9δατι λιαρρ pcci, αμφ} Se ncmr¿s yiyvíTou ¿ζ αύτηχ, ¿tffel πυρ2>? αΙθομΕνοιο. fy δ* tTCpTj eépet -irpapcet circula χα\άζτι, í¡ χιίνι ψιιχρτ;, ί ¿ξ ύδατα: κρυ3τ<ί\\φ· 50 NARRATIVE OP WORK AT TROY. [INTBOD. IfaTO] THE ANCIENT CITY ON MOUNT CîIIGRI. 57 Professor Virehow found in two of the springs a temperature of 16°-8 centigrade (02"·24· Fahrenheit), in a third 17° (62°'G Fahrenheit), in a fourth 17°'4 (G3'-32 Fahrenheit). Tlie last spring rises in a swamp, and, as Professor Virchow explains, is for this reason slightly warmer, the water being stagnant. Un the other hand, the spring which shows 17° runs at once into a little rivulet formed hy other sources higher np, and it appears, therefore, to be a little colder; the two springs of 1G"'8 wore tested as they bubbled forth from beneath the rock: and thus, Virehow says, it 'is quite intelligible that, the difference of tem pérature of the water in the swamp and of the running water in the rivulet being still more marked in winter than in spring or summer, vapour might be seen to riso from the former and not from the latter. I further visited, in company with the same friend, the vast ruins of Alexandria-Troas on the coast nearly opposite Tenedos.1 We went from thence to the hot springs culled Ligia Hammam, in a valley to the south east ; the height above the sea is 85 ft., according to Virehow. The water is saline and ferruginous, and its temperature is 150° Fahrenheit, accord ing to Barker \Vebb ;2 according to Clarke,3 only 142° Fahrenheit. The numerous ancient ruins in the valley leave no doubt that the springs were very celebrated in antiquity. The baths are much frequented in summer for rheumatic and cutaneous affections. We passed the night in the prosperous Turkish village of Kestamboul, which commands a magnificent view of Mount Ghigri (called in Turkish " Chigri Dagh ") and the Aegean Sea. Next we ascended Mount Chigri (ita height above the sea is 1039 ft. according to Virehow), passing on our way the ancient quarries near the village of Koch-Ali-Ovassi. We saw there seven columns which had been cut whole out of the granite rock, each 38 ft. 6 in. long, the diameter at the top being 1 ft. 6 in., and 5 ft. 6 in. at the base. They appear to have been destined for Alexandria-Troas, as they are exactly similar to the three which lie there on the beach. On the top of Mount Chigri we greatly admired the vast Hellenic ruins supposed by Mr. Calvert to mark the site of Neandria, whilst others identify them with Cenchreae. The fortress, which has the unusual length of 1900 paces, and is 520 paces broad, is considered to be very ancient, 1 In opposition to the common belief, 1 think that tins city »as not founded by Antigonus, but that it wat only enlarged by him, for Stribu (lui. pp. 593, 604) expressly states that "its site ivas formerly cillccl ' Sigia," and that Anti- gonus, having colonized it with the inhabitants of Chrysa, Cebrene, Nenndria, Step-is, lamia, Colonae, Hamaxitus, and other cities, named it Antigoiiia." He further states that it was afterwards embellished by Lysimachns, who named it, in honour of Alexander the Great, "Alexandria-Troas." Julius Caesar was so much pleased with its site, that, ici-ordin/ to Sueto nius (.ful. dies. 79), he intended to make it the O4pit.il of the Roman Empire. According to Zosiinns (ii. 30) and /onnras (xiii. 3), Con- rtantine the Great had the same idea before he Byttmtium: he intended to build his new oipital μίταξυ TptaaSos (Alexandrin) κα! ríjs αρχαίας Ιλίου, iccording to Zusimus ; tv 2ι·χαίφ (sic), according to Zoair.ii. Uuder Hadrian, the celebrated orator Heredes Atticus was governor of the city. Several portions of the gignntic aque duct whirh he built, and to the cost of which hi» father Attiras contributed three millions of diachmas of his own muney, still exist. Alex- andiit-Troas is also mentioned in Holy Scripture (by the name of Troas) as one of the i:ities which »ere vi-jted by St. Paul (Acts xx. 5). Its et ten-live Byzantine ruins leave no doubt that it was inhabited till the end of the Middle Aces. It is now called " Eski-stambul " (Í.Í. the Old City). 2 T'ipujrup/ûe tic la Troadc, p. 131. 1 Ί ratals in tarima Countries of Kitrape, Asia, and Africa, Ί. 148. ni] parts of it are assigned to the same epoch as Tiryns and Mycenae. Cut we could not discover in it anything which might claim a high antiquity ; besides, pre-historic cities are always very small. The walls average 10 ft. in breadth, and consist of two parallel walls of regular horizontal courses of granite blocks cut into a wedge-like shape, with their broad end turned outside, the space between the two walls, as well a·} the interstices between the blocks, being filled up with small stones. To this sort of masonry, which can also be seen in the famous Acropolis of Assos, we did not think ourselves justified in attributing a greater antiquity than the Macedonian period, the more so as the stones have been worked with an iron pick-hammer. Somo parts of the walls we saw were composed of polygonal stones well fitted together, but they equally failed to convey to us an idea of high antiquity. In fact, I could point out in Greece a number of walls formed of polygonal «tones, which ΛΝΟ know to have been erected in Macedonian times; as, for instance, the substructions of some of the tombs in the "ancient cemetery of the Ilagia Trias at Athens and the fortifications on Salamis. The walls of the fortress on Mount Chigri are for the most part well presei red, but in many places they are more or less destroyed. I attribute this to the roots of the trees which grow between the small stones and must have dislocated the large blocks. Professor Virehow does not think this explanation insufficient, but prefers to ascribe the destruction of the walls to earthquakes. It deserves to be noticed that the bare rock crops out in all parts of the fortress, and that there is no accumulation of débris ; only here and there I saw a late lîonian potsherd and some fragments of bricks of a late date. We next visited the small Turkish town of Iné, on the Scamander, 304ft. above the sea, the name of which is probably a corruption of Aenea.1 However this may be, it appears evident that Iné occupies the site of an ancient town, perhaps of Scamaudria, as Mr. Calvert thinks, for many fragments of ancient sculptures are to be seen there, und masses of fragmentary pottery peep out of the clay walls of the houses, a good many of the fragments) beirg Hellenic. From Iné we went to the prettily-situated town of Beiramich, which stands on a plateau on the banks of the Scamander, 516 ft. above the sea according to Virehow, whence we proceeded to the neat village of Evjilar, situated HC4 ft. above the sea : the name Evjilar means " village of the hunters." This also stands on the bank of the Scamander, whose width varies here from 40 to öü ft., while the water is hardly a foot deep. We had with us three gensdarmes on horseback and two on foot, the country being unsafe. Theiico we ascended the mountains of Ida, which are covered with a beautiful forest of oak and pine,5 intermingled with chestnut-trees, 'There being silver-mines near Iné (see κύμ-η (see Gronkurd, ii. pp. 480 and 580). Pliny, Chandler, i. 142; Pococke, iii. p. 16U; and 11. A', ii. 96, 97, v. 3(3. 30, and Stcph. Byz. hcchevalier, I'oyaye dans la Troade, p. 128), it is p. 487, who mention Nea, seem· to have taken hitfhly probahle that, instead of ή Νί'α κώμτ (καΐ it from Strabo, p. 603. A. Pauly, Rial JCncy- tipyupia), between Pidichna and Palaescepsis, we clnpndïe, a. v. " N'm." "u^t to read in Strabo, «ii. p. G03, according * //. \i. 404: tu the parallel passage, iii. p. 552, AÍ/ÍO or "Evece πολλί: St Spîs àfo\ Τρώα?, se. γη). Lv interpreting the Homeric geography of the Troad, Strabo1 rightly says : " The coast of the Propontis extends from the district of Cyzicus, and the neighbourhood of the Aesepus and the Granicus, to Abydus and Scstus ; the land around Ilium, and Tenedoa, and Alexandria-Troas from Abydus to Lectum :2 but above all these lies the mountain-range of Ida, which extends to Lectum. But from Lectum to the river Caucus3 and (the promontory of) Canae there follows the country around Assos,* and Adrainyttium, and Atarneus,8 and Pi tañe,6 and the Elaitic Gulf;7 opposite all of which stretches the island of the Lesbians : then follows immediately the district of Cyme, as far as the Hermusa and Phocaea, which forms the beginning of Ionia and the end of Aeolis. Such being the localities, the poet gives us to understand that, from the district of tho Ae^epus and the present province of Cyzicene to the river Caucus, the Trojan rule extended, divided into eight or even nine parts, according to the dominions; but the mass of auxiliary troops is counted among the confederates." Thus the Homeric Troad comprised the north-western part of the later Mjaia, between the rivers Aesepus and Caucus : this is fully confirmed by the poet, who makes Achilles mention in conversation with Priam that Priam's dominion comprises all that is bounded to the north-west (άνω) by Le&bos and to the f north-east (καθύττερθ€ΐ>) by Phrygia and the He'lespont. All the nations which inhabit this dominion are called Trojans (Tpwec) by Homer, although he sometimes appears to designate under this name more especially the inhabitants of Ilium and its immediate environs. ïiii. p. 581 : 'Atrb δί fris Κυζικηνητ καΐ των **p\ Attrrfirov ταπών και Γράνικον, μίχρι Αβύδου και SrjffToû, Tr)v Tris Προποντίδο! ναραλίαν elvaí αυμβαίνΗ · άττ4 54 Αβύδου μέχρι AÍKTOU τα ττΐρΐ Ιλιον, κοί TévfSov, καΐ Ά\(£άνδρ(ΐαν τ^ν Τρωάδα · *¿vruv 5Í| τούτων ύηίρκίΐται τ, Ίδη Tb Spos, U'Xpi Λίκτο5 καίήκοικτα · αττ4 ACKTOÛ δί μέχρι Καίϊου ιτατ-,,μου και των Κανών \tyojitvaiv ίστί τα «ρ! 'Ασο™, TO¡ Άδρ^ττιοι/, κα! ·Αταρ«α, κα! HiTonjv, κα! τ4ν Έλαϊτικ4ν κό\ττον · oír πασιν orrnrarfKfi ή των Μαβιών νήσος- tiff ijijf τα Γρ Kt¿/")", μίχρα "Ερμου και Φωκαίαΐ, ^Ttp «ΡΧ?) HFI/ τη$ 'Itwias ¿ο-τ/, „¿pas δε τήι Αίολίδοι. roioíra,, δ€ ταν τόπων ίντων, 6 μϊν χωράν, ¿irayaptúfi μίλκττα ταια Τρώας αρξαι μέχρι του Καΐκου ποταμού VOUS κατά SuvcurTftas (Is οκτώ μαρίδα?, f¡ nal ivvfo,- τ4 5i ταν &\\ων ίπικοΰρων irA^flos Iv Tais ο~υμμάχοις διαριθμίΐται. * Tb \(κταν, now call«! Cape Baba or Santa Marin. Here Here, in company with Hypnos, first touches tlie Trojan land on her way to Ida (7/. xiv. 28.1, 284 : "ISijy δ' Ίκέσθην . . . AÍKT^, 8θι ιτρωταν \mvn\v αλά). 1 Now Ak-Su, or Bochair, Bakir, Bacher. 4 Now Behram or Bcarahm. 6 Now Dikeli Kioi. ' Now Sanderli. 7 Now the Gulf of Sanderli or of Fokia. 8 This river is now called Gedis or Ghiediz Tschai. til 68 THE COUNTRY OP THE TKOJANS. [CHAP. I. IL] ΛΓθυΝΤΑ1Ν3—MOUNT IDA. 69 We shall follow Buchholz9 in describing in the following order tho eight or nine smaller dominions of which the Troad was composed :— I. Dominion of Pandarus.10 II. Dominion of Adrestus and Amphius.1 III. Dominion of Asius.2 IV. Dominion of Aeneas (Dardania).3 V. Dominion of Hector (Troy in the more narrow sense).4 Tho following districts are further mentioned in Homer:— VI. Dominion of Altes (the Leleges).5 VII. Dominion of the Cilicians, viz. · a. Dominion of Eetion.6 b. Dominion of Mynes.7 o. Dominion of Eurypylus (the Ceteians).8 § II. MOUNTAINS OF THE TROAD. MOUNT IDA (ή "Ιδτ;,9 τα Ίδαΐα όρη10) still retains its ancient name. Its Homeric epithets are υψηλή (high '), πολυπίδαξ (rich in fountains2) ; and from its abundance of game it is also called the mother or nourisher of wild animals (μήτηρ Βηρων3). It extends through Western Mysia in many branches from south-west to north-east. On account of its manifold ramifications, it was compared by the ancients to a centipede (scoZopfííiíZm).4 One of its principal branches extends along the northern coast of the Gulf of Adramyttium, and runs out into the promontory of Lectum ;5 the other extends in a westerly direction along the river Aesepus, and terminates at the city of Zeloia :—" those who inhabited Zeleia at the lowest foot of Ida."e In Ida rise the rivers Ehesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, Grenicus (Granicus), Aesepus, Scamander, and Simois:—"Then Poseidon and Apollo took counsel to destroy the wall, turning against it all the rivers that flow from tho mountains of Ida into the sea—Ehesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Ehodius, Grenicus, and Aesepus, divine Scamander also and Simois."7 As already stated, the highest summit of Ida is Mount Gargarus, now called Kaz Dagh, 5750 ft. above the level of the sea. On Gargarus was " a témenos sacred to Zeus, Mount Gargarns is further mentioned three • Homerische Kosmorjraphie und Geographie, von Dr. K. Buchholz; Leipzig, 1871. 10 11. ii. 824-827. » II. ii. 828 834. 1 Jl. ii. 833-839. ' II. ii. 819-S23. « Jl. ii. a 16-818. 5 II. xxi. 86, 87. 8 //. vi. 39«, 397 ; ii. 692. 7 H. xix. '¿96. · Od. xi. 519-521. • II. viii. 207 ; xiii. 13. » II. viii. 170. 1 ft. liv. 293 : "157JS ίψτΛη*. • Ii. viii. 47 ; xiv. 157, 283, 307 ; xv. 151 ; n. 59, 218 ; xxiii. 117. • II. viii. 47 : 'ISijK S' ïxavfir iroXuiríSaKO μητίρα β-ηραν, . . . • Stnho, x!ii. p. 583: TTO\\OUS S' έχουσα πρίποοαί ή *15>J κα\ σκο\οπ(νδρωί·ης ο8σα TÍ σχήμα ... 1 Strnbo, xiü. p. 005 : ή yàp άπα του A.CKTOU |Μχιϊ avarelvouffa irpbs τ^ν "Ι&ην ínrépieeiTai τάν τρωτών του κί\που μερών, . . . • Il.il. 824,825: οΐ St ΖΕΛΕΙΟΚ tvatov ίπαΐ πόδα vacaov Ίδτ)ΐ, α.φι'ααΐ, vlvotrres ϋ5ωρ μίλα? Αίιτήτοιο, . . . ' II. χϋ. 17-22 : Sí) TOTE μαιτιΑωντο ΠοσΈιδάωρ καί Ά·π6\\ων τίΐχαί αμαλϊϋΐΊΐι, ποταμών μίνοί flo-ayayóvrts άσσοι απ' Ίδαίων ορίων â\aSc ττρορίουσιν, 'Ρησόϊ β' ΈπτάπορΑί n Κάρησος Τ€ 'PoS/os TC Γρήνικοτ TÍ καΐ Αϊστρτοί Utos TÍ "¿κάμανίρο! κοί Sijuo'fir, Όθι «Αλά βοάγρια καΐ -τρυφίλααι. an(l a flagrant altar/ times' by Homer.9 According to P. Barker Webb,10 the summit of Gargarus consists of ctinolithic schist, nearly all the rest of the mountain being of mica- chist. This schist is accompanied by immense deposits of primitive white· compact calcareous rock. Here are the sources of the Scamander, which, as I have related above, I visited in company with Professor Virchow. According to Webb, travellers have penetrated for a distance of 200 mùtres (G58 ft.) into the cavern, from which the principal source dashes forth, without reaching its fountain. Tchihatcheff's measurementsl make tho sources 650 mètres (2138 ft.) above the level of the sea. The mica-schist of Gargarus has a somewhat greenish colour ; it sometimes contains a little asbestus. In the lower part of the mountain this schist assumes a different aspect ; and under its new form, which is that of the true mica-schist, it extends exclusively from the top of Gargarus as far as the village of Saliklar Kioi. This primitive rock extends to the plain on the north side of the river, where the hills have some elevation. Turning now to the South, we see a country very different from that wo have just left. Alexandria-Troas is built on an ashy syenite, com posed of the three usual elements, among which the felspar predomi nates ; it gives its colour to the whole mass, in spite of a quantity of crystals of blackish mica. Tho syenite extends through the whole country to the east of Alexandria-Troas, as far as Iné or Ene. The valley of Ligia Hammam is formed of schist surrounded on all sides by syenite. Between Kemalli and Iné are the silver mines already referred to. P. Barker Webb goes on to say : " Descending the hill about 200 mètres, we found ourselves on a volcanic tufa, which was succeeded at first by columns of phonolith, and then by trachyte, as far as Iné. At a distance of t\vo hours from Iné the syenite meets a series of trap and basaltic rocl«. Not far from Iné is the curious conical hill called Ine Tepeh, or Suran Tepeh, which has been thought by some to be an artificial tumulus ; but in reality it is nothing else than an isolated mass of basalt, which rises abruptly in the midst of the plain. The valley of Beiramich, as well as the other valleys which converge there, are com posed of the secondary limestone of the Troad. Several chains of hills penetrate into it towards the south ; they consist entirely of basaltic or trap rock, and rise from the great centre of ancient volcanoes around Assog. The largest of the lateral valleys is that of Aiwadjik, already mentioned, three hours to the south-west of Beiramich. About halfway ' //. viii. 48 : ΐάργαρον, ίνθα. TE oí (Ζηνί) Τίμίΐ/ut βαιμόί TE airéis. t" Λ iv. 152, 153: tjpov $· €υρύοπα Κρονίδην ανά Γαργάρα ακρφ f\lítvov. (They found the wide-thundering son of Kronos enthroned on the j cak of Gargarus.) «v. 292, 293 : Ηρ-η St Kpamvus προσίβήο-πο rapyapov άκρον (Here quickly ascended Gnrgarus, the summit of lofty Ida.) *iv. 352 : 5s ft μεν ατρίμαχ fu5f πατήρ àvà Tapyípif &xpa, . . . (So he the father slept quietly on the height of Gargarus.) 10 Topographie de la Trocuîe ancienne et mo derna ; Paris, 1844, p. 129. 1 Asie Mineure: Description physique, stati stique, et arcluSt^Ofjiifte de cette contrai; Paris, 1853-69, pt. i. 70 THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. between the two towns rises a beautiful conical hill called Kara-Euli, which stands isolated in the plain. Its sides, which resemble walls, are formed of basaltic columna, presenting to the eye a thousand elegant shapes. Having passed the mountain, we had before and around us a thousand varieties of trachyte and other rocks of igneous origin, with volcanic agglomerations and tufa. Sometimes pretty largo masses of hardened schistose clay alternate, striated with variegated colours, in company with jasper and jaspoide thermantide. Aiwadjik is built on a height of volcanic rock, and its walls are composed of the same material. Among the stones of the Avails we noticed a very strange white tufa, which was probably cut from 'a neighbouring quarry. Wherever we looked, the country appeared to have been overturned by the action of ancient volcanoes until we arrived at Assos. At Mantasha, distant an hour from Assos, on the road to Aiwadjik, the ruins of a castle may be seen on the top of a small hill, which has the appearance of an extinct volcano. We also noticed towards the sea a current of trachyte lava of considerable length. As tufas and conglomerates are found there, it is highly probable that it was a submarine volcano, whose scoriae, ashes, and pumice-stone have been carried away by the water. We nevertheless felt a great pleasure in still observing volcanic remains and erratic masses of obsidian strewn here and there on the surface of the current. The summit on which Assos is situated is a spur of that of Mantasha, though the former is much higher and occupies a much greater space. From the top, where we now see the ruins of the citadel of Assos, currents of trachyte extend in various directions, similar to those at Nemi, near Borne, principally in the direction of Adramyttium. This country also recals to mind, though on a larger scale, the volcanic hill of Kadicofani in Tuscany; and the resemblance was increased by our finding in the rock the mineral which Thomson calls ßorite, and which by the German mineralogists is termed hyalite. Though the volcano is no longer active, we saw evident signs of internal subver sions of the soil and of the frequent earthquakes which ravage this country." 2 " In the Troad there is no primordial volcanic formation ; the principal part of the volcanic districts is situated in the south. We find there at every step thermal fountains and an abundance of salt-water springs, the intimate relation of which to the phenomena of volcanic eruptions has been so often observed by geologists; nay, these hot springs are so numerous, that the vapours produced by the hot water have made some authors say that they spread a thick cloud as far as the extremity of the Gulf of Adramyttiiim."3 "The lowlands, and that part which is properly called the Plain of Troy, are interrupted by frequent elevations, we might almost say by slight undulations of the ground, formed by the spurs of Mount Ida, which terminate imperceptibly on the sea-coast. Towards Dardania and Cebrenia, the mountainous ridges of Ida rise one P. Barker Webb, Topogr. da la Traada; Paris, 1844, pp. 135-137. 1 Ibid., p. 129. § H.] OULOU DAGH—CALLICOLONE. 71 bovo the other, covered with pine-trees. The basaltic rocks of the Ball Dν 8' opυμay8bv Spwf φίτρων καΐ \duiv, 'ίνα ττπισομεν &ypiov άνδρα,.. 74 TUE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. If we then pass the mountain ridge which crosses the valley below Doum- hrek Kioi, and descend on ita gradually sloping west side to the region of Haul Eli, which abounds with trees and fruit, we find the little river scarcely larger at this village. Here also we ride through it without the horses' fecfc getting wet above the ankles. The clearness of tho water permits us to see the bottom covered with small pebbles and gravel. At a short distance below the village, which is situated on its right bunk, the little river divides into two arms. Tho right or northern arm, after having received the ' ßain-brook of líen Kioi,'—a very small and incon siderable rivulet, which has only an intermittent flow of water,—forms a large swamp in which it disappears. On the other hand, the left or southern arm approaches more and more to the mountain ridge which ex tends from Kara Your past Chiblak towards Hissarlik, and it flows pretty near the lower edge of its slope. At first, as long as it flows through the ' Plain,' it has a somewhat deeper bed, whose banks are frequently under mined and fall off every here and there 5 or G ft. ; its breadth varies, but it hardly anywhere exceeds 20 ft. Here and there groups of willows and other bushes grow on the bank and on small islands in the river-bed ; a rich vegetation of shrubs, especially of tamarisks and Vitex agnus-castus? extends along its banks. But further on, in proportion as the little river approaches the foot of the mountain ridge, it divides into more and more arms, whose course, as one easily sees, must be very irregular. One after the other disappears in the large and deep swamp, which, connected at many points with the northern swamp, extends as far as the foot of His sarlik, and occupies the larger part of the so-called Plain of the Simois. Whilst the ramification of by-rivulets and their disappearance in the great swamp causes a continual diminution of the volume of running water, there nevertheless still remains a ' main arm/ which continues its course along the ridge. We could still follow it up along the three springs of Troy, though it was there reduced to a little rivulet of 4 to 5 paces in breadth, and with an insignificant, though still rapid, current. Of these three springs, all of which are marked on our Map of the Troad, the first, which runs from a stone-enclosure and has a temperature of 140-6 Celsius = 58^28 Fahr., is immediately below the ruins of the ancient city wall. The second, whose stone-enclosure is destroyed, and a third, with a well-preserved stone-enclosure and a double outlet, having a temperature of 14°-3 to 15° Celsius = 57°'7·! to 59° Fahr., are within a quarter of a mile from the first spring. " At the west end of the great swamp formed by the waters of the Simois, a short stream gathers again, and pours into the Kalifatli Asmak. The spot where the gathering of the water takes place ia pretty nearly in a straight line drawn from Hissarlik to the In Tepeh Asmak ; that is to say, at the point on the western edge of the swamp which is farthest from Hissarlik. Apparently without any preparation, there is almost immedi ately a large broad river-bed, with many windings, between steep banks from G to 8 ft. high ; this river-bed is interrupted by numerous islands, § ΙΠ j RIVERS—THE SIMOIS. 75 • ayvos = ayovos means sine semine (Theo- phrast. i. p. 264). In the Iliad (xi. 105) tlie ihrub is called λύγα;, δια τον πκϊ TCS εβτονον (Dioscorides). See Od. ix. 427; x. 166, Hymn, ad Dientas. 13, ed. Miquel, p. 37. . every here and there it is pretty deep. After a course of scarcely if) minutes the stream empties into the eastern bend of the Kalifatli Λ uak a little above tho place where an artificial ditch leads from the Palifutli Asmnk to the In Tepeh Asmak, above a stone bridge which here s «ins the Kalifatli Asmak in the direction of Koum Kioi. No water can flow through the ditch except during the inundations." The Simois is mentioned seven times in the Ui'id. Thug the poet says : " But when they (Here and Athene) approached Troy and the two flowing streams, where the Simois and Scamauder mingle their currents, there Here the white-armed goddess, stopped the horses, releasing them from the chariot, and she poured a thick cloud around them, and the Simois sprouted ambrosia for their pasture."10 Again : " Simois also, where many o\-hide shields and crested helms fell down iii the dust."* Again : " Black as Ά storm, Ares cried on the other side, now shouting shrilly to the Trojans from the citadel, now running along the Simois unto Calli- colonc."2 Again: "He (Scainander) grew yet more furious against the son of Peleus, and, lifting high the crested wave of (his) stream, shouted to the Simois.:'3 Again: "Descending from Ida along the banks of the Simois."4 Lastly: "The dread battle-shout of Trojans nnd Achaeans was left alone ; and many times did the fight sway hither and thither over the plain, as they pointed against each other their brazen spears between Simois and the floods of Xanthus."5 The river \A also mentioned by Aeschylus,6 Ptolemy,' Stephanus Byzantinus,8 Mêla,9 Pliny,10 Horace,1 Propertius,2 and Virgil.3 The identity of this river with the Simois of Homer is confirmed by Strabo,* who states, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis : " From the mountains of Ida two ridges advance to the sea, the one 10 II. τ. 773-776: αλλ* ϋτε δ!) Τροίην Γ{ον ποταμιά τε ρίοντί, ftxt paàs 2ιμ(ίει; συμβαλλόταν ήδέ Σκάμανδρο; ενο' ϊιτπου; έστησε 0εα λευκώλενο; "Ηρη λύσασ* ε'| οχε'ων, περί δ* ήε'ρα πουλυν ίχευεν 1 II. ΧΜ. 22, 23 : καί 2ιμ<ίει;, 5οι πολλά /3υάγρια καί τρυφάλειαι κάππεσαν εν κονί^σι . . . 2 7/. χχ. 52, 5i : ύ|υ κατ* ακρότατη; παλιοί Τρώεσσι κελεύων, άλλοτε παρ ^ιμ^εντι θίιαν Μ Καλλικολώνι?. 1 //. x\¡. 30.-I-307 : αλλ* IVi μάλλον χώ(το Πηλεΐωνι, κόρυο*σε δε κύμα ρίοιο ύψ^σ1 αειράμενο;, 2ιμιίίντι δε κε'κλετ* αυσα; . . . ' //. R.475: *Ιδη9εν κατιούσα παρ1 υχβρτι 2ιμ' $ TÍ του 'Europas a\aos tv irtpiifavtt romp· l and the name might be explained by the fact, that the inundations caused bv the Simois are frequently frozen over in winter, when the whole north-eastern plain forms a sheet of ice. But if in classical times this river was called Simois, there can be no doubt whatever of its identity with the Homeric Simois, because—as Macearena justly observes—in all parts of the world rivers have preserved their names with wonderful persistency in the midst of linguistic change and political revolution. An ancient name may indeed be lost, but, if it still exists, it would be difficult to conceive how it could possibly he transferred from one river to another. No ford of the Simois is mentioned in the Iliad, though the armies must have passed the river constantly in marching to or from the plain between this river and the Scamander, where all the battles were fought. But though the Sirnoia may perhaps have had a slightly larger quantity of water in ancient times, before the invention of water-mills, it can never have been of much consequence. Therefore, there was no need to speak of a ford. (b) The Thyndtrius, called ó &ύμβρίος by Strabo 9 and Eustathius,10 is a small rircr, which originates in the immediate vicinity of Mount Kara Your, and receives the drainage of ten or twelve valleys, pouring at a right angle into the Scamander opposite Bounarbashi. Its present name ia Kemar Su, from the Greek word καμάρα (vault), and the Turkish word ·' su " (water), the river being crossed, at about 3 miles above its con fluence, by a Koman aqueduct. Homer does not mention this river at all, though he mentions the town of Thymbrc.1 The site of this ancient town corresponds with the farm at Akshi Kioi on the banks of the Thymbriua, the proprietor of which, Mr. Frank Calvert, has made excavations there, and has found inscriptions which can leave no doubt of its identity. The whole place is strewn with archaic Hellenic potsherds. The height of the site above the level of the sea, > at the placo where Mr. Calvert'a farmhouse stands, is, according to M. Burnouf's measurements, G3'35 metres or 207 ft. Strabo states that close to the confluence of the Thymbrius and Scamander, and at a distance of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium, stood the famous temple of the Thymbrian Apollo,2 which, as my friend Professor A. H. Sayce, who lately visited the Troad, remarks,3 must be identical with the almost entirely artificial mound of Hanai Tcpeh, which I have excavated in company with Mr. Calvert, and of which I shall treat hereafter. According to M. Burnouf s measurement, the height of the Hanai Tepeh is 87'75 mètres = 285 ft. above the level of the sea; the confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamander being 24·5 metres = 80 ft. 5 in. The distance given by Strabo is perfectly correct. M. Burnouf makes the following remarks upon the river :—" The * Obscrtations on tlie Topography of the Plain (" Towards Thymbra the Lycirms niiJ the lordly of Troy. See Barker Webb, Tupograp/ue de fa ilysians had their place allotted."; Troadc, p. 47. i x¡¡¡. p. 593 : *\j) els rii/ ίκάμανίρον /fera τ4 θυμβοαίον II· x. 430 : ΆΐΓΟλλωι/os itp&v. *pi>s Ούμβρη, S' ίλαχον Λύκιοι Μυσοί τ1 aye- 3 In the Acadanvj, Oct. 18, 1879. 78 THE COUNTBY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. Thyrnbrins flows in the hollow of a valley between tho hills of Akshi Kioi and tho heights to the south. It is about 30 ft. broad. Its banks aro steep ; it is perfectly limpid, and is overshadowed by largo trees. Its banks, which are from 10 to 12 ft. high, show two very distinct layers : first, a modern alluvium, consisting of earth washed down by the rains from the hills; secondly, below this, a thick layer of plastic clay, analogous to that which forms the soil of the plain of the Scamandcr. The confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamaudcr is not difficult to determine,4 since the banks are high. During the inundations, the great polygon formed by the Thymbrius, the Scamander, and the hills to the east, becomes covered with water, which runs with great impetuosity in an easterly direction ; inundates the swamp (now rendered salubrious) to the north of Akshi Kioi; pours into the large bed of the Kalifatli Asmak, which is identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander ; and forms other streams, which flow in the same direction. On the 18th of May, 1879, wo saw this whole plain covered with dead trees and branches, which had been carried away in the same direction, and caught by the bushes of the agnus-castus and tamarisk." (ß) The Scamander (ο Σκάμανδρος, as it was called in the language of men, according to Homer, but Xanthns, " the yellow stream," as it was termed by the gods5) is the modern Mendere, a plain corruption of the name Scamander. The punning etymology of Eustathius6 makes '¿,κάμανδρος, σκάμμα ùvSpbi ('HpoMcXéoi/ç) τον κύνθον ex γί)? ·7Γpoήycvγev, since "the excavation of the man (Heracles) brought the Xanthus forth out of the earth." This, of course, is mere trifling ; but the termination of the name is one which we find in many of the river-namo.s of Asia Minor, such as Maeander, Alander, and the like. It is possible that the title by which the river was known in the language of the gods—that is, of the Greek settlers— was a translation of its native name. As beforo mentioned,7 Homer makes the Scamander rise from two springs—one lukewarm, the other cold—close to the city wall ; while in another passage, already quoted, he correctly makes it rise in Mount Ida. I have already described its sources from my own inspection of them.8 Strabo asserts, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis—who, as he says, was a native of the country—that the Scamander flows from a single source in Mount Cotylus, one of the peaks of Ida, about 120 stadia above Scepsis, and that the Granicus and Aesepus originate from the same mountain from several springs, in such close proximity to the source of tho Scamander, that all are within a &pace of 20 stadia, the Scamander flowing in a westerly, the two others in a northerly direction, and the length of the Aesepus being about 500 stadia.9 He confirms the * This means that the banks of the river are not obliterated, and do not confound themselves with the plnin. * II. ix. 73, 74: . . . ποτιωοι βαβυδίνης, âv α,άνθον καλεουσΐ 6Voí, avSpts Sé Σκύμανδρον. ' Ad II. ix. 74. ' See p. 55. » See p. 58. * Strabo, liii. p. 602: (μπάρας S' tiv των TOirtav, ¡is O.V Ιττιχιίριοί ανήρ, δ Δημήτρωί Tore μίν ooVciJs λ«γ« TTfpl αυτών " εστί γαρ \όφος Tis TTJs *Ιδηί Κίίτυλοί · \nrfpKfITC« δ* apuros ίκα- τόν ττοα καί (Ίχοσι σταδίοιι 2κ/)ψ«ωΐ, ¿ξ ου ó ff Σκάμανδρο; pe? καί 6 Γράνικοι, και Αΐσηπικ, οΐ μεν Trpos &ρκτον καί την Προποιτίδα, ¿κ ττ\(ΐονων τπτγών συλλεγμένοι, ó δε Σκάμανδροϊ ήτΐ δύοΊν iic /lias πηγήί· πασαι δ* § III.] RIVERS—THE SCAMANDER. ( et that the Scamander and Simois meet, and says that the Scamander falls into the Hellespont near Sigeum : " But the rivers Scamander and Simois, of which the former approaches Sigeum, the latter Ehoeteum, 'oin a little below Novtim Ilium and fall into the sea at Sigeum, where they form the so-called Stomalimne "10 (i.e. " lake at the mouth "). He further says that : " A littlo beyond lies the village of tho Ilians ('l\iéù)v Κ-ώμη), where the ancient Ilium is believed to have formerly stood, 30 stadia distant from the present city."l And again : " There arc neither hot springs in this place, nor is the source of the Scamander here, but in the mountains ; and there are not two sources, but only one. It seems therefore that the hot springs have disappeared, but that the cold spring escapes from the Scamander by a subterranean channel, and rises again in this place (before 'ίλιέων Κώμη) ; or else that this water is merely called a source of the Scamander, because it is near to it : for several sources of one and the same river are so called." 2 The length of the Scamander from its sources to its mouth in the Hellespont close to Eonm Kaleh is, according to G. von Eckenbrecher,3 in a straight line 10 German miles4 (=47 English miles nearly); accord-, ing to Tchihatcheff,5 20 French leagues. The sources of the Scamander - are 030 mètres (2138 ft.) above the sea ; the fall of the current is on an average 21 mètres ( = 09 ft.) to the league, which is equal to 30 ft. per mile.8 But the fall varies with the locality : thus from the sources to the district of Iné (Ene), and even to Bounarbashi, the fall of the river is very rapid, but further on it is comparatively insignificant. ^ M. Burnouf, who has studied the ancient and modern beds of the Scamander with great care, sends me the following note on the subject :— " At the time of inundation the Scamander bursts with great impetuosity through its narrow pass between the rocks of Bounarbashi, carrying with it sand and gravel, which it heaps up over pretty large spaces of ground, and which are sufficient to modify ita course. Its course is therefore changeable : it takes a fixed direction only after its confluence with the Thymbrius, which, when I measured it at the end of May, was 2i£ metres (80 ft. 5 in.) above the sea. This elevation is highly impor tant from all points of view, because it gives the slope of the Plain of iv cfaotn σταδίων πε διαστήματι- πλίΐστον 5" αφίοτ-ηκιν από TTJS αρχ3ι τί> του Αι'σήπου TtXos, σχ,ίδίν τι καί π£ντακοσίουι σταδίου!," 10 xiii. ρ. 597 : οί δε ποταμοί 3 Tf Σκάμανδροί καί 6 Σιμο'ει:, 6 μεν τφ Σιγε/φ ιτλησιάσαί, ο δ« τφ 'Ροιτείω, μικρόν εμττροσβίν του νυν Ίλίον συμβάλλουσιν, είτ' «ri το Σίγειον εκδιδόΌσι καί ποιοΰιτι την Στομαλίμνην καλουμίνην. 1 iiii. ρ. 597: 'Ττερ Se τούτου μικρόν ή τον '\\itiav κώμη ίστίν, iv § νομίζίται τ4 πάλαιαν 1\ιον Ιδρυσθαι προτερον, τριάκοντα σταδίουϊ 5ié- χαν αϊτό TJJS νυν ico\eass. 2 Stiabo, χϋί. ρ. 602: afire γαρ θερμά νυν èv T ουκ ¿ν cùcp/»Î T¿iri|) · διίι κατίσπάσβτι ra^ews. G 82 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. III·] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDEH. 83 caused the error of the topographers, who make the Simois run directly to the sea through the bed of the river In Tepoh Asmak. In this bend the bank of the ancient bed of the Scamander, on the side of Koum Kioi, f 8 .«3 No 20 The Dunea of the Ancient Scamaader ' altitudes In metres.) is effaced and confounded with the plain; on the opposite side it has a high bank. The land which terminates in this steep bank rises gradually à • the hills of In Tepeh, and opposes an insuperable barrier to the of the Simois. Afterwards comes the bridge of Koum Kioi, to the u t'ie alhivi0·! hill °^ river-sand. A shaft sunk near the cemetery iched the plastic clay on a level with the plain, and proved that the hill ,f f.iml at Koiiiu Kioi is really formed by fluvial deposits. " To the north of the bridge of Koum Kioi the bank is 10 metres f>0 c. = 34 feet S inches above the level of the sea, and the soil maintains this elevation for a distance of about 1000 metres = 3281 feet to the wo*t. This plateau terminates in the remnant of a conical tumulus vhiih, from its situation, must be identical with the Tomb of Ilus, repeatedly referred to in the Iliad. But the shaft sunk in it has given no proof of its claim to be a sepulchre; it rather appears to have been a mere hill of river-sand, which has been transformed by tradition into a tumulus. In its present ruined state this tumulus is only 1m. = 8 ft. 4 in. lii^h ; but the soil on which it stands consists of river-sand, and is more than 2 m. = G ft. 7 in. above the mean height of the water. For a distance of more than 200m. = 050 ft. to the west of the Tomb of Ilus, the hank of the ancient Scamandcr consists of river-sand ; afterwards it assumes again its ordinary character of plastic clay. There is therefore on this spot a barrier of sand, through which the river has dug its IIP«!. From the Tomb of Ilus this barrier extends to the north for a space of more than 500 m. = 1040 ft. in length, and of a great breadth. This space of ground is under cultivation, but the poverty and scantiness of its grain offer a striking contrast to the rich crops which are grown on the clay of the plain to the east and west. At a distance of 500 m. = 10 tO ft. is a well on the border of this field of sand ; the altitude of this uell is no more than 7m. 23 cent. = 23 ft. 9 in. above the sea — that is to say, it ig lower than the level of the river, which at the Tomb of Hits is 8 in. 30 cent. = 27 ft. 3 in. above the &ea. It is therefore evident that, if this sand were removed, the surface of the clay below it would form a large channel, through which the river would flow off. This depression in the ground terminates in the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak. It may therefore be admitted, with very great probability, that at the time when the hillocks of river-sand at Koum Kioi and the Tunib of Ilus had non yet obstructed the ancient Scamander, its waters flowed to the north and poured through the present bed of the In Tepeh into the sea. This invasion of the sand has forced the river to bore its new bed to the west. This conclusion has the more probability, as the general level of the great plain, to the west of the In Tepeh Asmak, is higher than the surface of the sandy depression. " If, at the time of the Trojan Avar, the principal stream of the Scamander occupied the large river-bed, which still serves to carry its enters during the period of inundation, the change just described must have taken place a short time afterwards. This appears to be conclu sively shown from the word Stomalimne (pool at the mouth) employed by Straho, because this word shows that there was the mouth of a river in the Stomalimne at the time of this geographer, or at least at that of Demetrius of Scepsis (about 180 B.C.). It! κ ' THE COUNTRY OF THE TBOJANS. [CHAP. I. " Below the Tomb of Ilus, the ancient Scamander flows between very high vertical banks, which indicate that the bed is relatively of recent formation. At tho wooden bridge above the Stomcdimne, the altitude of the plain is not more than 2 m. 77 c. = 8 ft. 10 in.; tho breadth of the ancient Scamander is there 45 m. = 147 ft. 8 in. "The Stomalimne is a pool about 800m. = 2025ft. long and 200 to 300m. = G56 to 984ft. broad on the average. Into this pool flow the waters of the Kalifatli Asinak, which ia identical with the ancient Scamauder. Thia pool communicates by a narrow channel with the Hellespont, and ita water ia brackish. The clay of the plain extends on the right of the pool to the sea, and borders it with vertical banks. On the left of the pool—that is to say, on the west aide—the clay ceases about 300m. = 984ft. short of the sea-shore; the space which follows forma a triangular neck of hind, which terminates at the channel of the Stomalimne. This neck of land ia an undulating sandbank, the hollows or cavities of which are 50 centimetres = 1 ft. 8 in. above the level of the sea, whilst ita projections are from 1 to 2 metres = 3 ft. 4 in. to G ft. 7 in. above the sea-level. I sank a shaft 1 mètre = 3 ft. 4 in. deep into one of these hollows, and thus penetrated líeloιυ the level of the sea. The upper layer, which consisted of grey sand, is only 2 centimètres deep ; after that comes a dark blue sand mixed with many roots of plants ; below this I found pure dark blue sand, of older date and a marshy cha racter. These layers are obviously produced by river silt ; they contain no marine deposita, and no stones. The space occupied by this undu lating sandbank is very small ; the soil of it appears to be formed in the same manner as the alluvium of Koum Kalch, but apparently it cannot extend further into the sea, because the current of the Hellespont tends to maintain it in its actual limits. The shaft, having been dug below the level of the sea, gradually filled with water up to that level : this water was at first turbid, but it soon became clear, and had a hardly percep tible brackiah taste; it therefore did not come from the sea, but from the Stomalimne." Professor Virchow also affirms that he has found in the Plain of Troy nothing which tells in favour either of a marine formation of tho soil, or of the growth and increase of the plain towards the Hellespont. In a long and learned dissertation he8 proves beyond any doubt that the hydrography of the Plain of Troy must have been at the time of Pliny and Strabo much the same aa it is now, and that when, in following up the Trojan coast from south to north, Pliny8 says,—" Scamander anmis navigabilis, et in promontorio quondam Sigeum oppidum. Dein portus Achaeorum, in quern influit Xauthus Simoenti junctus : stag- numque prius faciens Palaescamander,"—he cannot mean by the ancient Scamander any other river but the In Tepeh Asmak ; by the " Xanthus Simoenti junctus " the Kalifatli Asmak, into which in his time, as now, the Simois flowed ; and by " Scamander " the great river near Sigeum. Professor Virchow says : " There can bo 110 doubt whatever that the ic., pp. 124-140. · H. N. v. 33. I § in·] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDEK. volume of water which once flowed in the bed of the Kalifatli Asmak was much larger than that which now flows in it, even at the period of the inundations. Its bed answers so well to a great und powerfully working stream, that the present river appears only as a residue of its former wealth. Where was formerly water, there arc now broad edgea of bank overgrown with bushes, and now and then showing deeply-indented borders. In places here and there are still deep bays, of whose origin the present current oners no explanation. In many places, especially on the loft bunk, are rows of sand-hills, which must once have been formed bv alluvium ; they are at present so high that even their foot is never reached by the water. The common sources of the Asmak in the Duden swamp, close to Akshi Kioi, are not copious enough to feed a large river. Now, in the region of the confluence of .the Thymbrius and further down, broad and for the most part dry water-beds branch off from the Sc; inlander, extending to the Kalifatli Asmak close to those sources, and even now, at the time of high water, receiving the overflowing water oí the Scamander. But even these merely temporary affluents are not sufficient to make the Kalifatli Asmak so impetuous as it must once havo been, judging by the testimony of its banks. This could only happen again, if the main volume of the Scamander were let into it. Has this ever taken place ? A glance at Spratt's map shows in fact that the main ' winter-bed,' which leads from the confluence of the Thymbriua to the Kalifatli Asmak, ia the direct continuation of the Seamauder, as this river is seen after having flowed around the Bali Dagh and entered the Plain. If the line of the river-course, the direction of which is heie almost directly to the north, be prolonged, it conies in a straight line to the sources in the Duden. Nothing, therefore, is more probable than that the Scamander once took this course, and that the Kalifatli Asmak represents the further course of the Scamander at that time. Later on it may have displaced this bed by its own alluvial deposits, and may have pierced a new bed more to the west through the Plain." Further on,10 Professor Virchow thinks it perfectly certain that, immediately below Koum Kioi, the ancient Scamander (in the bed of the Kalifatli Aamak) turned eastward, and that it poured into the Hellespont, by the bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, on the east side of the Plain, close to the promontory of Ehoeteum. He thinks that the deep sandy depression found by M. Burnouf below Koum Kioi, between the Kalifatli and the In Tepeh Asmak, marks the ancient bed of the Scamander. He holds auch a communication to be the more probable, as the In Tepeh Asmak ia far too broad and deeply cut for him to suppose that it could possibly have been formed by the northern arm of the Simois, ^ hich is a most insignificant rivulet. This rivulet may have flowed later into the In Tepeh Aamak, perhapa at a time when the communi cation between the ancient Scamander (Kalifatli Asmak) and the In lopeh Asmak had already been closed, but most certainly it was never strong enough to produce the bed of tho latter. Professor Virchow u Landeskunde, &c., pp. 13G, 137, 170. 86 THE COUNTRY OP ΤΠΕ TROJANS. [CHAP. I. adds : " " The Kalifatli, in that part of its course which extends from between Hissarlik and Kalifatli to the junction of the Simois,- has a bed- just so broad, that it is not inferior to the present bed of the Scamander itself, and no other river in the Troad approaches it even remotely, and tliisfad lias leen overlooked by nearly all critics." Professor Yirchow1 further saya: "Eegarding the alluvial deposits in the Plain, Maclaren2 has advanced an important argument. He proceeds from the soundings made by the English Admiralty in the Hellespont, which are indicated on their map. Following these, he has drawn along the coast of the Hellespont three curves, which connect together the depths of one, two, and three fathoms respectively. These lines are not parallel with the coast, but they nearly join at the mouth of the Scamander; they recede from the coast before the Stomalimne, and still more before the In Tepch Asmak, and again approach each other, as well as the coast, at the neck of land before Ilhoeteum. There is, besides, the difference produced in the form of the coast-line by the curves of one and two fathoms; that is to say, they are beiit inward to the south, whereas tho three fathoms' line forma a curve which is on the north bent forward to the Hellespont, and projects far beyond the coast and the neck of land. Immediately behind it the depth of the Avater amounts to 10, 12, 16, and 19 fathoms. Maclaren concludes from this that the mass of alluvium, which has raised the bottom of the Hellespont, cannot have been produced by the present Scamander, but must be attributed to a time when this river flowed ñrst through the In Tepeh Asmak, and later through the Stomalimne ; that the Hellespont, whose current has a velocity of two miles an hour, carries its own alluvial material and a large part of that of the Scamander into the Aegean Sea, but the counter-current along the Trojan coast, which sometimes, especially with west and south-west winds, is very strong, distributes a certain quantity of the material along the coast as far as Ehoeteum ; and that, if the mouth of the Scamander had always been at the present place, the lines of depths would be parallel with the coast line. To this it may be replied, that we cannot at once admit Maclaren's supposition, that the depth of the Hellespont once was nearly as great on tho coast aa in the midst of this channel, and that the present difference in depth has been produced solely by alluvial deposits. On the other hand, we have some safe indications, which show the fact of the alluvial deposits, as well as their direction. As such I consider three phenomena :—1. The bar of sand before the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak,3 which has exactly the direction of the Hellespont current, for it is joined on the east side to Ehoeteum, and proceeds thence for a long distance westward. 2. The sandbanks at the mouth of the Scamander. 3. The sandy plain which projects into the Hellespont, on which Koum Kaleh is situated, and which extends in a south-westerly direction to the foot of the tumulus of Achilles. It appears to me that 11 Lomdeatunle, &c., p. 138. 1 Ibid. p. 143 if. * Churles Maclaren, . The Plain of Troy dc- scribad; Edinburgh, 1863, p. 46. * Virchow, Landeskunde, &c-, p. 144. § III.] RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 87 H qe Efts prove, not only that there exists a perceptible alluvium, but l essentially of a syenitic origin, every possibility at once disappears of attributing to the other rivers and rivulets any deter mining part whatever in the conveyance of the alluvial deposits. Neither the Counarbashi Su, nor the Kemar Su, nor the Kalifatli Asmak, can be taken into consideration, unless indeed they might occasionally again put in motion the alluvium already deposited by the Scamandor. The fact is of very special importance, that the silt of all the Asnuiks— of the Kalifatli Asmak, of the old Scamandcr-bed to the west of Kalifatli, and especially of the In Tepeh Asmak—is derived from the upper moun tains. It is not the material of the Oulou Dagh, such as the Simois fn.rries away, which can possibly have filled up the In Tepeh Asmak ; the Ryenitic admixtures of the clay, which I took from the ancient bed of this Asmak, now filled up, point distinctly to its having been covered by the mud of the Scamander. The Plain of the Kalifatli Asmak also consists, below a later layer of a fine clayish deposit, of the same coarse sjjid, which now, as before, the Scamander alone brings down from the high mountains. Nay, the quicksand of the Stomalimne, though of much finer grain, has nothing of maritime origin except an admixture of ¿hells ; and for the rest, this quicksand is just such a syenitic sand as that of the Plain,—river-sand, carried into the Hellespont, but thrown by it on the land.8 Professor Virchow 9 goes on to say : " However satisfactory this result is in itself, 'it is but of little use for the chronological question. Only in the In Tepeh Asmak I found fragments of bricks in the silt of the river bed, which bore witness to the comparative lateness of this silting up, which must, therefore, have taken place when brick-baking men already hdd their habitations in the Plain. I observe here that these brick frag ments occurred not only on the surface, but also below. On this side, therefore, there can exist no evidence against the opinion that the In Tepeh Ásmale has ceased to be a real outlet oiJij in a, relatively modern, time." The result of the investigations of Virchow and Burnouf, that except in its hydrography the Plain of Troy has undergone hardly any material change since the Trojan war, is identical with that which Prof. P. W. 0 Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 146-154. 7 See Tchihatcheff, foe. cit. t. i. p. 359. Mau'luit, D&auvertea dans Ια Troade, p 133. Op. oit. p. 153. 90 THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. § IH-] EIVEHS— THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 91 ForchlmmmerI0 obtained by the explorations he made in 1839 in company with Lieutenant (now Admiral) T. A. B. Spratt : " Wo reject," be sayg, "as utterly erroneous the theories, that the lower plain may have been formed by a post-Homeric alluvium, and that the latter may have covered up a pretended port, which once extended for a long distance into the laud. .Both these theories aro decidedly contradicted by the facts, and they aro not in any way corroborated by the Homeric poems. It would bo perfectly inexplicable how vertical banks, from 6 to 10 ft. high, could have been built up by the alluvial soil on the sides of the rivers after their prolongation and at the eastern end of the strand, while the lagoons were not filled up by them, but were nevertheless separated from the Hellespont by a sandbank. Homer, who mentions the large lagoon, neither knows of a port in the neighbourhood of the Greek camp, nor alludes to its existence by a single word. On the contrary, many passages in the Hia^1 prove that the Greek camp was on the actual shore of the sea or of the Hellespont. Scylax rightly states the distance from Novum Ilium to the sea to be 25 stadia. The plain in its present condition is, in all essential features, old Priam's ancient kingdom and the battle-field of Hector and Achilles." I may also cite here what I wrote on the same subject twelve years ago :2 " I followed the seashore to the west towards the promontory of Sigeum, investigating mast attentively the nature of the soil, in order to see whether it might be, as Strabo asserts, of an alluvial formation later than the Trojan war. The gradual elevation of the heights of In Tepch appeared to mo at once to refute the supposition that a gulf could ever have existed there, and I became fully convinced of this on seeing the high vertical banks of the little rivers In Tepeh Asmak and Kalifatli Asmak near their mouths in a swampy soil. If the soil of the plain had been produced by the alluvium of the present rivers and rivulets, their banks could not have had a perpendicular height of from 6 to 10ft., in places where the ground is marshy and loose. Besides, the large deep lagoons on the shore of the plain make it impossible that the Plain of Troy could have been formed, either entirely or partially, by alluvial soil ; because, if the rivers had deposited alluvial soil to the profit of the plain, these deep lagoons would have been filled up first. The great Stomaliuine, or lagoon and swamp, of which Strabo3 speaks, still exists, and doubtless it is now neither larger nor smaller than in the time of that geographer, because the water which evaporates from the lagoon is immediately replaced by infiltration from the sea. The current of the Hellespont, moreover, which runs at the rate of two miles an hour, carries away the alluvial matter of the rivers, and deposits it on the shallow grounds to the left outside tho Hellespont, at a distance of several kilomètres from the Plain of Troy ; and this same current must at all times have prevented the growth of the shore." 10 Topographische und physiagrapfusche Be- schreibujiri der Ebene von Troia, p. 28. 1 U. ii. 92,152 ; viii. 501 ; xiü. 682 ; xiy. 31 ; xvih. 66 ; xix. 40 ; xxiii. 59 ; xxiv. 12. 3 Ithaque, le Péloponnèse et Troie; Paria, 1869, p. 208. » xiii. p. 595. Ι In his learned dissertation4 on The Asiatic Coast of the Hellespont, Τ\Γτ Frank divert, who has been for twenty years a resident on the Ό idauolles, proves beyond any doubt tho cessation of the growth of , ι jall(] on the coast, and tho gradual invasion of tho sea upon thu laud After having cited a number of instances where the waters of the Hellespont have washed away portions of land on the Asiatic coasí above tin Plain of Troy, he writes :- " The present effect of the Hellespont ou tho alluvium of the rivers which discharge into it, may in its con- binuenco be compared with the impetuous current of a largo river at the mouth of an affluent. Since on the sea-front of Sultanieh Kaleh5 and Koum Ivaleli,* at the mouths of the rivers Khodius and Scamander, no increase has taken place, it is thereby clearly proved that no growth of tho coast has occurred since 1453 and 1G59. If the hypothesis of tho disappearance of a large part of the alluvial neck of land of Nagara (Abydus) since the time of Xerxes is admitted, then the proportion can, on the ground of historical testimonies, be dated back to a much earlier period j namely, to 480 B.C. The natural geological testimony presented, by the crumbling sea-washed slopes of the coast, and the narrow strand close to the river-mouths and their deltas, especially near the pro montories of Sigeum and Khoeteum, proves that the destructive agency of the sea has been in activity long before the historical time, whilst the recession of the deltas would show that this is to be attributed to a change in the relative level of land and sea. The change is not limited to the Hellespont. An investigation of the whole northern coast of the Gulf of Yolo in 1875 has proved that, in those comparatively quiofc waters which have no current, the sea has advanced on the land. If it is admitted that the alluvial coast between the promontories of Sigeum and Khoeteum marks the site of the Greek camp and the Naustathmos, then in my opinion the testimony of geology proves that the coast-line was, at the time of the Trojan war, not different from what it is now." I may here still further mention that those, who assume -from the Hiail the existence of a deep gulf in the plain at the time of Homer, do not, in my opinion, rightly interpret the passages they quote, where the poet states that " they marched in front of the deep shore,"7 and again, that " they filled the long mouth of the whole shore, as much as the promontories enclosed."* He evidently intends merely to describe the low shore of the Hellespont, shut in as it is by Capes Sigeum and Khoeteum ; that is to say, by the heights of In Tepeh. Again, the words —" But the eddying Scamander will carry you to the broad bosom of the sea"*—cannot make us think of a real gulf; besides, the word eùpuç means in the Iliad " broad " and not " deep : " eùpùç κόλπος can there fore mean nothing else but the broad or tho vast expanse of the sea. * Frank Calvert, Ueber die asiatische Küste ' II. i¡. 92 : dea JIclleapnnt, vorgelegt m der Sitzuwj der Der- fyovos προνάροιβΐ /3a9eírjs ¿ιττιχίωντο. l-ner Anthropol. Gesellschaft am 20 üecbr. 1879, · II. liv. 33, 36 : P· 39. ........ «αϊ πλησαν ίατάστ,ί * The fort in the town of the Dardanelles, 1¡í¿vos στόμα μακρόν, ¡ίσον auvtipyaSov άκμαι. built in 1453. · II. xxi. 124, 125 : * Built, according to Mr. Calvert, in 1659. ..... αλλά S/ra/mj/Spos οίση íivíita flau à\ï>s eítpia κόλιταν. 4. 92 THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [Cii*p. I. § HU RIVERS—THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 93 I have myself always maintained, not only tho identity of the Kalifatli Asmak with tho ancient Scamander, hut also that the latter once turned at Konm Kioi into the lied of the In Tepeh Asmak, through which it fell into the Hellespont close to the promontory of Ehoeteum.10 That the ancient Scamauder had this course and no other, appears evident from Homer; for, had it occupied its present bed at the time of tho Trojan Avar, it would have flowed through the Greek camp, and Homer would have had abundant opportunity of speaking of so important a fact. As ho never mentions a river in the camp, we must infer that he did not know that there was any there. But there :ire several passages in the Iliad which prove that in the poet's mind tho Greek camp waa to the left and not to the right of the Scamander, as would have been the case if the river had then had its present course. When, for instance, Priam on his visit to Achillas passes the Tomb of Ilus and immediately afterwards reaches the ford of the Scamander, where he waters his horses and mules,1 the Greek camp is necessarily to the left of the river, and this is clearly also the case when, on his return from the Greek camp, he again reaches the ford of tho Scamander and drives his chariot to the city, while the cart drawn by mules follows with the corpse of Hector.2 I may further cite the passage whore, Hector being wounded, his companions lift him in their arma and carry him from the battle-field, where his charioteer stands with the splendid chariot and the swift horses, which bring him back deeply groaning to the town. But when they reached the ford of the broad-flowing Xanthus born of Zeus, they lifted him from the chariot, laid him on the ground, and poured water over him.3 As W. Christ4 justly remarks, this passage can leave no doubt that, on his way to Ilium, Hector had necessarily to pass the Scamander (or Xanthus), for it cannot possibly bo admitted that the charioteer could have deviated from tho shorter and more direct road to reach the river, in order to pour water over the dangerously wounded hero. That the Greek camp was to the left of the Scamander, and that this river flowed between the town and the camp, is further proved by the passage where, after Patrocine had cut on0 the foremost Trojan troops, he drove them back again to the ships, baffled their attempts to gain the town, and attacked and killed them between the ships, the river, and the high walls of Troy.5 My theory that the Scamander, after its confluence with tho Simois, flowed into the Hellespont to the east of the Greek camp, has been 10 See my Troy and its Remains, pp. 72, 73. 1 //. xxiv. 349-351 : oí δ' «TÍ! a¡v fifya σήμα τταρ^"1\οιο (\ασ<ταν, ατ-ησαν &p' rujuávaus re καΐ ϊππουί, υ<ρρα irloifv, ¿ν ποταμψ. 1 n. xxiv. 692 : αλλ" Srt 5)¡ πορον ΐξον ¿tppfîos ποταμοί*}, and ΰ!)β, 697 : οΐ 8' «is άστυ t\tav οιμωγή ΤΕ στοναχ$ Tf ίππου:, ήμίανοί St νίκαν (pépoy. 3 11. XIV. 428-436 : τίν δ' αρ' ίταίραι Xepalv áeípaiTfs φίρον ¿κ iríi/ou, ίφρ' 'Itctff ïmrous ¿utas, oí oí οπκτ9ί uáxTis Έφτασαν ηνίοχάν Te καΐ άρματα ποικίλ.' t^ovres' oí τον ye ττρατί άστυ φίραν βαριά στίνάχαντα. αλ\' ότι δί| πόρου î£oi/ èûpptîas ποταμού), Έί&ναον StvijrvTOs, tn> αθάνατα; τέκετο Zeus, Ütda μιν ¿ζ *ίππων πελαταν χβονί, κά5 dé oí ύδωρ Topographie der Troianischen 1 W. Christ, Ebene, p. 203. ' II. xvi. 394-398 : Πίίτροκλοί δ' tirf i o5v πρώταΐ ciuiccpirt . ii. Prom. Schwer 1871, 1872, endeavours to prove (i p. 15) (hat IMmy held the channel of the Bounar- r>m X which empties itself into the «ay of „r * e*" be the Scam-™der, the Mcndere or pres-nt Scamander the Xanthus Scamander, and n "l'íatli Asmak the Palaescamander. E. im Dv^rektaal, p. 8, pro- jaQctug stagnuniqae prius facien3l Pa- laescam.indcr." 10 1 extract this interesting description of the In Tepeh Aamak from K. Virchow, ISeiirûje zur LamJestmnda der Îroas, pp. 82-92. 1 Lechevalier, op. cit., t. ii. p. 244, note. 3 Forchhiimmer, Topogr. and pAysunjr. Se- schreibunj da· Ebene van Trola, p. 12. ' Madaren, op. cit., p. 41. « As e.t). by Tliny, H. N., v. 33. " See tha Map of the Troad. 96 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. CHAP. bridge the open water-current in the river-bed becomes narrow, and it soon disappears under a rich vegetation of reeds, rushes, and Typha. It appears again here and there, but covers itself with a thick veil of water-ranunculua. Still further on may be seen in the river-current solid islands, of greater or less length, partly covered with vegetation, as well as masses of ground projecting into the river from the banks which are here higher, so that the width of the river-bed becomes quite out of proportion to the breadth of the water-current. About ten minutes' walk above the first bridge is a second stone bridge, but it is short und low. Soon afterwards the watercourse appears only as a small ditch; finally it becomes altogether dammed up by rushes iind harder soil. This is the case somewhat below the high ground which projeejts from tho south-west corner of lihoeteum, and which can easily be recognized by a couple of sheep-folds which stand on it, and which belong to Koum Kioi. Hero the ancient river-bed, which is easily recognized by its sloping banks, is still 42 paces broad, but is entirely dry, except on its right border a ditch-like watercourse 4 to 5ft. broad, which has no current. It is still cut like a trough, but the surface is unequal, being here and there slightly hilly, and in general somewhat higher in the middle than on the sides. It is covered with grass interspersed with clover (λωτός) and numerous blue flowers of the Gynandriris; there aro still hero and there thick beds of rushes. A short distance farther upwards the trough is still more filled up, and on the further side of the above-mentioned high ground the old river-bed can no longer be dis tinctly recognized." Professor Yirchow goes on to say : " I have described the nature of the In Tepch Asmak thus fully, in order to put an end to the uncertainty regarding the extent, the character, and the connection of that river. It will be seen from this description that at present this Asmak is a dead, stagnant watercourse, whose upper bed is more and more overgrown, and whose lower part is only kept open by the flowing in of tho Hellespont. It is no longer ait outflmcing, lut rather an iiißoimng stream (inlet Inwike). What water it receives, except at the time of the inundations, can only be rain-water." (e) The BounarbasM Su.—The principal part of the water which com poses this rivulet comes from the 34 or, more probably, 40 springs at tho foot of the heights of Bounarbashi, which I visited and explored in company with Professor "Virchow.6 The first three of them are in close proximity ; a little further north are two more, and tho others rise within a distance of about 1700 ft. Their waters form a rivulet from 3 to 6 ft. deep and 13 to 20 ft. broad. It is joined at once by a very small affluent, which comes from the valleys to the east of the Bali Dagh. " In its further course," says Professor Virchow,7 " it forms a scries of large swamps, which have been most accurately described by M. Foreh- hammcr.8 The rivulet of Bounarbashi," ho adds, " notwithstanding its turning off by the artificial channel, provides, during its short course, §111.] RIVERS—THE BOUNARBASHI SU. 97 " See p. 55. 7 Beitrags zur Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 114-119. * P. W. Forchhammer, Topogr. und phi/sioyr. Beschr. (1er Ebene von Trota, p. 15 ; compara Maclaren, p. 123. i „Q basins with a lasting supply of water even during the summer. Γ it fî'oni the infiltration through the compact soil at the sources tl mselvi'S we find to tho east of Ujek Tepeh a large tank, which is l .t>« in the middle and overgrown with reeds and rushes ; even in the l ( i.'ht of summer it is navigated by fishing boats. Further down, at Ytrkassi Kioi, is a smaller swamp with abundance of water. There is similar swamp in the valley through which the canal is cut. In the rainy season, the same rivulet (the Bounarbashi Su), by means of the winter-stream of the original bed, the so-called Lisgar, fills also a vast swamp in a sinuosity of the promontory o£ Yeni Shehr below Ilagios Di'uiftiios Tepeh. This swamp dries up in summer, and it was in August overgrown with high dry reeds. " The winter-stream (just mentioned) of the ' rivulet,' as Fo.rehhainmer calls the Bounarbashi Su in a very significant manner, is in his opinion9 identical with the original bed, which existed before the artificial channel to the Aegean Sea was cut. That ancient bed is partly cut deep in the clayey soil, and partly it spreads over the flat surface with undefined borders. But even in these flat places its limits do not change from year to year. "While the stream prefers in winter the already existing bed to any other course over higher ground, in summer it all the moro pre serves the course impressed on the clayey soil, the clay becoming by the heat almost as hard as stone. In the hard clayey soil of the level parts of this winter-bed small artificial channels were visible, whose a^e may perhaps bo considerable. This winter-stream of the Bounar bashi Su discharges in two places into the Scamander above Ycni Shehr, and pours with it into the Hellespont. "From this description it is apparent that the whole west side of the Plain along the Ujek and Sigeum ridges is full of the swamps of the Bounarbashi Su, and this is still more evident from Spratt's map. These swamps occupy all the sinuosities of the coast-line and encroach to a great extent on the Plain, so that they leave only in its southern part a small portion of land for tillage; and even this is also exposed to the inundations of the Scamander. One can best view all this by following up the road which leads from Kalifatli to Yerkassi Kioi and Ujek Kioi. On the 22nd of April it was in the following condition :—·· Having passed a field still very wet from the last inundation, and covered in places where it had dried up with a rich crumbling crust, I first came to two small arms of the Bounarbashi Su, which are close together, and in which there was open, but scarcely flowing, dirty water ; a half-ruined bridge leads over them. To the right (north) these arms were lost in a vast swamp thickly overgrown with luxuriant water-plants. To the left, where the swamp was not less extensive, old reeds still stood, double a man's height. Through this swamp a long winding road leads over a ruined stone dyke. On the west side we reach another small stone bridge, spanning with a single short arch the excavated canal below. Somewhat turbid but still transparent water Topojr. und pfiysbgr. Beschr. der Ebene van Trota, p. 14. 98 THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. § ΙΠ] RIVERS—THE BOUNARDASHI SU. 93 flows through it in a rapid current. Immediately beyond it, on the western bank, firm soil is reached." Considering the series of swarnpa aiid particularly the ancient water- beds of the Bounarbashi Su further down, Professor Virchow10 thinks the construction of the artificial canal to the Aegean Sea cannot claim a high antiquity. In fact, various conjectures have been made as to its ago. It was first spoken of by Wood,1 who supposed it to have been excavated by a Turkish governor. Hunt,2 who travelled in the Troad in 1801, says he heard from the peasants, that eighty years before (that ia, in 1720) the canal had been made by a Sultana of tho Serail, who was at that time proprietor of the estate, and that it had been afterwards restored by Hassan Pasha. The Turks of Yerkassi Kioi assured Le- chevalier3 tjiat tho Kapudan Pasha Hassan had built a mill and baths in the neighbouring valley, and they had themselves been employed in the excavation of the new canal. Lechevalier thinks that the water of the Bounarbashi Su had formerly been led off to Alexandria-Troas by the aqueduct of Herodes Atticus. Barker Webb4 also says that Hasaan Pasha el Grhazi led tho water of the Bounarbashi Su through an old canal which he restored and which moves a mill. Mauduit5 is of opinion that tho canal has been restored at different periods, but that it already existed at the timo of Xerxes, and that at the time of Demetrius of Scepsis it led off all the water of the Bounarbashi Su (called by him Scamander) into the Aegean Sea. Forchhammer6 shares the opinion that tho canal is very ancient. Colonel Leake7 did not venture to decide whether it was a work of the ancients or of the Turks. But I think we find the best answer to the question in the alluvium deposited by this channel, which covers a space about one mile and a half long and broad, and has thus already filled up by far the larger portion of the Bay of Besika. That a small rivulet like this channel should form such immense alluvial deposits in a hundred years is out of the question ; in my opinion, a long number of centuries is required. This canal is, as before mentioned, from 13 to 20 ft. broad, and from 1 to 4 ft. deep. It is cut for a long distance in the rock. Virchow8 says : " As M. Forchhammer rightly observes in the passage quoted above, the ancient water-beds of the Bounarbashi Su are partly very deeply impressed ; and, I might add, they are impressed so deeply that we cannot well suppose them to have been preserved so for thousands of years. This can best be seen by following the road from Yeni Kioi down to the ferry of the Scamander. A long turning is first made to the north round the Lisgar ; then the road leads round a spur of the ridge towards a couple of bridges on which we cross two such watercourses. When I first came there, I thought, especially at the 10 Beiträge zur Landeskunde der Troas, p. 118. 1 Essay on the Orijinal (leñáis and Writings of Homer; London, 1775, p. 32fi. • Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey; London, 1817, p. 135. ' Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade en 1785, 1786, ii. p. 193. 4 Barker Webb, at other places, p. 34, notes. 1 A. F. Mauduit, Découvertes dans la Troade', Paris et Londres, 1840, pp. 132, 215. • Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 26. ' Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 293. 8 Landeskunde, &c., p. 118. eastern bridge, that I saw a stately river before me. As far as I could see 011 both sides there was before us a broad bed, with but slight windings, filled with open water and sharply-cut banks, presenting on a small scivlo the image of the Scamander which is close by. But a further investigation showed that this bed had no continuity ; even at the time of high water it was connected with the Bounarbashi Su only by the swamp» and the inundating water. This water, however, had not been brought down by the Bounarbashi Su, but by the Scamander, which inundates its left bank in certain fixed places. The three principal places where this occurs are accurately marked on Spratt's map, just as I found them to be. The first is not far below Bounarbashi, where, after its entry into tho Plain, the Scamander makes its first great bend to the •wtifc and forms tho islands. The second is opposite the Ujek Tepeh, and nuked in a distinctly-marked connection with the great reedy swamp of the Bounarbashi Su. The third is much farther down, opposite Yeni Kioi ; it fills the swamps of the Lisgar district and the adjoining low ground. " Properly speaking, the proportion of the Bounarbashi Su to the Scamaudcr is very similar to that of the Kalifatli Asmak. Both of them aie indebted for their existence, in a large degree, to tho powerful 'brother.1 If it were not for tho artificial canal to Besika Bay, tho water of tho Bounarbashi Su would also pour entirely into the Plain, and it would fill the watercourses further down which are now dry, just· as the water of the Duden sources fills the bed of the Kalifatli Asmak. There should, therefore, be also a name ' Bounarbashi Asmak.' Tho name Su is only suitable if the artificial canal with its flowing water is referred to." Another canal, which has evidently required even greater labour, has, at an unknown period, been cut across the promontory of Sigeum between Yeni Kioi and Hagios Demetrios Tepeh. According to Forchhammer,9 the length of this canal is 3000 ft., its depth more than 100 ft., and its upper width about 100 ft. At present it is filled up 10 to 15 ft. deep Avith earth, so that it is of no use whatever. It had evidently been made to drain the waters of the Lisgar and the winter inundation of the Bounarbashi Su." Before the artificial canal was cut, and before the Scamander had its present course, the Bounarbashi Su ran along the heights of Sigeuin and ffll into the Hellespont. As in this position, and also on account of its insignificance, it in no way interfered with the movement of the armies, it is not mentioned by Homer. (/) Of the Kalifatli Aamali— which, with Virchow, Bnrnouf, and Calvert, I hold to be identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander—I have already spoken at some length. It is enough to add here, that one arm of it rises in the Duden swamp10 on Mr. Calvert's farm of Akshi Kioi, while another arm starts from the point where the Scamander and 9 Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 20. 10 This swimp, which formerly covered an urea of about 250 acres, has by the exertions of Wr. Cilvert and his engineer, Mr. Stoney, been dried up and converted into most valuable land ; the three apiings which produced it still exist I 100 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. Thymbrius meet. The latter arm, which is broad and deep, brings at the timo of the floods an immense volume of "water from the Scamander, and joina the former arm at a short distance to the north of the Duden STrarnp. There can hardly be any doubt that this is tho ancient bed of the Scamander. At a short distance to the north of the confluence of the Scamander and Thymbrius there is a second channel, and a little further on a third, through which the Scamander now sends its surplus waters into the Kalifatli Asmak. In all three channels, but particularly in the last one, may be seen countless trunks of uprooted trees, which have been carried down the stream by the force of the current. The Kalifatli Asmak has scarcely any current except in the winter mouths ; in the dry season it consists of a long series of pools of stagnant water. (¡7.) The river liliesus (o T;}™?11) was called llhoites ('Ροείτης) in the time of Strabo, who says, however, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, that possibly the river which flows into the Granicus might be identical with the Ilhesus of Homer.1 (Λ.) The river Heplaporus (ο Έπτάττορο?2), according to Strabo,3 flowed 180 stadia to the north of Adramyttiuni. (z.) The river Caresus (ό Κάρησο^) originated at Maloiis, between Palaescepsis and Achaeum, on the coast opposite Tenedos, and fell into the Aesepus.5 (/.) The river Rhodius (à 'PoSt'oç6) is, in all probability, the small river which falls into the Hellespont at the Dardanelles.7 According to Strabo, it fell into the Hellespont between Abydus and Dardanus ; opposite its mouth, on the Thracian Chersoncsus, was the Dog's-tumulus (Cynossema, Kwoc σήμα, or Κυνόσσημα), the pretended tomb of Hecuba. Strabo further states that, according to others, the Khodius fell into the Aescpus." Elsewhere Strabo says that the Khodius fell into the Aenius ; he remarks at the same time that it came from Cleandria and Gordus.9 (A.) The Granic.us (o Γρήνικος10) rises in Mount Cotylus, one of tho peaks of Ida.1 It flows to the north-east through the district of Adrasteia, and falls into the Propontis opposite the island of Ophiusa (now Afzia).2 On the banks of this river Alexander the Great defeated the army of Darius (334 B.C.) (7.) The Aesepus (6 Αί'σ-τ/ττο?3) rises also in Mount Cotylus,4 receives the Careaus, as before stated, passes to the north-east of Zeleia, and 11 //. xii. 20. , 1 xiii. 002: ο μίν 'PrjoOS irorafiis νυν , ΕΙ μη ¿ίρα ύ eis τίιν ΐ'ράνικον ¿μβά\\<αν 1 Λ. xii. 20. 3 lui. p. 603: Άδραμυττίου Si &ιίχ(ΐ irpos αρκτον kicoTtat καί ôySorixoiTa σταδ'ιους. « U. xii. 20. 5 Strabo, xiii. p. 603 : KtÉprjiros S' άπ-ίι Ma- \OÛVTOÎ (Sfî, τΑτταυ ratât κίΐμίνον μ€ταζυ ΐΐα- -ΐ /cal Άχαίου TTJS TfVtSlan Πίραίαι- ' " Λ xii. 20. ' Ε. Buchholz, Ifotner. Kosmogr. und Geojr. p.. 3 ΙΟ. ·'* ' xiii. p. 595 : μνταξΰ τι ('A/3ú5ou και Δαρ- Sdvou) à 'PoStos ¿κπίπτιι ποταμό;, naff î>v ίν TTJ Xtppoirfio-φ τΐ> Kuvbs σήμα iariv, ο φασιν Έκά0η5 tlvaí τάφον oí Sí τλν 'Ροδ'ιον els τϊ>ν Αίσηπαν €μβο.\\ειν φααΊν. * lui. ρ. 603 : 'PoSíos Se άττλ K\favSpías iml TípSau ft Sif'xfi TÍS καλής ireÚKTjs (TTaSíous· ^j3cí\A€i 5' «ís rbv Aívtov. " Π. xi¡. 21. 1 Stmho, xiü. p. 602 : ?στι γαρ λ<5φοΐ TIS 'IÎTJS KOTU\os' ¿ξ où 3 Tf Smifia^Spos ¡itl irai à Tfavm.o's nal Aíffijiros. 2 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmaqr. und Oeojr. p. 31t. * Π. TU. 21. 1 Strabo, xiii. p. 602, just cited. l § iv.] THE CLIMATOLOGY OP THE TROAD 101 f Us into the Propontis opposite the island of Halone, tho present Aloni.6 (m.) The Selléis (ó SeAAíJeíc6) flowed in the neighbourhood of Arisbe. Str-.ho says : " Of the rivers the poet makes the Selléis flow near Arisbe, if indeed Asius came from Arisbe and the river Selléis."7 (/t.) The Practim (ό Πρ««τιοΐ8) flowed between Abydug and Lamp- sacus. Strabo says : " The Practius is also a river, but a city (of this name), as some have thought, is not to be found. This river flows also between Abydua and Lampsacus."9 (o.) The Satniois (ó ÜaTwóets), to which the poet gives the epithet ¿vppeÍTtf! (with a fair current10), is now called Tuzlatchai, that is to say, " Salt river : " it rises in Ida, flows in a westerly direction through the southernmost part of the Troad, and falls into the Aegean Sea between Larissa and Hamaxitus.1 § IV. THK CLIMATOLOGY OF THE TROAD. If we consider the Homeric Troad to extend from the coast of tho Propontis and the district of Cyzicus to the Caïcus, it would lie between 40° 30' and 39° N. latitude; Novum Ilium being in latitude 39° 53': its climate therefore must be almost identical with that of Constanti nople, which lies only 1° 7' further to the north. According to Tchiha- trheff,2 the mean temperature of Constantinople is 14°'27 Celsius =07°'70 Fahrenheit ; while that of Borne, which lies in the same latitude, is 150>04 = 59D-30 Fahrenheit,'that of Barcelona 17° = G2'5-60 Fahrenheit. TABLP OP THE MEUT NCMBEB OP DAYS OF THE FOUR CARDINAL WINDS; OP ΓΙΝΕ DATS; OB S; AïiD OP MORE OR LESS CIJOUDY ÜATS IN T1IE YEARS 1817, 1848, AND 1851.a Montha. Jannary . February . March .... April .... May .... June .... July .... August . . . September . . October November. December . Total numbers. North. 20 11 19 9 19 15 23 2l 22 21 19 18 217 Eaat. 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 Í i 1 17 Sonth. 6 12 G 14. 9 U 4 4 6 7 7 7 ai West. _ 1 2 4 2 _ 1 — 1 1 2 1 lö Fine daya. 6 4 8 17 13 16 14 2] 9 11 (j 5 130 Kainy daya. 12 2* 8J 10 4Ϊ 3} 3 3 8 4* 10J lüi 8GJ Cloudy days. 14 2l 15 9 12 10 13 8 15 13 14 14 153 5 Γ, lîuchholz, Homer. Jiosmogr. und Geogr. p. 311. ' Tl. ii. 838, 839 : "Atrios 'Τρτα«ί8τ)ί, fty 'Ap/ir/37)9ev φίρον ΐπποι, α?0ωκ€?, μπαλοί, ποταμού άιτο SeAA^ecros. ' Straho, xiii. p. 590 : των Bè ποταμών τΐιι· μ^ν 2ελλήίΐτά <ρτ)σιν <5 ITOIT/TÍJS irpos τρ Άρίσβτι fyfív fÍTtfp o "Atrios ΆρΙσ0·ηβ<Ί ποταμού από 3€λ\ή*ντο$. 9 /ί. ϋ. 833 : öl S' ΐρα τΐίρκώτ-ην »αϊ Πράκτια^ 9 xiii. p. 590 : à Se Πράκτκκ irorafiñí μίν ¿<ττιΊ irrfAts S" ούχ cúpffTKCTai. £Ss rivfs ¿νόμισαν' jSeí Sé καΐ oíros μίταζυ Αβύδου /caí Λαμψάκον. '" II. \i. 34 : SctTi/HÍevTOS ivpptírao. See also xiv. 445 and xni. 87. 1 E. Buchholz, II(jmer. Kosmagr. und Gcogr. p. 354. ¿de Tohihatche£F, Asir Mineure : II. Climj,- ie, μρ. 35-37. ¿chihatcheff, UM. p. 44. 102 THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP, il PANORAMIC VIEW OP THE PLAIN OP TKOY. 103 It will be seen from this table that the north wind predominates very decidedly, except in February and April. Thus in January it is on an average nearly three timos moro frequent than all the other winds taken together ; in March it is a quarter more frequent than the rest ; in iiay November, and December, almost twice as frequent ; in July, more than three times as frequent ; and in August, twice as frequent. These north winds blow nearly always with great violence, and they caused us much suffering during the whole period of our excavations at Troy. The rainy season here is in December, January, and February. From Ihe beginning of April to the end of October it hardly ever rains, and in the many summers I passed in the Troad I experienced hardly any rain except in the shape of an occasional thunderstorm. The winters are seldom very severe in the Troad ; the cold generally does not set in before January. It is seldom so cold that the rivers freeze. I have seen the Kalifatli Ásmale frozen over in the winter of 1873, but never the Scamander or Shnois. But it appears that even the Hellespont has sometimes been frozen over, since the straits were frozen in 739 * and 7535 A.D., while in 755 A.D. both the Boaphorua and the Hellespont are reported to have been covered with ice.8 Tchihatcheff,7 from whom I take this information, mentions further two occasions when the Bosphorus was frozen during the reign of the Emperor Eomauus (919-94Ί AD.), one in lull and one in 1068 ; also one in 1(520 A.D. No traveller has .studied the climate of the Troad with more attention and accuracy than P. Barker Webb, who expresses himself in the following terma:8—"The Troad being placed in the delicious temperature of Northern Asia, its winters are tempered by the south winds which blow from the Mediterranean ; the summer heat is also modified by the regular return of the Etesian winds, which are poetically described by Homer under the image of Boreas traversing the Thracian Sea. The fertility of the fields and valleys, continually irrigated by the waters which descend from Mount Ida, so rich in springs ; the variety of the soil, now flat, now mountainous; the abundance of the rivers; the neighbourhood of the aea ; the charming and picturesque landscape, which Nature alone has had the care of forming, without Art having any sharo in it,—all pleases the eye and strikes the imagination : in one word, the situation of this country, considered as a whole, is such that Nature leaves nothing to desire. In fact, if this country had a more enlightened government, if it were under a less barbarous rule, few countries in the world could be compared with it, whether for the richness and variety of its products, or for the abundance of all that is necessary for human life. We may say the same of the whole of Asia Minor, which was celebrated for the luxury and the riches of its ancient inhabitants; but Phrygia in particular appears to have been in a high degree favoured by Heaven. Its forests 1 Von Haimner-Purgstall, Geach. dea Osm. ßaichs, 2nrl cJ. vol. ii. p. 784. ' Clycas, éd. Bon., p. 493. • Theophanes, éd. Bon., vol. i. pp. 540 apd 670. * Asie Min. : Descr. phya. p. 70. 8 Topographie de la Troade ancienne et moderne, pp. HO, 111. and pasture-lands'are greener than those of tho neighbouring countries of Europe, and the fertility of its soil is by no means inferior to that of the rest of Asia : add to this that it has neither the rigorous winters of the former nor the scorching heat of the latter. What is missing here is man. Desunt manua yoseentUnia urvis! The want of population has changed these very blessings into aa many misfortunes ; nay, this want of men is the cause of those pestilential miaamata which havo rendered endemic in this country the sickness represented by Homer under the image of the arrows cast by the wrath of Apollo. The aspect of the country is in the' highest degree picturesque : sometimes it reminds an Englishman of the landscapes of his own country. This resemblance is clue as much to the form of the fields enclosed by verdant hedges, as to the trees which are scattered here and there without symmetry, now isolated, now in detached groups ; and this gives to the whole the appear ance of a park, or of a large space of ground destined to please the eye of the traveller by its variety. There are but few vineyards here ; what ia· chiefly cultivated is grain." § V. PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. I might add, that the Plain of Troy itself is even more favoured than ilhe surrounding country in the exuberant fertility of its 6>oil and the glorious beauty of its landscape. I beg the reader to accompany me at aunset in spring to the summit of Hissarlik, in order that he may convince himself how greatly the Trojans were favoured above other men in the beautiful situation of their city.9 Immediately before us extends the plain bordered by the Simois and the Kalifatli Asmak, the ancient Scamander, which was the theatre of the principal battles of the Iliad and the scene of so many heroic actions. It is covered with grain and innumerable yellow or red flowers. It ends at the confluence of the two rivers, a mile distant, close to the village of Koum Kioi, whose small terraced houses much resemble the mud hovels of the Egyptian fellahs. The ridge to the right of this village, clothed with Valonea oaks, runs out on the north-east into the promontory of Rhoeteum, on a lower height of which, to the loft, our eyes discern the tumulus which tradition .ttributes to Ajax ; its summit is, according to Burnouf s measurement, lu'22 metres = 131 ft. above the sea. To the north of this tumulus lies ;he site of an ancient city, 8m. = 26ft. Sin. above the level of the sea, according to Burnoufs measurement. It is strewn with fragments of ancient pottery and sculptured splinters of white marble. Near the sea shore rises a small mound, which, according to Pausanias,10 must be the 'tumulus to which tradition pointed aa the original tomb of Ajax. I shall revert to it in the description of the Heroic tumuli.11 Close to thio tumulus lies a mutilated marble statue of a warrior, draped and of I colossal size. In all probability the spot marks the site of the ancient city of Aeanteum, which is not mentioned by Strabo, but is alluded to by Pliny,1 who says that it no longer existed in his time. ' See the View, No. 21A. '« i. 35. 5. » See Chapter XII. (on the Tumuli). > H. N. V. S2. ¡ [CHAI·. I. edominatea very uary it is on an her winds taken ΐθ rest ; in May, July, more than nt. lolenee, and they our excavations February. From ver rains, and in I hardly any rain he cold generally the rivers freeze, iter of 1873, but n the He'lespont )zen in 739 4 and e Hellespont are ,' from whom I r-n the Bosphorus -i (919-944 A.D.), ¡h more attention f in the following ature of Northern ch blow from tho le regular return Homer under the ility of the fields ch descend from il, now flat, now ibourhood of the STature alone has in it,—all pleases the situation of re leaves nothing encd government, Le world could be )f its products, or ife. We may say ted for the luxury ,-gia in particular aven. Its forests •Aj/s. p. 70. ode ancienne at moderne, Hellespont Monada of AdullM mil Putioclu». " ""· ·*''' <>r "» »«me1· " U>» o1' l«a »' lta SCMnauJei·. N0.21A. VIEW OF THE NOlflHEHN PART OF THE )LAIN UF TROY. FROM TUE HILL-OF HlioARLIK. I, the Temple. No. 21». VIEW OF THE SOUTH-EASTERN PART Ο ΤΗ PLAIN OP TROY. FROM THE HILL OF HTSSARLIK. 70 face fage 10J 104 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. § V.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE*rLAIN OF TROY. 105 On the promontory of llhoeteuui, 250 in. = 820 ft. to the east of the great tumulus of Ajax, aro numerous traces of an ancient city, probably Ehoeteum, \vhich is repeatedly mentioned by Strabo,2 and still existed in the time of Pliny.3 A little further to the east and north-east are four more small artificial tumuli, on the height which descends to a mjniatuie port now called " Karanlik " (darkness). Fragments of marble columns and pottery abound here. I agree with Mr. Calvert that the above-mentioned city of Aeantcuni must have extended as far as this, and that Karanlik marks its port, and perhaps at the same time the port of lihoeteuni. Close to the height of lUioeteum, and parallel with It, is the deep bod of the In Tepeh Asinak, into which the Scamander once flowed a little to the north-east of Koum Kioi. \Ve cannot discern from hence the tumulus of Una, where the Scamander formerly bent to the north-east or east, as it is too low. The eye follows for some distance to the north-west the present bed of the Kalifatli Asinak, until we lose sight of it among the oaks with which the plain is covered; but we can distinctly trace its course to the north as far as its mouth by the two rows of trees with which the banks of the Scamander are lined. To the left of its mouth we see the little town of Koum Kaleh, with its two white minareta and its citadel surrounded with high walls, which can now be easily scaled, the wind having accumulated immense masses of sand on its eastern side. Koum Kaleh was a thriving and flourishing city before the town of the Dardanelles was built, which cannot be much more than a hundred years ago ; indeed, the masses of marble which have been lavished on its mosquea and its fountains, now dried up, testify to its former opulence. Fragments of ancient marbles, as well as stone tombs, which are some times dug up in Koum Kaleh or its neighbourhood, lead me to think that it marks the site of the ancient city of Achilleum (το Άχιλλείου), which, according to Herodotus,4 was built by the Mytileuaeans. It is mentioned by Strabo as having been destroyed by the Ilians,5 and by Pliny,6 who says that it no longer existed in his time. M. Burnouf observes to me : " The current of the Hellespont does not prevent the accumulation of alluvial soil at Koum Kaleh, because (1) the fort is almost buried under the sand which the north and north-east winds heap up there : (2) the current of the Scamander forms before Koum Kaleh horizontal mounds of sand, where the swamp changes little by little, by the effect of the vegetation, into vegetable earth : (3) there are deposits of sand at the mouth of the Scamander, which are on a level with the surface of the sea ; though it appears that they cannot grow higher, since the wind carries away their crest when it emerges and becomes dry : (4) behind Koum Kaleh, on the side of the Aegean, is a lagoon of salt water, which tends to fill up and appears 'to have once been connected with the sea. In short, the whole neck of land of Koum Kaleh seems to be of recent formation ; the sea must once have washed the foot of Cape Sigeum. But probably this neck of land, in its present condition, already existed in the Trojan time, for such a formation requires ages." * f 4 xiii. pp. 595, 597, 601, 602. « II. A', v. 33. * τ. 94. * xiii. pp. 600, 604. « Η. Ν. v. 33. To the south-west of Koum Kaleh wo see Cape Sigeum, crowned with tho Christian village of Ycni Shehr, 252 ft. above the sea, and its many windmills ; and immediately to the east of it two tumuli, one of which is attributed to Achilles, tho other to Patroclus. Looking further on, we see the beautiful blue Hellespont, bordered on the north by the Thracian Cliersonesus, which runs out to a point, crowned by a lighthouse, the site probably of the ancient Elaeus (ΈλαίοΟϊ) mentioned by Thucydides.1 Further to the-north-west, we see in the Aegean Sea, and at a distance of about 23 miles from Cape Sigeum, the island of Imbros. It is about 23 miles in circumference, and in ancient times had on its east side a city of the same name. Above Imbros rises the high mountain of the island of Samothrace, on the top* of which Poseidon sat, and gazed with wonder at the battles before Troy : from thence he overlooked the Greek fleet, the city of Troy, and Mount Ida.8 According to the Scholiast (on this passage) and Pliny,9 this mountain was called ~£α<άκη : it is 5000 ft. high. Pliny adds, with absurd exaggeration, which seems a copyist's error : " Samothrace attollitur monte Saoce x. mill, passuum altitudinis." A little more to the west we discern, at a distance of 119 miles, the beautiful cone of Mount Athos, called 'Aoowc by Homer,10 "Α0ων and "Αθων by other classic writers " (now Monte Santo), the highest and most eastern ridge by which the Macedonian peninsula of Chalcidice penetrates into the Aegean Sea. Pliny1 states that it extends for 75 Eoman miles into the sea, and that its circumference is 150 miles. Strabo 2 compares its form to a woman's breast. A severe critic of 'mine has declared that Mount Athos is only visible from Hissarlik at sunset in early autumn;3 but I can assure the reader that this is an utter mistake, as the mountain is visible from Hissarlik all the year round at sunset, whenever the weather is clear. According to Herodotus,4 Xerxes, during his expedition to Greece, dug a canal through the neck of land which joins Athos to the Chalcidic peninsula. The promontory was also called Acte.5 Mount Athos is now celebrated for its monasteries, of which there are said to be 34 (32 Greek and 2 Russian), and for the ancient MSS. preserved in their libraries. Eeturuing to the Plain of Troy and turning our eyes to the north west, west, and south-west, we see immediately before us the broad bed of the ancient Scamander (now the Kalifatli Asinak) ; then the Christian village of Kalifatli, with its wooden church steeple ; further on, the lines of tiecs which flank the course of the present bed of the Scamander; thon fields of grain, followed by vast swamps, which are impassable except in the very driest season of the year, and even then only in a few places. There are, however, -three bridges in these swamps, by which 7 MÜ. 102, 107. ' H. N. iv. 10, 17. Pliny exaggerates the * /Λ lui. 11-14·: length of Athos, which is actually about 40 /raj γαρ S θαύμαζαν ηστο πτό\(μ6ι/ TÍ μάχην re English miles. "ψοΟ ii? ακρότατη! κορυφή* 5άμου ΰ\·ηίσ«τ\ί 3 vü. p. 331. ' - - » Β. Stark, Jenaer Literatur Zeitung, 1874, No. 23. 4 vii. 23. See also Diodor. xi. l, and Plin. H. N. iv. 10, 17. * Thucydidea, iv. 109. ύψου ¿r" ακροτάτηι κορυφήι · ívífv yàp ίφαίικτο τά.αα· μΐν*ΐ8τι, φαίΐΈτο 5è Πριάμοια πάλΐί nal vrjcs Αχαιών- * J[. Ν. iv. 12. 23. " 11. Jiv. 229. 11 Seo Tzschucke, and Mêla, ii. 2, 10. 106 THE COUNTRY OP ΤΠΕ TROJANS. [UHAP. I. § V.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OP TROY. 107 they may always be crossed, except during the period of inundation and for some time afterwards. These large sheets of stagnant water, helped by the decomposition of tho animal and vegetable matter contained in them, produpe pestilential miasmata, which engender much sickness and especially intermittent fevcrg. We learn from ancient authors that swamps existed in the Plain of Troy throughout antiquity, even at a time when the" population was numerous and powerful. There was even a swamp immediately below the walls of Troy itself, for Ulysses says to Eumaeus :6 " But when we reached the city and the high wall, wo lay down in full armour around the citadel, in the midst of the thick shrubs, among the rushes and the swamp." But the swamps inusfc "have largely increased ainco the disappearance of the industrious population which formerly inhabited the Troad. Renewed prosperity and cultivation can alone remove the majority of the endemic diseases which are due to them. The Trojan plain, which is about two hours' ride in breadth, is bounded on the west by the shores of the Aegean Sea, which aie, on an average, 131 ft. high, and upon which we see first a conical hill, not unlike a tumulus in appearance. This is called Hagioa Demetrios Tepeh, " the hill of Saint Demetrius," on account of an open chapel dedicated to that saint, which has been built at the foot of tho hill, fragments of sculptured whito marble having been used for the purpose. Many other sculptured marble blocks lie close by, and evidently mark the site of an ancient Greek temple, which, as Mr. Sayce justly observes,7 must in all probability have been dedicated to Demeter, who—like nearly all other Greek deities—has been metamorphosed into a saint of no real existence, or absurdly confounded with a real one.8 But here people have not even gone to the trouble of changing the name more than was necessary in order to alter the feminine gender into the masculine (Δημήτηρ into Δημήτριος). I explored the tumulus and shall revert to it later on. A little further to the south-west lies the large Christian village of Yeni Kioi, in a splendid situation on the cliff, 203 ft. high, and over hanging the sea. But in spite of its high situation, it is, owing to its close neighbourhood to the swamps, more infested by fever than any other place in the Troad ; it even sometimes happens that all the inha bitants of Yeni Kioi are fever-stricken at the same time.9 4 Odijs. xiv. 472-475 : ÖAA' Srf Sfi ρ' Ικίμίσθα ιτοτΐ ·πτά\ιν αίττύ Tf Τίίχοί, ήμ«ϊ μεν Trepl affTu κατά ρΊυττήΓα πυκνά, áv SoVccfccts «αϊ ίλοι, újri τίύχίσι ττβπτΐ)ύϋΤίϊ Κ(!μ(βα, νυζ S' αρ' ί·πη\β€ κακή Bope'a» 1 Athenäum, Oct. 4th, 1879. * Thus, for example, aiint Nicholas has taken the place and functions of Poseidon. Many of the chapels or churches dedicated to him occupy the site where a sanctuary or temple of the Greek god once stood ; and just as in old times the sailors invoked the assistance of Poseidon to grant them a fair wind or to save them from danger, so the Greek sailors of our own time invoke Saint Nicholas to the same effect. • Without possessing the slightest knowledge of medicine, I became celebrated in the Trend as α physician, owing to the quantity of quinine and tincture of arnica I had brought with me and dispensed liberally. In all the villages of the Troftd, the priest is tho parish doctor; and as he himself possesses no medicines, and is ignorant of their properties, besides having an innate dislike to cold water and all species of washing, he never uses any other means than bleeding, which of course never cures, and often kills the poor creatures he takes in charge. I To the south-east of thia village is the military farm of Yerkassi, with its ruined mosque and minaret ; and further south, on the heights, tho lofty tumulus called Ujek Tepeh, which is 83 ft. high, and thus by far the highest of all the tumuli in the Troad. Those who would place Troy at Bounarbashi erroneously identify it with the tomb of Aesyetea. I huve thoroughly explored it, and shall describe it in detail in tho following pages. To the north-west of Ujek Tepeh, we see high np on the shore tho tumulus called Besika Tepeh, which I also explored, and of which I shall speak hereafter. Of this tumulus, however, we can merely catch the top, as it is screened from our view by the intervening hills and tall oaks. Immediately to tho west of Besika Tepeh is a small promontory, which has the shape of a castle, and ia for this reason called " Palaeocastron." J visited it in company with Professor Virchow. We found there the foundations of one .or two modern buildings, but no accumulation of debris and no fragments of pottery,—those everlasting and indestructible wit nesses of ancient settlements. Here begins the far-stretching Bay of Besika, in front of which lies the island of Tenedos, still called by its ancient name, but by the Turks Bogdsha-Adassi. It is distant about 40 stadia from the mainland.10 Pliny1 gives its distance from Lesbos as 5G Roman miles, and from Sigeum as 12J miles. This island appears to have been celebrated in ancient times, together with Chryse2 and Cilia,3 for its worship of the Sminthian Apollo : " Hear me, 0 God of the silver bow, thou that guardest Chryse and most holy Cilia, and rulest Tenedos with might, Sniinthean Apollo ; if ever I roofed for thee an acceptable shrine, or if ever I burnt for thee fat thighs of bulls or goats, fulfil for me this wish."4 Tenedos is now celebrated for its excellent wine, which is not mentioned in Homer. Returning again to the Plain of Troy, our eyes wander in a southerly direction,5 for the distance of a two hours' ride, as far as the Turkish village of Bounarbashi and the-heights to the right and left of it ; this Tillage rises up with its white minaret, and behind it, at a great distance, Mount Chigri, which I have mentioned before. To the north-east of Bounarbashi wo again recognize the Scamander by the masses of trees with which its banks are lined ; here to the south of its confluence with the Thymbrius is its best ford. As I have said before, from the temple 10 Stnbo, xiii. p. G04. 1 //. N. v. 31, 140. 1 Chryse was a city on the coast of the Troad, bituated onahill near Thebe.inthe neighbourhood of Adiimyttium, with a temple of the Sminthian Α|·«ι11ο in a sacred grove. It was the home of «htjseis: Jliad, i. 390, 452; Ovid, Afetam. xiii. 174 ; Strabo, jju. ]lp. G05, Gil. I'liny, H. S. v. 3J, says, " fuit et Polymedia chitas, et Chrysa «t Larissa alia Sminthcuin teinpluni durât;" Imt he can of course unly mean the later Uhryse, which was near Hamaxitus (Strabo, xiii. p. G12), the ancient city having utterly disappeared in Strabo's time. ' Cillii was in the valley of Thebe in the Trond, ou tho river Cillaeus, at the foot of Mount Cillaeus (part of the range of Ida): Strabo, xiii. pp. 612, 618 ; Pliny, H. N. v. 30 ; Herodotus, i. 149 ; Ovid, Mctam, siii. 174. « II. i. 37-41 : κ\ΰβί μ(υ, àpyupÎTo£, is Χρύσην Κίλλαν Tf ζαβίην, ftvtSoia Τ( ϊφι av Έ,μινΰιϋ. €Î vori TOI χαρίαπ' ¿tri ντ]ίιν ερβψ ί) ft 5ή ποτέ roí κατά Trloya ¿ojpP CKTJCC Taypwj/ jjS'aryui/, TOSe μοι κρήηνον ¿Ελο\ϋρ· 4 See the View, No. 21ii, opposite p. 103. H IOS TUB COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. §v.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TUOY. 10'J of the Thymbrian Apollo, at the confluence, to Novum Ilium is, according to Strabo,6 50 stadia. At a mile's distance in a north-westerly direction lies tho beautiful estate belonging to my friend Mr. Calvert, the old name of which—Akshi Kioi or Batak (which latter means " swamp ")—has now been changed into Thymbra. It deserves the change of name, for not only is it bounded by the river Thymbriua, but it stands, as before stated, on the site of the ancient Thymbra. It also comprises the site of au early settlement, on a small hill to the north of Mr. Calvert's farm house. This site is covered with fragments of ordinary Greek pottery, and in regard to position, distance, &c., corresponds so closely with tho statements of Strabo, that it must certainly be his 'ϊ\ιέων Κώμη, whore, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, he places the Homeric Troy. At the foot of the hill are, curiously enough, the three springs of water already described, which produced the Duden swamp, now dried up, of which I have spoken before. The temperature of these springs is, according to Professor Yirchow's measurement, G8"-71°'CO Fahr. I have explored tho site of 'IXtesw Κώμη, but found it to consist simply of coarse gravel sand ; there is no accumulation of débris ; and the scanty potsherds lie on the surface of the ground. Demetrius of Scepsis may have been deceived by the appearance of the soil ; he may have supposed the Trojan walls to be hidden under a small natural rampart, which projects to some distance and encloses the site in some places ; but it really consists of nothing but gravel and sand. Mr. Calvert has excavated a number of tombs close to this site. If we may judge from the contents of the tombs, they would belong to poor villagers. Another curiosity of the estate is the tumulus of Hanaï Tepeh, of which I shall treat hereafter. Between the estate and Hissarlik are small heights covered with oaks, low shrubs, and bushes. At a short distance to the south rises a tumulus called Pasha Tepeh, which has been excavated by Mrs. Schlie- mann, and which I shall describe hereafter.7 To the north-east of it is the Turkish village of Chiblak or Tchiplak (a word which means " naked "), with its minaret lately built with the stones I excavated at Hissarlik. This tumulus is situated on a neck of land which projects thence in a westerly direction for half a mile further into the Plain of Troy, and whose last spur dominates the swamp of the Kalifatli Asmak. On this sort of promontory Webb8 places ancient Troy. But his map is in confusion, for he says that this promontory is to the east of Ilium and to the south-east of Chiblak, whereas it is to the south of the former and to the west of the latter. Webb9 supposes that there were two springs at the foot of the site, which formed a swamp. But there are no springs ; there are only low lands which are inundated at the period of the high waters. He commits a further error in making the Kalifatli Asmak come from Chiblak, and in identifying the tumulus of Aesyetes with Besika Tepeh. The facts are, as M. Burnouf writes to me, that « lui. p. 598. ' See Chapter XII. • P. Barker Webb, Topographie da la Troada, p. 55. 0 Ibid. p. 55. No. 22. The Hill which entends from Pnaha Tepeh, In tha form of α emolí promontory, to tbe PUiu. the littlo promontory consists of a horizontal limestone rock 290 mètres = 951 ft. long by 1C to 90 mètres = 52 to 295 ft. broad ; the two lower spurs, ί and a, advance from it to the north-west and south-west. (See the Plan, No. 22.) On the hill A' are to be found only a few fragments of red modern pottery. Advancing towards A, the quantity of vase- fra"inent3 increases, but the pottery is the same, wheel-made, and dull rcd. There is no fragment of hand-polished pottery, no frag ment of a saddle-quern, or of other ancient objects. The accumulation of debris here and there hardly amounts to 1 inch ; below it is the naked rock. But there are frag menta of white or coloured marble, some of which are sculptured. The hill is crossed by the footpath which leads from Kalifatli by Pasha Tepeh to Chiblak. In the dale at the southern foot of the hill is the little rivulet of Chiblak, which is hardly 3 ft. wide, and generally dry ; it passes in front of the little promontory A', feeds the reeds in the plain, and dis charges into the Kalifatli Asmak at about 300 mètres = 984 ft. below the \illage of this name. To the south-east of Chiblak Mount Grargarus, now called Kaz Dagh, lifts up its head in the far distance. Immediately to the south-west, south, and east, is the site of Novum Ilium, the walls of which may still be traced in a number of places. Its extent would imply that it may have had from 40,000 to 50,000 inhabitants. The accumula tion of debris on its site is generally from 6 to 16 ft. deep. The surface is covered with Hellenic and Koman potsherds, as well as with fragments of marble sculptures and columns, which testify to the ancient magnifi cence of the town. As before explained, the hill of Hissarlik is the spur of a continuous ridge, which Strabo well describes by tho words συνεχή? ράχις,10 because it runs for 12 miles in an easterly direction. It is partly covered with oaks, and apparently terminates in Mount Oulou Dagh, which I have tried to identify with the Homeric Callicolone. Between this ridge and the heights of Blioetcum is the beautiful plain called Halil Ovasi, from 1 to 1\ mile in breadth and 4 miles in length, which ia traversed by the Simoifl, and extends to the foot of the hill upon which aro the ruins of Ophrynium : in this valley, which forms part of the great Plain of Troy, at a distance of 2^ miles, lies the Turkish village of Halil Eli. Another branch of the same valley extends from this village along tho Simoia to beyond the pretty Turkish village of Doumbrek, which is at a distance of 8 miles from Hissarlik. This second valley is of wonderful fertility; its orchards are full of peach-trees, almond-trees, pear-trees, and the like In the steep rocky slope close to Hissarlik, a large theatre has been 10 Strabo. xiii. D. 599. I lia THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJAXS. [CHAP. I. 5 VI.] ZOOLOGY OP THE TROAD. Ill excavated, with a stage 197 ft. broad, and apparently capable of contain ing 5000 persons. To judge from the fragments of sculptured marble I have dug up there, it appears to belong to the Macedonian time. It was probably built by Lysimachus, and was one of the favours he conferred upon Novuiu Ilium.11 . . Immediately to the east of this theatre, directly below the ruins of the town-wall of Novum Ilium, and exactly Son mètres or 399 yds. from Hissarlik, is the spring, whose water has, as before mentioned, a tempera ture of 14"·6 Celsius (58°'28 Fahrenheit). It is enclosed to a height of 6^ ft. by a wall of large stones joined with cement, 9] ft. in breadth, and in front of it there are two stone troughs for watering cattle. A second spring, which is likewise still below the ruins of the ancient town- wall, is exactly 725 metres (793 yds.) distant from Hissarlik. It had a similar enclosure of large stones, 7 ft. high and 5 ft. broad, and has the same temperature. But it is out of repair : all the stones of the enclosure have been taken away by the villagers for building purposes, and the water no longer runs through the stone pipe, but along the ground before it reaches the pipe. After these two springs, exactly 945 mètres or 1033yds. from Hissarlik, is a third spring. It is copious and runs out through two stone pipes placed side by side in an enclosure com posed of large stones joined with earth, which rises to a height of 7 ft. and is 23 ft. broad. The temperature of the spring is from 14°'3 to 15° Celsius (57°'74 to 59° Fahr.). In front of the spring are six stone troughs, placed so that the superfluous water runs from the first through all the others. All these enclosures and troughs are of Turkish masonry and manufacture. These three springs were of course insufficient for the vast population of Novum Jlium ; a large quantity of water was conse quently brought also from the Upper Thymbrius by the great aqueduct already mentioned, which still spans the lower course of that river. § VI. ZOOLOGY. OP THE THOAD. Barker AVebb writes :l " The zone of forests with which the Gárgaras is surrounded is probably in the same state of wild nature in which it was at the time of the Trojan war; even at a much more advanced stage of civilization it preserved the same aspect, for LiLanius informs us that the mountains of Ida were inhabited by a peculiarly wild species of bear ;2 nay, Cresconius Corippus, at a later period, describes the same wild scene as existed at the time of Homer and as still exists to-day.3 These forests are peopled by bears, wolves, and a race of animals, probably jackals, which, we hear, pursue their prey in bands. Mount Ida is still the μήτηρ θηρών (mother of wild beasts), and, if we believe the in habitants of the country, even tigers are sometimes seen there." I will here make some extracts from Tchihatcheíf4 on the Zoology of the Troad : " Jackal (Chacal) is a Persian word. The wolf, described by Aristotle and Pliny under the name of Ococ, is identical with the jackal. 11 Strabo, xiii. p. Γ>93. 1 Topojrctpliie da la Troade, p. 113. J Libaníus, Epist. 14G. * Flavii Crescon. Coripp. .Tnhannidos. 4 Asís Mineure : Desar. phys. p. 592 fE The lion, so well known to Homer, in the time of Herodotus5 still inha bited the country between the rivers Nestus6 and Achelous7 (between the present Missolonghi and Salónica), so that he calls it infested by lions. Aristotle a reproduces the delimitation of the country inhabited by lions as drawn by Herodotus. Parthenius,9 who lived about 50 B.c., says that the hunter Euanippus hunted lions and boars in Thessaly. Aelian,10 who flourished in the beginning of the third century of our era, mentions lions and bears on Mount Pangaeus in Thrace. An Homeric hymn u mentions lions, panthers, bears, and wolves on Mount Ida. According to Aelian,1 there were lions in Armenia. According to Constiintine Porphyro- genitus,2 lions existed in Cappadocia. The medals of Tarsus represent a lion devouring a bull. It appears that the lion had already in the time of Hadrian (117-138 A.D.) left the districts which it had inhabited in Europe. Lions were still seen in Asia Minor in the sixteenth century of our era ; but they have now completely deserted the peninsula. AVe lofirn from the Bible,3 that lions were very common in Palestine and Syria. That they were bold enough to attack, not only flocks guarded by shepherds, but wayfarers on the roads, is shown by the lions killed by Samson (Judg. xiv. 5, G) and by David (I Sam. xvii. 34), and by the lion that slew the disobedient prophet (1 Kings xiii. 24). The lion is a constant image of strength and courage, violence and oppression, in innumerable passages, especially of Job, the Psalms, the Proverbs, and the Prophets; and ho is the symbol of the tribe of Judah, and of tho Messiah himself (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Rev. v. 5). Tho retrograde movement of the lion seems at first sight the more difficult to explain, as the countries which it inhabited underwent an immense decrease of population. But the cause is to be found in this very decrease of population and domestic animals. Panthers are no longer found in the Troad, but they are still seen iu the environs of Smyrna. Boars are very frequent in all the mountains of Phrygia and in those of the Troad, which appear to have been one of the most ancient residences of this pachyderm. But it must be distinctly understood that our domestic pig does not descend from the Sus scroplm, or boar, but from the wild pig of India. " Horses are very numerous in the Troad. We know from the testi mony of Homer that Asia Minor and Thrace were celebrated for their horses. According to the Bible,4 Solomon (1000 B.C.) had 12,000 horse men ; Isaiah (700 B.C.) speaks of the cavalry of the Israelites, and mentions the horse as serving for agricultural purposes. Asses, mules, oxen, goats, camels, and sheep, are equally plentiful. The wool of Phrygia and of Miletus was very celebrated in antiquity, for Aristophanes thrice5 mentions that the Athenians imported their wool for the manu facture of cloth from Phrygia and Miletus. Herodotus * represents 5 Herodotus, vu. 12G. * The present Karasu or Malato, to the east of Salónica. 7 Probably the Aspropotamus, in Liva lia. * Hist. Animal, viii. 28. " Ed. Passau; Leipzig! 1824. 10 Hist. Animal, iii. 13. 11 ffi/mn. in Venerem, vv. 69, 199. 1 Hat. Animal, χτϋ. 31. ~ Da Themat., \. Them. Armeniacum. * Jeremiah v. 6 ; ilix. 19 ; Solomon's Song, ir. ». . 4 2 Chronicles, i. 14·. 4 In Ao., rerse 493 ; in Lysist., vei-hc 730 ; and in Han., verse 549. β ν 49 ι 112 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. Phrygia as the richest country in the world for flocks. Appian informs us that on the shores of the Pontus the abundance of cattle was so great that, when Lucullus besieged Amisus (Samsoun), the price of an ox was 1 drachma (about 1 franc), and that of other animals in proportion. " Of the eight different species of oxen only the ox (Bos taurus) and the buffalo (Bos bubalus) are found in Asia Minor. Independently of the little advanced state of industry and agriculture, the development of the bovine race finds in this country rather unfavourable conditions, owing to its mountainous formation and the nature of its pasture-grounds. These are generally composed of an herbage more or less short, which is excellent for sheep, goats, and even horsea, but not good for oxen. Milk, cheese, and meat, being furnished here almost exclusively by sheep and goats, the use of the ox is limited to tho needs of agriculture ; and as this is here but very little developed, the number of oxen and buffaloes is naturally inconsiderable. Varro7 mentions very wild bulls (perferi loves) in Dardania (the Troad), as well as in Thrace and Media; but these certainly do not remind us of the present bulls of Asia Minor, which are so quiet and inoffensive. "Aelian8 informs us that the laws of Phrygia condemned to death any one who killed an ox destined for the plough. This proves either the great scarcity of this animal, or the great development of agri culture. Varro,9 Pliny,10 Valerius Maximus,1 and Columella,2 also inform us that the ancients had such a respect for the ox, as indispensable for agriculture, that they decreed death to any one who killed one. " The buffalo is very common, and frequently serves instead of oxen for the labours of agriculture. Of camels, the only species found here is the Ganielus Bactriamts. That this species wag known in Assyria, which has close relations with Asia Minor, is proved by the appearance of the two-humped camel among the tributes brought to king Shalmaneser III. (B.C. 840), on the famous black obelisk in the British Museum. This animal seems to have been unknown in Asia Minor and Greece in high antiquity, for Herodotus3 attributes the victory of Cyrus over Croesus at Sardis to the presence of camels in the Persian army, which were unknown until then, and the bight of which frightened the Lydian cavalry. "The stag (oervus elaplius) is rare, whereas the deer (Cervus dama) and the roebuck (Cervus capriolus) are very abundant. Of gazelles, the Antilope Dorcas is the most frequent. "The ornitliologwal Fauna is very rich, but little known. Crows, ravens, partridges (both red and grey), quails, as well as storks, are very abundant. The part which the stork plays in the physiognomy of the landscape is particularly due to the respect shown to him : this respect is such that he is everywhere inviolable, and his presence is regarded as a good omen. According to Rosenmuller, the word CJiasidah, by which the stork is named in the Bible, signifies 'pious.'" ' De Se Rust. ii. 11 10 II. N. viii. 70. 4. • Hist. Animal, îii. 54. · De Be Bust, ii. 5. 1 viii. 8. * Da lie Bust. TÍ. · i. 79,80. § VI.] ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. 113 I must mention, however, that the storks build their nests only ou the houses of Turks, or on walls and trees, never on the houses of the Christians ; for while the former have a sort of veneration for the stork, the latter call it the sacred bird of the Turks, and do not suffer it to build nests on their houses. The Turks, on the contrary, can never have too many storks' nests on their houses. There are houses in Bounarbashi with four, six, eight, ten, and even twelve storks' nests on one and the same flat roof. Cranes do not remain in the Troad during the summer, but migrate nortlmaid in immense swarms in March, and return in August to more congenial climes. As Homer never mentions storks, though they must have been at all times plentiful in the Troad, I am inclined to think that he includes under the word yépavot both storks and cranes. Nothing pan be more beautiful than his description of the passage of these birds : "The Trojans went with clanging and noise like birds; as when the clanging of the cranes rises in the face of heaven, who, after having escaped the winter and the tremendous rain, fly with loud cries over the streams of Ocean, bearing murder and destruction to tho Pygmaean race. There are various species of vultures in the Plain of Troy, but only one species of eagle. This has a very dark plumage, nearly black, in consequence of which M. Burnouf holds it to be identical with the Homeric Trepwoc, of which the poet says: "Zeus, the counsellor, heard him (Priam), and forthwith sent an eagle, the king of birds, a dark bird of chase, which men also call perenos."5 There is also a small bird in the plain with a beautiful plumage, which M. Burnouf holds to be identical with the Homeric Cymindis, called Chaléis by the gods. Tho reader will remember that Sleep, in tho shape of this bird, sat hidden in the foliage among the houghs of a pine-tree.0 Owls are here even still more plentiful than in Athens. Some species of them have a beautiful plumage; they used to make 4 //. ¡¡i. 2-6 : Tpais ¡LCV K\ayyy τ' tvciry τ' 1σαιι, ípi>i9es Sis, 17ÛT6 Tttf K\ayy)¡ ytpaviav π€λ« aùpav/ίβι πρί, <¿ τ' ««1 οίι/ χειμώνα φύγαν καΐ αβέσφατον ΰμβραν, K\a.yyy ral γε πέτονται ¿π' 'Ω.κ(αναΐα ραάων, ανδρίσι Πυγμαίοισι φάνον /cal χήρα φίραυσαι. 1 //. xxiv. 314-31G: is ίφατ' ευχόμενος, του δ' f κλιχ μ-ητίίτα Zfús. αυτίκα 5' aicrbv ηκε, τί\*ι6τα.τον irerenvav, μάρφναν θηαητηρ', ί,ν καί περκνύν κα,\έουσιν. There ein be no doubt that μορφι/âs means •Hi k coloured (μί'λαι) ; according to Hesychius, it is related to ίρφιτη, which appears to be con firmed by the word TrepKvis (also ircpros in Aristotle), because the verb πιρκάζαν, which has th« same root, is used for grapes which are «ginning to turn black. " Λ. xiv. 289-29] : ' αζαιαιν πίπυκασμένο! et\mlvouTor, , Χαλκίδα κικλήοτκοιηπ θεοί, AvSpts δε κύμινίιν. The Scholiast ot'Venice, interpreting the ñamo Χαλ/fís, Bays (ad Iliad, xiv. 291): "Some people say that Χαλκί; is the mother of the Cory- bantes " (oí St TÍ¡V μτγτ4ρα. των Κορυβάντων Χαλκίδα φααίν). He adds that, according to the traditions, this bird was nothing else but α metamorphosed heroine, and that its name was derived either from its copper-coloured plumage, or from the circumstance that, during her life time, the heroine dwelt at Chaléis in Euboe.i. As we shall see in the subsequent pages, tha Corybantes were celebrated metallurgists in the service of Rhea and practised divination on the island of Samothruce. Professor Sayce observes to me, that, "if κύμινδιι in the langnage of men—that is, in the language of the natives— had the «ame meaning as the Greek Χαλκ/s or ' bronze-coloured,' we might compare it with ¡τκάμανδροί, the Greek equivalent of which was ¿apffa't, and derive them both from » root or stem sltamand, signifying 'yellow.'" THE COUNTRY OP THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I their nests in the holea of my trenches, and annoyed us a great deal, particularly at night, hy their doleful und hideous cries. Snakes are very frequent in the Troad ; in fact, so much ao that, were it not for the storks which eat them, the Plain would abound with them. There are a great many different species of snakes, and among them many are very poisonous ; but, as before mentioned, the most poisonous of all is said to be a small adder, not larger than a worm, which is called αυτή\ιον by the present Trojans, probably because they fancy that a person bitten by it can only live till sunset. The pools of the Plain of Troy abound with water-snakes, some of which are said to be venomous. As tortoises are not eaten, both land and water tortoises are very abundant ; in fact, it would not be difficult to catch some hundreds of them in α day. All the water-pools in the Plain of Troy are also very rich in annelids of the sucker class, particularly in medicinal leeches and horse leeches; the former, indeed, are so plentiful that an oke = 2^ Ibs. troy is sold for 10 francs = 8s. sterling, so that a pound of leeches would cost only 3s. 2c7. The devouring locusts (Grillus migratoriiis) are very common. They sometimes make their devastating visits for several years in succession. Very common also is the Kermes (Coccus tlicis), which inhabits the evergreen oak (Querciis ilex) and the Quercus coccifera. I am indebted to Professor Virchow for the following report on the Conchylia which he has brought from the Troad. He collected them partly in his excursions in the Troad, partly in my excavations. The report was read on the 17th of June, 1879, by Herr von Martens, at the session of the Gesellschaft naturforscliender Freunde at Berlin. " 1. LAND SNAILS.—Ilyalina Injdatina (Eossm.), found at Kourn Kaleh, at the mouth of the Seamander. Helix vermiculata (Müll.). Helix Táurica (Kryncki ; radiosa, Ziegler ; Bossmiissler, fig. 45G), from the Ida moun tains. Helix figulina, (Parr). Helix variabilis (Drap). Another Helix of the group of the Xerophils. Helix Gantiana (Montague), near Koum Kaleh. Buliminus tuberculaius (Turton), also from Koum Kaleh. Buli- minus Niso (Eisso ; seductilis, Ziegler) : this species was hitherto sup posed not to be found in Asia Minor. Stenogyra decollóla. (L.). " 2. FRESHWATER GONCHYLIA.—Limnaea c.uricularia (L.), from the Scamauder. Melanopsis praerosa (L.), var. Ferussaci (Eoth.) ; numerous in the Bounarbashi Su. Melanopsis costata (Oliv.), found on the strand of the Hellespont near Ehoeteum. Neritina Syriaca, var. Trojana (Char pentier) ; found in the Bounarbashi Su, together with M. praerosa. "3. MARINE CONCHYLIA. (H., on the shore of the Hellespont near Rhoeteum. A., collected alive in the Gulf of Adramyttium, at Assos.)—H. Conus Nediterraneus (Hwass). H. Columbella rustica (L.). H. A. Nassa neritea (L.). H. Ceritliium vulyatum, var. yulclidlum (Phil.). H. Cerithium Mediierraneum (Desh.). H. Cerithium scabrum (Olivi). H. A. Troclius articulaius (Lamarck as Honodonta). A. Troclius divaricatus (L.). H. Troclius albidus (Gmelin ; Biasolettii, Phil.). H. Troclius Adrialicus (Phil.). H. Patella Tarentina (Salis ; Lam.). H. Dentalium Tarentinum (Lam.). H. Anomia cepa (L.). Pectén gWber (L., from the Dardanelles). ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. llo H A. Mytilus editlis (L.). H. Mytilus minimus (Poli). A. Cardita sul- cata (Brug.). H. Gardium edule (L.), var. rmticum (Lam.). H. Lucina leucoma (Turt. ; láctea, auct.). H. Cijtherea Gliione (L.). H. Venus ver- rticosa (L.). Venus gallina (L.), in the sand of the serail at Con stantinople. II. Tapes decussaius (L.). Tapes aureus (Maton). H. Mactra slultoruni (L.). H. Donaœ frunculus (L.). H. Tellina tenais Dacosta, mouth of the Scarnander. H. Tellina /ragilis (L.). " In the excavations at Troy were found :— " Murcx truntulus (L.). Purpura haemasfoma (L.). Columlella rus tica. Ceritliium milgatum, var. spinosuin (Philippi). Oijpraea lurida (L.). Troclius articulaius (Lam.). Patella cacrulea (L.). Ostrea lamellosa (lírocchí). Spondylus gaederopus (L.). Pectén ylaler (L.). Pectén glalxi; var. sulcatus (Born). Pectimculus pilosus (L.). Pectuncidus violascens (Liim.). Mytilus edulis (L.), var. Galloprovincialis (Lam.) ; very numerous. Cardium edule (L.), var. rusticuin (Lain.) ; very numerous. Venus ver- rucosa (L.). Tapes decussaius (L.). Solen marginatus (Pultcney ; va/jina, auct.). " Murex truncidus and Purpura haemastoma have probably served for the manufacture of purple. This is the more likely, as precisely these two occur in peculiarly sharp angular fragments, such as are not found at present either on the seashore or in kitchen-iniddena. But, as Aristotle and Pliny expressly state, the purple-fish were violently broken for the manufacture of purple. Murex trunculiis is the very kind which was already found in 1811 by Lord Valentía, and later by Dr. Wilde (1839-1840), in the ruins of Tyre, and was recognized as the purple-fish ; it was found also in the Morea by Bory St. Vincent. Puryura haemastoma serves the fishermen of Minorca at the present day for marking their shirts. It was used by Lacaze-Duthiers for his well- known researches on purple; but as far as we know, no specimen of it, preserved from antiquity, had hitherto been known This Trojan specimen is therefore of capital interest. We may conclude from the statement of Aristotle 7 that the industry of purple-dyeing flourished on the coast of the Troad, as well as that a large species of purple-fish was found near Sigeum. The knowledge of purple among the Greeks goes back to a very remote period, as is proved by numerous passages in the Homeric poems, which mention purple, sometimes in its proper sense for dyeing garments, sometimes in certain well-known passages, as the colour of very heterogeneous objects. "Most of the other cochleae and conchylia found in the excavations have doubtless served the Trojans or Ilians as food. Cerithium, Troclius, Patella, Ostrea, Spondylus, Pectén, Gardium, Venus, Tapes, and Solen, are precisely the kinds which the inhabitants of the Mediterranean coasts are still fond of using for food ; as well as the inhabitants of the islands in the Aegean Sea,8 of Dalmatia, of the eastein coast of Italy, and of Southern France. In some parts of the Upper Adriatic, even the ancient Greek names of these cochleae and conchylia are preserved. 7 Hist. Animal, v. 15. * See Tournefort's Tratéis into the Leiant, Lonil. 1718 116 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. I. § VU·] THE FLORA OF THE TROAD. 117 Thus Oerithium vulgatum is called strombolo in the fish-market of Spalatro. I>y the stmnibos of the ancient Greeks we are to understand this peculiar species, and not the general conception of a cochlea with spiral con volutions. It is therefore of interest to find the Cerithiuni among the antiquities of Troy. The ancient authors took their statements on sea- animals essentially from the months of fishermen and lovers of delicacies ; but such only know and name what is of practical interest to them. How important the cochleae and couchylia were as food to the ancient Greeks we see from the comedies, as well as from the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus. On the other hand, it appears strange that we find no mention made of them in the Iliad and Odyssey. _ A passage in the lliarl,9 which compares the mor tally-wounded Hebriones, precipitated from his chariot, to a diver who searches for τήθεα, has indeed been referred to oysters; but as this word does not occur again'in Homer, whereas the very similar τήθυον means in Aristotle and others merely ascidia (aaießta, acephalous molluscs), which still serve on the Mediter ranean coast as food for men, that interpretation is at least doubtful. The Homeric poems describe chiefly the royal festive meals of sacrificial meats, not the daily food of the common people. Wo hesitate to regard as remains of food only tho Columbella, on account of its smallness; the Trocltua arttculatus, on account of its good preservation; and the Pectunculus, on account of its perforation, which may perhaps be artificial. These species may have been used as ornaments or· toys." § VII. THE FLOHA OF THE TKOAD." " Most of the plains and hills of the Troad abound with trees, par ticularly with that kind of oak which yields the valonea (from /3άλαι«κ, ' acorn '), called Quercus aegilops. The road from Bounarbashi to Alex- andria-Troas leads through an almost uninterrupted forest of these oaks, mixed here and there with some nettle-trees (Geltis Tournefortiî). If left to its natural development, this oak grows majestically ; but as the oaks are annually beaten with poles in order to knock off the acorns, they are often much deformed. The acorns are gathered a little before maturity ; they are thrown into heaps, and after a slight fermentation the acorn detaches itself from the cup. Only this latter' is used. It is exposed to the air, and as soon as it is completely dry it can be used for tanning. This is the most important produce of the Troad, and is largely exported to England. There is another variety of oak, the leaves of which have both surfaces of an identical green colour, and scarcely at all villous (Quercus trojnna, Nob.). On all the low and barren hills flourish two other kinds of oak, the infectaría and the cocci/era, or rather Quercus pseudo-coccifera, which rarely exceed the size of a shrub. The former of these shrubs produces the gall-nut or oak-apple of commerce, » x-d. 74G, 747 : (Ι δη που Kctl πόντφ lu Ιχβυίςιπι ytiiono, iro\\oùs &v Kop4ffciEir àifjjp o5f r^de 10 Not being n botnnUt myseif, I think I cannot do better than quote here a translation of the leained dissertation which the accomplished botanist P. B-irker Webb gives on the flora of the Troad : Topographie de la Troada aru¡¡enne et moderne, pp. 115-123. ι ' h is nothing else than an excrescence in the form of a walnut, duced by the sting of an insect ; the latter yields the small red grains f the dyers, produced by a similar cause: but in the Troad none of those objects are used, or even gathered. " Homer is an admirable painter of the beauties of physical nature. One of his characteristic qualities is to sketch by a few masterly strokes the most simple objects and the distinct qualities of each object. Ho dt sei ibes to us the Plain of the Scamauder, where the Greek army was drawn up in battle array—' they stood on Scamandcr's flowery meadow.' l Ho tell* us that it was coverád with flowers, just as we see it now. When the soldiers return to their tents, they give their horses the Lotus and Apium, with which the swamps are covered.2 When Hephaestus, yield- inn· to the prayers of Here, kindles a great fire on the banks of the Scamander, 'the elms, the willows, and the tamarisk-shrubs burned; and the lotus burned too, and the reeds, and the gallingale, which grew abundantly about the fair streams of the river.'3 In another passage4 we find also mentioned the μυρΐκαι and the S).9 By the Eoman poets the names Teucrians and Trojans are employed as 1 ii. 118; v. 13. 2 Apoll, ni. 12, § l : Ήλί'κτραϊ St τηί "Ατ- \avTos nal Διλί Ιασίων καί Λάρδανα; èyévovTO. Ιασίων μίν ουν, ipaaaeÍs ΛημητρΟ! και βί\ων καταιιτχνναι την dfov, KepauvoÜTat, AapSavos St ¿irl τψ βανάτφ του àSf\if>aû \υπούμ(νο!, 2α- μοβράκην απσλιπων fis την àvTÎTtepa ήπαρον í*9e. Ταύτη! Sé i0atl'i\tuf TfÛKpos ποταμού Σκαμάνδρου καί νύμιρης'Ιδαίαί · αφ' οα καί oí την χιάραν νιμίμινοί TcvKpot προοτηγορίύαντο. "ΐπ<" Segels 5è ύττίι του /)αο·ίλί'ωϊ καί λαβαν μίροί T5s γΐΐ καί την ίκ(ίνοα OuyaTipa Βάτ6ιαι·, Δάρ- δανον fKTia-f n¿\tv, πλιυτήσ-αντοί Sé "Ttúiepou TT)V χωράν άπασαν Δαρδανίαν ixa\eirt. * In all probability the small city on the Bali Dugli behiml Bounarbashi. 1 Heruil. v. 122 and τϋ. 43. a Herod, vii. 20: ¡ifae τ&ν Μυσίαν TÍ καί Ύίυκραν, τ'ον irpi τ5>ι> 'Τρωικών ytvAp.fi/ov, οι SiaßxvTfs is την Ε,υρώνην κατά ϋοσποαον, ΤΟΙΪΓ τί ορήϊκαί κατίοτρέψαντο πάντα! καί Μ την Ίόνιον πίντον κατί^ηααν μέχρι Te Πηναου ποταμού το irpbs μfμ&τίρν\ν καΐ ημετ^ρην αάφα σίδα, Τρωάϊ γαρ μΓγάρφ μ€ Tpov μ€γά\ην, airo δε των τόπων Ίδαίαν καί Δινουμηνην καί 2,πτυ\ήνην καί ΠΕσίΓΐι/ουντίδα καί Kuj3e'Ar¡i/ [Κυβηβιμί]. 8 Strabo, xiii. p. 588. > Strabo. vu. p. 295 ; xii. p. 542. 5 I here call attention to the name of the ancient city of Ccbrcno in the Troad. 3 Here Strabo evidently means by the former Asius the son of Hyrtacus, the leader of the troops from Abydos, of whom he speaks at p. 585, whilst at p. 586 he tells us that the district of Abydus was held by the Bebrycians, a Thracian race (pp. 295, 542), and was sub sequently occupied by Thracians, who had pro bably newly immigrated. All, therefore, that he shows us by the name Asius ià, that it ex isted in Thrace and in Phrygia. 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 590: í¡v S( καί Ιν mÍAis Άρ'ισβα, rçs την χωράν Ιχουσι μναίοι · fOTí δε καί ποταμΰ5 'Apirrßos ίν θρακρ, Simrtp tïpTjTai, Κα! τούτου πλησίον αϊ Κ(βρήνιοι θρακ«. iroAAal S' ομωνυμίαι θρα|! καί Ύρωιτίν, οίον ^καιοί θρα«€ΐ TLVCS καί ^Kaios ποταμέ καί 2καιαν τ fixas καί ¿ι/Τροία ΣκαιαίπύΑαι· HáVdiai θρακ«, Ξάνβοί ποταμοί ίν Τροία· "Αρισβοί ο ¿μβάλλων els τον "Εβρον, Αρίσβη ¿ν Τροία· *P/i Antiq. Rom. \. 02 : is μίν δη καί το Τρω- ÏKOJ/ ytvos 'ΕΑΑηΐΊκον αρχηθίν %ν, μοι. §Ι·] CONNECTION WITH THE PHOENICIANS. 135 Aeneas is predicted the future dominion over Troy: "But now the 'chtv Aeneas shall reign over the Trojans, and his sons' sons, who "hall be born hereafter." * The genealogy of the royal house of Dardania Presents, as Aldenhoven2 observes, some strange iiaines, which make ïîm think that they are of Phrygian origin. I think it not out of place to cite here the following words of Grote : " According to the Trojan legend, it was under proud Laomedon, son of Ilus, that Poseidon and Apollo underwent, by command of Zeus, α temporary servitude; the former building the walls of the town, the latter tending the flocks and herds. Whe» their task was completed, they claimed the stipulated reward; but Laomedon angrily repudiated their demand, and even threatened to cut off their ears, to tie them hand and foot, and to sell them in some distant island as slaves.4 He was unibhcd' for this treachery by a sea-monster, whom Poseidon sent to ravage his fields and to destroy his subjects. Laomedon publicly offered tiie fmmortal horses given by Zeus to his father Tros, as a reward to any one who would destroy the monster. But an oracle declared that a virgin of noble blood must be surrendered to the monster, and the lot fell upon Hesione, daughter of Laomedon himself. Herakles, arriving at this critical moment, killed the monster by the aid of a fort built for him by Athene and the Trojans,5 so as to rescue both the exposed maiden and the people ; but Laomedon, by a second act of perfidy, gave him mortal horses in place of the matchless animals which had been promised. Thus defrauded of his due, Herakles equipped six ships, attacked and captured Troy, and killed Laomedon,8 giving Hosione to his friend and auxiliary Telamón, to whom she bore the celebrated archer Teucros.7 A painful sense of this expedition was preserved among the inhabitants of the historical town of Ilium, who offered no worship to Herakles."8 I have cited all this in order to show that a link of connection seems to have existed between Troy and Phoenicia, for, as Mr. Gladstone has ingeniously endeavoured to show,9 a connection with Poseidon frequently denotes Phoenician associations; and further, as Mullenhof has proved, in his Deutsche Altertlinniskunde™ Herakles is the representative of the Phoenicians. This has also been pointed out by Professor Sayce, who says : " The whole cycle of myths grouped about the name of Herakles points as clearly to a Semitic source as does the myth of Aphrodite and Adonis."1 The Homeric Cilicians (Kt'Xt/cec) of the Troad inhabited the plain of the Hypoplakian Thebes, and appear, according to Strabo,2 to have been of the same race as the inhabitants of the later Gilicia. 1 II. \\. 307, 308 : νυν δ( Sí] AiVcíao βίη Τρωεσσιν ai/á|ti (tal παίδων Taîôes, τοί K6V μπόττισθ* -γίνωνται. 1 Ud'nr d'is neuentdcctte Trota. 3 History of Greece, i. p. 2G4. 1 II. vii. 452,453 ; sxi. 451-456 ; Hesiod. op. Schol. Lycophr. 393. 5 II. xx. 145 ; Dionys. i. 52. • II. v. 640-642. ' Diodorns, iv. 32-49. Compare Schol. Venet. ad Iliad, viil. 284. 3 Strabo, xiii. p. 596. 9 See his Preface to my Mycenae, pp. vin. and xxiv. w \V. Christ, Die Topographie der Troian. Eliene, p. 225. 1 Contemporary Reiieta, December 1878. J Strabo, viii. p. 376 ; xiv. p. 676. 12G ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. Π. THE AEOLIAN COLONIZATION. 127 The Leleges (AéXeyec) aro often brought into connection with the Carians. In fact, according to Herodotus,3 the former was merely tho ancient name of the latter ; Homer, however, mentions the Leleges and Curiana as two distinct peoples. But we also find the Leleges in Greece, as a very ancient and wide-spread race, dating from a pre-Hellenic time. They are mentioned by Homer side by side with the Pelasgians.4 The little troop of Lelcges, of whom the Iliad speaks, occupied the district to the east of Cape Lectura.* .Regarding the Pelasgians, I think I cannot do better than give here an extract from a letter of Professor Sayce published in the Academy of the 25th of January, 1879 : "I do not intend to dispute tho existence of tribes called by the Greeks Pelasgians. But to turn these into a particular race or people is quite a different matter. It is true that Greek writers, from Homer and Hesiod downward; mention Pelasgians, but if we examine their statements we find that the term is used in two (or perhaps three) senses : firstly, as denoting a certain Greek tribe which inhabited Thessaly during the heroic age ; and secondly, as equivalent to our own term ' pre-historic.' In the first sense it is used twice in the Iliad (ii. 681 and xvi. 233). In two other Homeric passages of later date (11. x. 429 ; Od. xix. 177), the name has passed into the region of mythology, and a way has accordingly been prepared for the use of it by later writers to denote those populations of Greece and its neighbourhood which we should now call pre-historic, or whose origin and relationship were unknown. (For this employment of the word, see Herodotus, i. 110 ; i. 56 ; ii. 56 ; viii. 41 ; vii. 94 ; ii. 51 ; v. 20 ; vi. 138.) The name is more especially applied, to the natives of Thrace, who seem to have belonged to the Illyrian stock (see Herodotus, i. 50 ; Thucydide«, iv. 109). It is probable, therefore, that there were tribes on the coastland of Thrace who were known as Pelasgians ; and, since the same name is also found in Mysia (77. ii. 840-3), it is probable that it was a word of general meaning, like so many of the names of early Greek ethnology, and accordingly applied to tribes of different origin and race. Hence Pischel's etymology, which makes Πελασγοί a compound of the roota we have in πέραν and et/w (ya), and so meaning ' the further- goers ' or ' emigrants,' becomes very probable. "AVe now know enough of the languages of Italy, Greece, Albania, and Asia Minor, to be able to lay down that, although all probably belonging to the Indo-European stock, they are as distinct fiom one another as Latin and Greek. Indeed, it is still doubted by some philo logists whether Albanian should be classed as an Aryan language at all. However this may be, I am quite willing to allow that it is very probably a descendant of the ancient Illyrian or Thracian, and I will not quarrel with any one who wishes to call the latter Pelasgian. But it must be remembered that we know nothing about the Pelasgian language or 3 Ilerodot. i. p. 171. 4 11. X. 429; Hecat. ap. Strab. vil. p. 321, ïii. p. 572. s Strabo, xiii. p. 605 : ή γαρ ατό του Λίκτου ράχΐί, ανατιμούσα πραΐ την "Ίδη?, «rep/tew« των πρώτων του κά\παυ μςρων* ¿v als πρώτο? TOAS Af\fyas Ίδρυμ&ου! δ TTOHJTÍJS s ; and that, if the ancient Thraco-Illyrian is to be called Polasgian, the latter term must be closely defined. In the oldest passages of Homer where it occurs, it is applied to Achaean Greeks, not to barbarous Thracians ; in later Greek literature, it ia merely synonymous with 'pre-historic;' while in modern times it has served as the watch word of all kinds of obsolete theories and pre-scientific fancies." Strabo informs us that after the Trojan war the whole Troad, from Cyzicus to the Caicus, was Aeolized ; that is to say, it was occupied by colonies formed by Peloponnesian Achaeans and Aeolian Boeotians, who had been driven from their homes by the Dorian invasion. As Mr. Gladstone judiciously observes, Homer was not awaro of tho existence of Aeolians, only of Aeolids. But in tho later Greek tradition we have numerous notices of Aeolians as settled in various parts of Greece. In Homer α variety of persons and families, holding the highest stations and playing important parts in the early history, are descended from or connected with Aeolus, a mythical eponymist, but of an Aeolian tribe he is ignorant.6 According to Thucydides,7 the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus took place 80 years, according to Strabo9 GO years—that is, two gene rations—after the Trojan war; according to Pausiinias,9 in the time of Orestes. Tansanias seems probably to be in the right, for the dynasty of the Pelopids appears to have ceased at Mycenae with the death of Acgisthus, which occurred in the eighth year after the murder of Agamem non,10 and thus about eight years after the Trojan war ; in fact, tradition says that Agamemnon's son Orestes reigned in Arcadia and Sparta, but not that he succeeded his father. Only a fearful political revolution and catastiophe, such as the Dorian Invasion, could have prevented Orestes from becoming king in Mycenae, which was the richest and most powerful State of Greece, and belonged to him as the only son of the glorious and universally lamented Agamemnon. Strabo11 says that Orestes began the emigration, that he died in Arcadia, and that his son Penthilus came as far as Thrace; whilst his other son, Archelaus, brought the Aeolian colony into the district of Cyzicus, in the neighbourhood of Dascylium. Bat Gras, the youngest son of Archelaus, penetrated as far as the river • Hornería Synchronism, p. 74. 7 i. 12. » xiii. p. 582. • viii. 5, § 1. 10 Od. IM. 305-307 : δ' ijinurpe (A¥yi (Keívou ττιραιύσαι τίιν Αιολικό? στό/ίον fis τίιν ?υ? Κνζικηνί)ν TÍ¡V irepl τι» Δασκύλιοκ- ΐραν Se το? υίο? τούτου τίιν ν(ώτατον ·προί\βοντα μίχρι του ιρανικού ποταμού καΐ trapftriceuairpívov αμ€ΐνον Trepaiaarai το ·π\ίον TÍJS στρατιαϊ fis Λ('ο-/3ο? και κάτασχαν αυτή?· Κλευη? Se TOP Δυρού καΐ Μα\αόν, καΐ αυτού? iatoy&vovs. £?τα$ Αγαμέμνονος, ffwayayíÍv μίν την- στρατιά? κατά το? αυτό? χρόνον Kaff 6? kal Π(?9ίλο$, αλλά το? μεν τον Tlev9í\ou ατό\ον <ρθ·ηναι πΐραιωβίντΛ e« τ))ΐ θρι^κηΐ fis τί)? Ασία?, TOUTOUS δί irepl τη? Λοκρίδα καΐ τα ΐρ/κιο? ¡pos διατρΓψαι π-ολυ? χρίνον, ΰστιρον Se Biaßavras κτ'ισαι τ^ν Κΰμην τ^ΐν Φρικωνίδα κ\ι\θέιαταν αττο του Λοκρικοΰ ορού;. Τω? Αΐα\ίωι> τοίναν naff 8λη? σκιία~ σθίνπαν τίιν χύραν, fy? ίΓιραμε? ύιτο του ποιητοΰ λίγατβαι Τραικήν, o¡ 'ύστερον αϊ μίν πασαν Αιολίδα Trpo? àfrrpaya^v καί TTJS ο~φαίρη5 καί των α\\έων πόσεων παιγνιεων τα εϊδεα πλήκ •¡Γείσων ' τούτων yàp ων τ}\ν εξεύρεσιν ουκ οΐ- KTfouvTtu Λυδοί. ιιοίεειν Si Säe ττρία τον λιμοί* ¿íeupdVras, την μεν Ιτερην των ημερίαν τταΐζειν νασαν, Ίνα 5)¡ μ)| ζητεοιεν σιτία, TÍ¡V Sé έτερην σιτέεσθαι παυομένου! των iraiyvtfav. τοιούτγ τρόπφ Stdyeiv ¿π·1 ίτεα δυων δέοντα είκοσι. έ·κ:ί re δε aux ανιίναι το κακόν, αλλ* επί μάλλον (Τι βιάζεσθαι, ούτω δ)] τον βαοΊ\έα αυτών δύο μοίρα? Stf\avTa Λυδώϊ/ πάντων K\TjpÓ3trat, τ^ν μεν επί μονζ, την 81 Μ έξοδα ¿κ τη! χώρη5, κα.1 im μεν τη μένε.* αυτού λαγχανοΰστι των μοιρέων έωυταν ταν βασι\εα νροστάσσειν, επί 5i TÍJ απαλ- λασσομβι/τ; TOP εωυτοΰ πάιδα, τφ οΰνομα fîinu. Ύυρσηνόν. \αχονταί 5έ αυτών TOUS trtpovs ¿ίι- fvaj. ix TTJÏ χώρηΐ, καταβτιναι is 2μΰρνην καί μηχανήσασθαι ιτλοΓα, ¿s τα ¿σθεμένους τα iravTOj όσα <τφ* ΐ\ν χρηατ& ¿ττίττΑοα, αττοτΓ\4ΐΐν κατά βίου TC κα.1 yrjt ζΊιτ-ηα-ιν, is Ä fävca ποΛλα παραμαψαμένουϊ απίκίσβαι es Όμβρικου5, ενβα, σψΕα! ¿νιορύσασθαι ποΆια: καί olxéeiv το μεχρ' τούδε, αντί 3¿ Λυδών μετονομασθ^ναι αυτούς ¿πΐ του ßafft\eos του πatδ¿s, os ffoís. LYDIANS AND ETRUSCANS. 129 they do not claim as theirs. The device adopted against the Jamiiie wag to eive up one day so entirely to playing as not to feel any waiit of food, and the next day to e-it and to stop the games. In this manner they continued for eighteen years. As the affliction lasted and even became more grievous, the king divided the nation in half, and made the two portions draw lota, the one to stay, the other to emigrate from the country ; he would remain king of those whose lot it should be to remain behind, whilst his son Tyrsenus should be the leader of the emigrants. When they had drawn lots, those who had to emigrate went down to Smyrna and built themselves vessels, in which they put all needful stores; after that they sailed away in search of land and sustenance. After having sailed past many countries, they reached Umbría, where they built cities for themselves and fixed their residence. Instead of Lydkns they called themselves after the name of the king's son, who led the colony, Tyrsenians." In these Tyrsenians the general voice of antiquity saw the Etruscans, though Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the contemporary of Strabo, main tained that neither in language, religion, laws, nor customs was there any similarity between the Lydians and Etruscans. But so firmly convinced of the relationship were most of the ancients that, according to Tacitus,3 in the time of Tiberius deputies from Sardis recited before the Eoman Senate a decree of the Etruscans, declaring their consan guinity, on the ground of the early colonization of Etruria by the T.ydians. Mommsen,4 Corssen, and other authorities, however, now agree with Dionysius. The~faet that the great cities of Etruria were inland and not maritime shows that they could not have been founded by a people who came by sea; and the native name of the Etruscans, the Easena, is evidently identical with the Ehaeti of the Khaetian Alps, whose language, according to Livy (v. 33), was similar to that of the Etru&cans. Now, Etruscan inscriptions have been found as far noith as Botzon, the phonology of which belongs to an earlier period in the history of the Etruscan language than the phonology of the inscriptions found in Etruria proper. Moreover, no relationship can be discovered between the Etruscan language, which is agglutinative, and the remains of the Lydian language, which are Aryan. If, nevertheless, the connection between Etruria and Lydia is still maintained,5 con sidering the striking resemblance of the curious pottery found at Hissarlik immediately below the ruins of Novum Ilium, with the most ancient pottery found in the cemeteries of Felsina,0 Villanova,7 and Volterra,81 think it possible that there may have been a Lydian settle- * Annal, iv. 55. 4 l.omischc Geschichte, Ί. 9. Mommaen nug- frests that the notion of a connection between r truria and Lydia arose out of α confusion between the Tursenni (more properly Ramena), corrupted by Greek pronunciation into T)r- rheni, and the Lydiau Tyrrheni, whose name, according to Xanthus, was really Torrhebi. 1 Sua George Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, i. pp. xxiv. sq. a Giovanni Gozzadini, di alcuni Sapolcri delta, Nécropole Felsinea, p. 6. 7 Giovanni Gozzadiui, la Nécropole di Villanada (1870), p. 33. 9 L. Pigoriiii, Rullettino di Paletiwlojia, anno i. Nus. 4 and 5, April and May 1875. Plate iii. Nog. 3 a anil 3 b. 130 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [CHAP. Π. ment on Mount Hissarlik contemporary with the colonization of Etruria by the Lydiuns (1044 B.C.), and that the Lyclian dominion may have been established over the whole Troad at the same epoch. Of other nations which may have sojourned for a short time in the Troad, I may ñamo the Trerians, whom Strabo mentions once as neigh bours of the Thracians.9 They invaded the north coast of Asia Minor in the seventh century B.C. in company with the Cimmerians,10 and even took Sardis, which had been already taken by the Cimmerians.1 But in another passage Strabo states that the Trerians were a Cimmerian people;2 and again in another he says that the Trerians were also called Cimmerians, or a tribe of them.3 According to Aristotle, the Cimmerians settled in Antandros on the Gulf of Adramyttium, at the foot of Ida, and remained there a hundred years. This appears to be confirmed by Pliny4 and Stephanus Byzantiuus,5 according to whom the town was formerly called Cimmeris and Edonis. Alcaeus β calls it a city of the Leleges ; Herodotus7 and Conon8 call it a Pelasgian city. How fearfully the Troad must have been devastated by these inva sions, we may conclude from the statement of a Greek historian, that the district of Lainpsacus had formerly been called Bebrycia, but that the Bebrycians had disappeared through the frequent wars.9 I have further to mention the Gauls or Galatians, who, in 279 B.C., passed over into Asia Minor, partly by the Hellespont, partly by the Thracian Bosporus,10 and spread such terror by their devastations that, according to Livy,1 " the coast of the Hellespont was given up to the Trocmi, the Tolistoboji obtained Aeolis and Ionia, the Tectosagi the inland parts of Asia, and they exacted tribute from all Asia within Taurus, while they chose their own abode about the river Halys,—so that at last even the kings of Syria did not refuse to give them tribute." But these Galatians seem not to have stopped for any length of time in the Troad, for otherwise Strabo would have known the fact through Demetrius of Scepsis, who flourished but a hundred years after the invasion of the Gauls. But as Strabo is silent on the subject, and only mentions the Gauls as living quietly in the country on the Halys, south of Paphlagonia, we may consider it as certain that they did not stay in the Troad. • i. p. 59 ; but it must be distinctly under stood that Strubo nowhere mentions that the Trerians settled for any length of time in the Troad ; he only speaks of their constant in vasions. 10 xii. p. 573. 1 xiii. p. 627. Professor Sayte calls my attention to the fact that, "according to the Assyrian inscriptions, the Gimirrai or Cim merians invaded Lydia in the time of Gyges, who sent two of their chiefs in Chains to Assur- bani-pal, the Sardanapalus of the Greeks (about u.c. 665). Subsequently Gyges assisted Psnm- metichus of Egypt in shaking off the Assyrian yoke, in consequence of which, says Assur-bani- pal, the gods punished him by causing him to be defeated and beheaded in battle by the Cim merians. His son and successor, Ardys, again sent tribute to Nineveh. See also Qd. xi. 14- 19." 2 \iv. p. G47. 1 i. p. 61. * H. K. v. 32. 5 S. ν. Κίμμίρο!. * Αρ. Strabo, xüi. p. 606. 1 vii. 42. " Xai-r. 41. » Charon in Schol. op. Rhod. 2, 2. I 10 Mcmnon Hcracl. op. Phot. i. 1. 1 See TYernsdorf, * ItepM. (Irilatt. \. p. 15. Liv. xxxviii. 16: "Trocmis Hellespont! ora data, Tolistoboji Aeolidn atque Ionian), Tectos.igi mediterránea Asiae sortiti stint, et Stipendium tota eis Tiurum Asia exigebtint, seclem autem ipsi sibi circa Halyn numen ceperunt,—ut Syriae qunque ad postremum reges Stipendium dare non ftbnuerent." The Trocmi, Tolistoboji, and Tectosages were the three raees_ or cíaos of the Gauls. §U PECULIAR SITUATION OP TROY. 131 I shall not speak in this place of the passage of the Persians, Macedonians, Komans, &c., through the Troad ; I have enumerated only those nations of whoso sojourn or devastation in this country tradition or history has preserved some record. It will be seen in the following pages that the ruins at Hisairlik bear testimony to the settlements of at least five different nations, which have succeeded each other ou the site in remote pre-historio ages. In fact the passage of nations to and fro on this spot could not have been better described than by Mr. Gladstone :2— "It appears as if the Hellespont and the immediate neighbourhood of the Bosphorus had formed a sort of hinge, upon which turned the fortunes and movements of mankind from a very remote period. Consequently I am not' surprised when I see how some powerful cause has determined the course of events actually exhibited in historical times. I am not at all surprised to find at Hissarlik the marks of an extraordinary interest attaching to that neighbourhood, and of a great number of successive races, beginning with the earliest recorded periods of civilized settlement, endeavouring to lodge themselves upon this particular spot. To me it involves no paradox, because I think it greatly supported and confirmed by what we have seen since in respect to the desirableness oí" that spot, and its importance in connection with the movements of races. The very circumstances of climate and soil may, I apprehend, be considered as rendering it a very eligible site, and therefore there is nothing strange to me in finding that a number of different peoples should have planted themselves upon the hill of Hissarlik within the course of a certain number of centuries." I also cite here what Mr. Philip Smith3 has written on the subject : " Apart even from its traditional claim to be the Ilium of Homer, Hissarlik lay in the track of the primitive migrations of the Indo- European race from their cradle in the East to their settlement in the West ; and not of one migration only, but of their passage to and fro between the shores of Asia and of Europe; as well as upon the path of their commerce and military expeditions, after they were settled in their homes. For, lest we be misled by the arbitrary distinction between the continents, which is stereotyped in the names of Asia and Europe —that is, East and West—it must be borne in mind that the Hellespont and Bosporus (as the latter name expresses) were ferries rather than sundering seas, and the islands of the Aegean were stepping-stones. The close affinities of the early settlers on both shores had long since been proved ; and, in particular, the presence of the great Pelasgo- Hellenic or Graeco-Italic family had been traced on both. The very ancient habitation of the north-western parts of Asia Minor by the lonians—the Oriental name of the whole Hellenic race—long before their traditional colonization from the peninsula of Hellas—had been maintained by Ernst Curtius twenty years ago,* and more fully esta- * At the Royal Institute of British Architects, 30th April, 1877 ; see Sessional Papers, 1876- 1877, No. 12. * See my Troy and its ^.i'mains, p. 364. 1 Curtius, Die lonier tor der Wanderung; Kerlin, 1855. 132 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [CHAP. II. § Π.] DARDANIA, THAT OP AENEAS. 133 Wished by recent Egyptologer»8—thus confirming the most ancient ethnic record, that the Isles of the Gentiles were divided among the families of the Sons of Javitn."s § Π. THE SEVKiiAL DOMINIONS OF THE TKOAD.T 1. The Dominion of Pandarus.—This possession of the Lycians extended along the Aesepua to Zeleia ; its inhabitants are called wealthy (àfoeiot). Their leader is Pandarus, son of Lycaon, the excellent archer.8 Cities.—The only city mentioned by the poet is Zeleia, situated on the Aesepus at the last spur of Ida. According to Strabo,9 it was at a distance of 80 stadia from the nearest sea (the Propontis) into which the Aesepus falla, and! 190 stadia from (the post-Homeric) Cyzicus. 2. TJie Dominion of Adresfus and Amphius, sons of Merops.—This dominion bordered on the preceding, as is shown by Homer,10 aa well as by Strabo : " Below Zeleia, 011 the se», on this side of the Aesepus, was situated the plain of Adresteia."1 The leaders of the Adresteans are Adrestus and Amphius, sons of Merops, though elsewhere Ainphius is called the son of Selagus. Cities.—Three are mentioned by the poet :— a. Adresteia (ή Άδρήστεια) was situated between Priapns and Parium.2 δ. Apaesus (ή Ανακτάς),3 also called Paesos (17 Παίο-oç),4 was situated between Lampsacus and Parium on the river Paesus. Strabo says that the city was destroyed and that its inhabitants had settled in Lamp sacus,5 because they were Milesians, like the Lampsacenes, which is confirmed by Anaximenes.8 c. Pityeia (/} Πιτύεια)τ was situated in 'Pityûs, a district of the territory of Parium, at the foot of a mountain overgrown with pines, between Priapus and Parium, close to the town of Linum on the sea, 5 Chabas, ÉtwHi-s sur l'Antiquité historique; Paris, 1872, p. 191). * " Genesis x. 4, 5. The esscnthl letters of the Hebrew name |1' are identical with the Greek IÍ1N (Ion), and both are equivalent to the I'avanas, the 'younger race.' of the old Aryan traditions, who migrated to the \Vest, while the elder branch remained in the East. See the Student's Ancient Hilary of the Juist, Chapter \\., on the Nations of Asia Minor, which contains a discussion of the Hellenic affinities of the Phiy- gians and Troj.ms in particular." 7 In the geography of the several dominions of the Troad I have adopted the order followed by E. Buchholz in his excellent work, IIomerisi;he Kosmogmiphie und Geographie, and I have to a large extent profited by his dct-iils ; but as το- gards Ilium, I h.ive not used his work at all. « II. ii. 82-1-827 : oî Se '¿t\fiay ίναιον ΰπαΐ πόδα νί'ίΛτον'ϊδηί, αφν€ΐο'ι, TclvovTts ύδωρ μί\αν Αίσήποιο, Tpâfs ' των α5τ' ίρχί ΛυκάοιΌΐ αγλαδί utos, Πάι/δαροι, φ καΐ τοξον Άπόλ\ων aùrbî fStaitei>. ' Strähn, xiji. p. 587 : Ή μίν Sí¡ 7.t\tia ίν TÍ) παρωρίία T.y ϋστίττι TT)S Ί5τ)ΐ ttrriv, απέ χουσα Κυζίκου μίν σταδίου! tvtvt\KO\na. καΐ ¿κα- τόν, τήί 8' ¿γγυτάτω βπλάττηΐ καβ' τ,ν ¿κδίδωσιΐ' ΑΪ:Γ7|7Γθϊ 'όσον ο·γδοήκοντα~ " 7?. ii. 828-830 : oî δ' Άδρήοτίΐάι/ τ' ίίχοι/ και δημον Άτταισου, καΐ Πιτόίίαν ίχον κα.1 Ύ-ηριίη! opas αίπν- των ΤΙΡΧ' "Αδρηοτιίΐ τ« και Άμφιοί \ινοβώρη{. 1 xii. p. 5G5 : τι? δί Zc\tia ùttmtirriaKt irpbs θαλάτττ; ίττίταδ« του Αίυήιτου το TÍ)S Άδρηοτίίαΐ πεδίον. 2 Stribo, xiii. ρ. 588: ή μίν ουν iríais (η Άδρίοτίΐα) μίταξυ Ώριάποα κοΛ Πάριου. 3 U. ii. 828. « II. τ. 612: κα.1 &á\fi> "Α/ιφιοι/, 2e\áyou υΐον, Ss ρ' ίιΛ Παισφ veuf. s Str.ibo, xiii. p. 589 : iv δΕ τφ /itToJîi Λα/ι- ψά/cou «αϊ Ππρίοκ Παισίΐ! ·Ι\ν πά\ΐ! κα! ποταμά;· * τ- κατίστταστΜ δ* ή ττιίλΐΓ, oí 5c Τίαισηνοί κησαν eïs Λάμψακοι/, Μιλητίων ovres ÏJTOIKOI καΐ αυτοί καβάπίρ καΐ οι Λαμψακηνο!. 8 Straho, xiv. p. 635: 'Aira£i/iéi/7js yoSv i Λαμψαιο)ΐ/θ5 οΐίτω φησίν, Sri — Μιλήσιοί συνήχη σαν — "Α./3υδον, "Αρισβαν, ΤΙαισίν. ' β. ϋ. 829. where the Linusian cochleae wero fished up, which were considered the best of all sorts of cochleae.8 But others maintained that Pityeia was only the ancient name of Lampsacus.9 3. The Dominion of Asi us.—This dominion extended along the coast of the Troad, from Percoté to Abyclos. Asius, son of Hyrtacus,10 was the ruler of this district ; under his command was tho contingent of the Thracitin city of Sestos on the Hellespont.1 Of Cities Homer mentions three in thin dominion :— a. Percaté (ή Περ/αύτη),2 of which its präsent name, BorgaS-ûr-Beïgas, may be a corruption. Its ancient name was also Percopé.3 b. Alydos (ή "A/3i»Soç),4 at the narrowest part of the Hellespont, which, according to Herodotus,5 was there only 7 stadia broad ; but in reality the breadth of the strait is here 10 stadia. Abydos was situated opposite to Sestos, though slightly to tho south-east. A little to the north of the city Xerxes passed the Hellespont on a bridge of boats, in 480 B.C. Of Abydos no ruins are extant ; only fragments of pottery or marble mark its site. It is at a distance of 3 miles from the present town of Dardanelles. On the site of Abydos are two nearly conical natural hills, both of which may have once been fortified, but the opinion of some travellers,6 that they are composed of débris, is altogether erro neous ; they consist of purely natural soil. c. ArisM (ή Αρίσβη), not far from the Selléis,7 was the residence of Asius, and has in the poems the epithets " divine " (Sta)a and " well- built " (έύκτιμένη).9 4. The Dominion of Aeneas (Dardanuk).—Strabo defines Dardania as follows :—" On the further side of Abydos come the districts around Ilium, the sea-shore as far as Lectum, the land of the Trojan Plain, and the district at the side of Mount Ida subject to Aeneas."10 Again: "The mountain-border (of the Trojan Plain) is narrow ; on one side it extends in a southerly direction to the district around Scepsis, on the other side to the north as far as the Lycians of the district of Zeleia : this plain the poet puts under the dominion of Aeneas and the Antenorids, and calls it Dardania."1 This dominion was therefore long and narrow; it ex- 8 Strabo, xiii. p. 588 : Πιτύα δ' Ιστίν ίν Πιτυ- ουντι της Παριανής ΰπερκί'ιμΐνον ίχουσα, πιτυωδες Spas μεταξύ δί κείται Παρίου καΐ Πριάπου καΐΛΰ/ορ χωρίον Ιπ\ βα\άττ·η, οπού ot λινοΰσιοι κοχλίαι άριστοι των πάντων άλίιτκοιται. * Steph. Byz. and Etym. Wag. s. v. Λάμψακος ; Sehol. Ajioll. Bhod. .i. 933 ; Orph. Arg. 488 ; flin. H. S, v. 32 : '· Lampsncum antea Pityusa dictum." This is also implied in the story told m Heiodotus, vi. 37, the point of which is missed by the historian, who does not seem to have heard that Pityeia or Pityusa was reputed to have been the ineient name of Lampsacus. 10 11. i!. 837, 838: των aaff 'Τρτακίδηϊ ήρχ' "Ασιος, ύρχαμοϊ ανδρών, 'Amos 'Τρτακίδτ)Γ. 1 II. ii. 830. 2 II. ii. 835 ; xi. 229 ; xv. 548. Stcph. Byz. s. ν. Πίρκιόττ) : Πίρκώτη καΐ ταλαι Πίρκίίπ·?) πο\ΐ! Ύρωάδο!. 4 11. ii. 83G. * vii. 34: ίστι 5t ίτττα στάδια ¿{ "Αβύδου èî την απαντίον. " Richter, Wallfahrten im Morgmlande, p. 435. 7 IL ii. 838, 839 : ποταμού ¿wrb Comp. xii. -96, 97. 8 Λ. il. 836 ; xxi. 43 : δΐαν Άρ'ισβην. 3 21. vi. 13 : èuKTi^évy èv Αρίσβη. 14 xiii. p. 592 : "Εξω δε *Α£ΰδοιι τα irtpl το "Ιλιον ίστι, τα Te παράλια ecus AeKToG /tal τα eV Tif Ύρωϊκφ irt5ííj κηΐ τα παρωρ«α TTJS "ΐδτ)ϊ τα ύττο τφ Alvfía. 1 xiii. p. 596 : τούτου δ.' ή μ*ν irapcípti¿s ¿ότι στενή, τρ μίν ¿πΙ την μισημβρίαν Τίταμένη μίχρι ταν κατά 2κί}ψιΐ' τ&παν, τ»7 δ' Ιπ\ ταΐ SpKTous μίχρι των κατά Zf \eiav Λυκ'ιων. ταΰτην ^δ1 6 iroíTfTÍ/y úic1 Aíi/eía τάττ€ΐ κα,Ι Tots vopíSais, κιΛίΐ δε Δαρδανίαν. ι I 134 DOMINIONS OP THE TEOAD. [CHAI·. II. §Π.] THERE.—VIEWS OP MR. GLADSTONE. 135 I tended between Priam's dominion and that of the Meropids, being bor dered on one sido by the Hellespont, on the other by the Leleges and Cilicians. Its inhabitants, called Dardanians (Δαρδάι/íot2 or Δάρδανοι),3 were a race kindred with the Trojans, and are sometimes confounded with them : thus, for instance, Euphorbus, son of Panthoiis, a Trojan, is called a Dardanian.4 Of Ciliés we can only mention Dardania, built by Dardanus at the foot of Ida before sacred Ilium was founded in the plain.5 In the time of Strabo it had utterly disappeared.6 It has of course nothing in common with the later Dardaims, which—as excavations lately made there at my request by the military governor of the Dardanelles have shown—has left a layer of débris hardly 2^ ft. deep, in which nothing but fragments of Greek potsherds are found. It therefore appears certain that it was built by the Aeolian Greeks. It lies on the shore of the Hellespont, as Strabo7 rightly remarks, at α distance of 70 stadia from Abydo.s, and, according to Pliny,8 70 stadia from Ehoeteum. 5. The Dominion, of Altes?—We find also in Homer that a troop of Leleges had settled in the Troad, oil the river Satnioïs near Cape Lectum : thus they seem to have dwelt between the dominion of the Cilicians and that of the Dardanians.10 Their king was Altea, father of Laothoë, who bore Lycaon, and father-in-law to Priam.1 Of Cities I can only mention Pedasus (ή Π»}δασο?) on the Satnioïs, with the epithets "lofty" (αΐπήεσσα),2 "high-towered" or "high- walled " (αίπεινή)? It was destroyed by Achilles,4 and is supposed, as I have before observed, to be mentioned on the Egyptian monuments under the name of Pidasa. 6. Tlie Dominion of the Cilicians.— a. The Dominion of Ection (the Theban Cilicia) 5 extends between the district of Lyrnessus occupied by the Cilicians and the Leleges. The description given by Homer of Thebc 6 has led to the general belief - 11. ii. 819: Δαρδανία)? οίτ' fipxfv ¿us ircus ΆγχίίΤαο Aîyetas .... 3 Jl. in. 456, FU. 348 : κέκλυτί /KO, Tpâes, «ai ΔάρδαΐΌΐ r¡S' επίκουροι. * 11. xvi. 807 : S àin'ip, 1 II. xx. 215-218 : Δάρδαρον aä πρώτον τ««το Κ€ Zeus, κτίσσ« δ€ Ααρδανίην, tirtl ο&τω "Ιλιοί ιρή ir TreSíij) πfπά^.ιífτo, ιπίλιΐ μΐρόπων ανθρώπων, αλλ* eO1 {rjrútpfías tjpKfov πολνπιδακο? "ISijs. β xiii. p. 592 : νυν μίν yàp ούδ* Ϊχν05 σωζιται αυτόθι. ' xiii. ρ. 59Γι : ή mJXis ή Δάρδαρο;, δ TÎJS Αβύδου ο' σταδίουί. 8 Η. Κ. ν. 33 : " a Ehoeteo DarJanium oppi dum parvum abest stadia Ixx." ' Deviating here ("mm the order followed by E. Buchholz, firmier. Kosm. und Geogr., I shall first speak of the dominions of the Lelegus and the Cilicians, and afterwards of the dominion of Troy proper, as this bitter will occupy a large space. 10 Strabo, ïiiï. p. 605: ή yap &πί> του Ae/troû ράχα avtrrtivouaa. irpàs την Ίοην rá-ép- κ«ται τα·ν πρώτω» του κό\που μιρων, èv ois πρώτον TOUS Af\fyas ίδρυ/iéiOus & ποιιγτηί πΐποίηκΈν. « Jl. xxi. 84-80: . . . . μινυνβά8ιον S¿ μ€ μητηρ yclvaTO Λοοβάη, θυγάτηρ Άλταο yépovros, "Αλτβω as fíc\tyfσσι φι\οπτο\έμαισιν àvaaffi. * U. xjri. 87 : ("AArijs) Πήδασοί' αίτήίσσαΐ' ϊχων ¿π\ 'S.a.Tvio- fVTl. » il. vi. 34, 35: vcüf δί 'Sa.TviocvTOS &)ρρ(1ταο παρ' αχθα* ΠήΒασον atvfurfiv. < Ώ. χι. 92 : iréfxre δΕ (Άχιλλίΐι$) Λυρνησσυν κοί Πήδασον. ä Strabo, xiü. p. 586 : ή ταν Κιλίκων διττή, η μεν θηβαϊκή ή Sí « //. vi. 39(5,397 : 'HrríuVj fis evaiev ¿π 9ήβη ύποτλο/t-'ij, Κιλί«£σσ' àrSptwiv ανάνσαν. that there was a mountain called Plakos, at the foot of which the eity was situated. But Strabo knows no such mountain ; he says : " But in the interior, 50 stadia further on, is the now deserted Thebé, which the poet puts below the ' wooded Plakos,' but there is here neither a Plakos nor a Plax, nor is there a forest above it though it adjoins Ida."7 Cities, (a) Thebé (ή &ήβη) was situated GO stadia, to the north-west of Adramyttium,8 between the latter and Cariné.9 It was the capital of Ection; hence its epithet "sacred cili/ of Ection."™ It is called " flourishing " (€υνακτάωσα) and " high-gated " . (ύ-ψ-ί'ττυλο?), and was destroyed by Achilles.11 It was a fortified place, for Homer speaks of its walls.1 Mr. Gladstone - has sought to show that under Thothmes III., whose reign is computed to have extended over tho first half of the sixteenth century B.C. (or 1GOO-1550), when the power of the great Egyptian Empire reached its climax, it embraced most of the populations of Greece, where Thothmes put his own sons as governors in the places he had conquered. He calls attention to the fact, that the Thébe of Eëtion is connected in the Iliad with special excellence of horses; that it is the sacred city of Eëtion ; and that lastly it has lofty gates (ύ-ψ-ί'τπΛοί).3 It is surely remarkable, he adds, that we find all these three characteristics reproduced in the Cadrncau Thebes of Boeotia. It is sacred (lepà τηαο* τΐί-χεα 0j;/3>jç).4 It is most closely associated with the horse ; for to the Cadmeans alone, besides the Trojans, does Homer give the designation /ceVropec ΐππων.6 It is also remarkable for its gates, being the seven- gated Thebes.6 Both cities, too, were rich. The Thébe of Eëtion is euvaieraovaa, or " a flourishing city ; " whilo the Cadmean Thebes is ¿ϋκτίμενον τττο\ίβθρον, " a well-built fortress,"7 and eùpy^opoç, " an exten sive (?) city."8 These three pointed characteristics, as well as the fourth, f all belonged to the mighty city of Thebes in Egypt. This had a hundred gates ; this horsed 20,000 chariots ; and was eminently a sacred city, for she was the centre of the worship of Amnn.9 Eecent researches, however, seem to show that the identifications with Greek tribes proposed for geographical names occurring in tho Egyptian inscriptions are untenable. The chief support for Mr. Gladstone's views 7 Strabo, siii. p. 614 : iv δε τρ ιιεσογαία ίπύ ττίΐ/τήκοι/τα σταδίων ίστίν ·η &ήβη ípT)uos, ην \ φησιν 6 ποιητής, " uirb Π\άκφ ΐΧηίσστι " öftre δ£ n\áxas TI Πλαξ ίκ{ΐ τι \íy(T»i, o6ff 3\η mipxei- Tou καίτοι irpàs τρ "Ιδί?. 8 Strabo, xiii. p. 612 : διέχουσι 5è 'Αδραμνττίου ffToSious ή fièv (βτιβη) ίξήκοντα, τ) 9f (Λυρνησσυή ytoriKovra. κύ οκτώ ίπΐ Oarepa. • Herod. Λ ii. 42 : airb δί TOUTES (Kapurjs) δια ήβηι ircSíeu eVopeúeTO, 'Α.6ραμύττ(ΐίν Te πο\ιν 1 «al "AvTíwSpov την IleXatryt'Sa παραμ€ΐβομ(νο*. 10 Jl. i. 3GÜ : e's θήβην fcpV πό\ιν 'HeTÍtavos. 11 //. vi. 415, 416 : e'fc Sé πο\ιν πΐρσ^ν (Άχιλλβυ$) Κιλίκωκ τάίασαν 1 11. il. 601 : Tei'xea 2 Hornería Synchronism, p. 137. 3 7M1 p. 158. « //. iv. 378. « 11. iv. 391. « /Í. iv. 406 ; Od. \i. 263. 7 //. ii. 505 ; vi. 415. » Oil. xi. 265. 9 Homer. Synahr., pp. 158, 159. Regarding the form of the name, we may add, that whilst the city of Eotion is always called Thebé in the singular, this was also the proper form for the Egyptian city, whose original name (namely, the name of its sacred quarter, to the e ist of the Nile) was T-APE. The Greeks assimilated the name to that of Thebes (θήβαί) in Boeotia ; but thia city, as we see in Homer, is also called Thebe 136 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [CHAP. Π § Π·] THE KETEIOI AND ARIMI. J.I consequently falls to the ground. Since the Cadmeans of Boeotian Thebes were a Phoenician colony, it is probable that the origin of the name of the city must he sought in the Semitic languages. On the other hand, Egyptian Thebes derived its name from the Egyptian ta-apiu, the plural of ta-ap, " the little house," a title originally given to one only of the quarters of the city. According to Varro (de lin Rust. iii. 1, 1(3), " the Aeolian Boeotians " and the Sabines called hills telxie or thebae. (β) Chrysé (ή Χρυσή), already desolate in Strabo's time, was situated close to Thebé, and belonged to the possessions of Eétion, as is evident from the fact that Chryseïs was captured by Achilles when he destroyed Thebó.10 It had a temple of Apollo Smintheus, of which the father of Chryseis was the priest.1 It was situated on the sea, and had a port in which Ulysses landed when he brought Chryseïs back to her father with a hecatomb for the god. As Strabo remarks, it is to be distinguished from the later Ghrysa, near Hamaxitus, which had also a temple of the Sminthian Apollo, but no port.2 The temple of this god, which Pliny 3 mentions he»-e, can consequently refer only to the later place. (γ) Cillé (Κί\\η), situated also in the Theban plain on the small river Cillaeus, at the foot of Mount Cillaeus and in the neighbourhood of Antandros, was founded by Pelops, son of Tantalus, and had a celebrated temple of the Cillaean Apollo, which still existed in Strabo's time.1 b. Tlie Dominion of Mynes appears to have been limited to the city of Lyrnessus (Aupwjfftroc), called also the city of Mynes by Homer,5 destroyed by Achilles, who here captured Briséis.6 Hither Aeneas fled, pursued by Achilles.7 It was situated in the Plain of Thebé, 88 stadia from Adramyttium, and is described by Strabo as fortified by nature, but deserted.8 Fellowes9 believed he had found its ruins four miles from Kar a varen. c. The Dominion of Eurypylus is difficult to define. He was leader of a troop of Keteioi (oí KijTetot), whose identity with the Hittites of the Old Testament, the Kheta of the Egyptian monuments and the Khattai of the Assyrian inscriptions, has been most ingeniously maintained by 10 II. i. 3Ö6, 367 : άχόμίθ' ¿s θηβην, κρην πί\α> Ήιτίωνος T1JV Sf δΐίπράθομίν Tf και fryo/xei/ ¿νθάδε πάντα. 1 II. i. 37-39 : κ\ϋθί jitfu, àpyupOToÇ, os Χρΰσην αμφιβέβηκας 2 Strabo, xiii. p. G12: Ή 5î Χρύσα «ri θα\άτττ] πο\ίχνιον ?¡v ϊχον \ιμενα, π\ησίον Sa ύττ€ρκειται η θήβη ' ενταύθα δ1 ?,ν και rít íepoi/ του ZSuii/déú»? ΙΑττσ'λλ&.ιΐΌϊ και η XputTTjis' ηρημωται. δί νυν το χωρίον Tt\fus · ils Se την νΐν Χρΰσαν την κατά Άμαξιτυν μεθίδρυται TÍ /fpoi/, TÛ>J ΚιΛικωρ των μ\ν fis την Παμφυλία)/ fκπfσόvτu!V των Si (¡s Αμαξιτών οι δ' àirtipurepoi των παλαιωι/ 'κττοριων ίνταΰθα τΛι/ Χρύσ-ην καΐ την XpumjíSa yeyavfvaí φατί και Tbv "Ομηροι* τούτου του τόπου μιμνησθαι ' αλλ1 QVTÇ \ιμην ¿στιν ενταύθα, ¿tcftvos Sé φησιν Η οι δ1 ore δη \ιμ(ΐτος πολυβεν- eíos ¿irrbs ικοι/το." 3 Η. Ν. ν. 32. 3. 1 Hcmcr, II. i. 38. HeroJot. i. 149. Strabo, xiii. p. G12: π\ησίον ουν τη* θί:βη* ΐτι νυν Κίλλα TIS TdVos \tyfTai, ¿ν $ Κιλλαίου Άπίλ- \uvos frTTiv ifpov · παραρρίϊ δ* αύτω ¿ζ 'Ίoηs φερόμενος ο ΚιλλαίΌΐ ποταμοί. Oviil, líct. xiii. 174. Plia. ff. .V., v. 32, says that it no longer existed in his time. 5 11. xi\. 29G : ttfoaiv Se πάλιν atloio MÚJ/JJTOS. "II. ii. 090,091: τί)ν (Βρισηίδα) ¿κ Αυριτησσου ¿£ίίλ£το πολλά λυρνησσίιν διαττορθήσαΐ. 7 II. χχ. 191, 192: ϊνθίν δ' es Λυρνηιτσίιν ϋπΐκφυγα · αυταρ ¿γώ TÍ¡V * \\\\. ρ. 612 : ¿νταΐθα γαρ και ή 87)07) κ«1 ή Λυρνησσόί, ¿ρυμνυν χωρίον · ΐρημοι δ" αμφόπρια · δΊέχουσΊ δί Άδραμυττίοϋ σταδίομΐ η (θήβτΐ) 1**ν ί|ΐ)κοι·τα ή (Λυρνησσυί) Sf àySo-ίικοντα και οκτώ ¿πΐ βάτβρα. See also Diod. v. 49 ; Plin. ff. Λ". v. 26 and 32. · Excursus, in Asia Minor, p. 39. ^\[r. Gladstone.10- His arguments lead to the conclusion that tho Keteioi "come from outside the circle of tho earlier Trojan alliances, and therefore from Lycia, and the countries of the Mysoi.and Kilikes."1 Strabo says : ' "Just as the land of the Cilicians is twofold, the Theban and the Lyrnessian, to which may also be reckoned the domain of Eurypylus, coming next to tho territory of Lyrnessus." And again :3 "Accoiding to Homer, Eurypylus reigned in the country on the G.IÏCUS, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians also was subject to him." And further:4 "But it can only be a question of probabilities if any one endeavours to determine from the poet the exact frontier to which the Cilicians and Pelasgians extended, as well as the Keteioi between them who were under Eurypylus. As to the Cilicians and the subjects of Eurypylus, we have already stated the probability ; and how they were bounded, especially by the districts on the Caucus." It is on account of Strabo's first statement, which makes the Keteioi under Eurypylus border upon Lyrnessus, that their territory has been noticed here. 7. The Dominion of the Homeric Arimi (pi "Αρι.μοι).—The Arimi seem to be a mythic people, who havo been searched for in various regions. They are only once mentioned by Homer : " The earth grotined under their feet, as when the god of thunder, Zeus, in wrath strikes the land of the Arimi around Typhöeus, where the bed of Typhöeus is said to be."s According to Strabo, this land of the Arimi was identical with the Catakekaumené (or " burnt land ") possessed by the Mysians and Lydians.6 In another passage he states that by some the burnt land is believed to be in Lydia in tho environs of Sardis; by others in Cilicia or in Syria, by some on the Pithecussae (monkey- islands), \\lio said, at the same time, that monkeys were called Arimi by the Tyrrhenians.7 I may here mention that the present Island of Ischia, in tho Gulf of Naples, was once called Pithecusa, Aenaria or Inarimé. Strabo also cites the opinion of Posidonius, according to which " the Arimi ¡ire not the inhabitants of a certain district of Syria, of Cilicia, or of any other country, but the inhabitants of all Syria, who are called Aramaei. But perhaps they were called Arimaei or Arimi by the Greeks."8 la Homeric Si/nclrom'sm, pp. 121, 127, 171, 174, 177, 180, 184. 1 fli'd. p. 183. 2 \iii. p. 586 : καβά-Tfp Hat ή των Κιλίκαν διττή, τ; μϊν Οηβαικίι ή δε Λυρνησσίς· ¿ν αύττι 5* αν λ(χβΕίη ή ΰττ!» Ευρυττύλι)) ¿φεξηί ούσα τρ ΛιιρνησσΊδι. 3 χίϋ. ρ. 616 : ό'τι iv Tots TTfpl Toi/ Κάϊκον Tairais (paívfrai ßeßaai\eu -as Kaff "Ομηρον ό Ευρμττυλοί, ωΐΓτ' ïffas καΐ των Κι\ίκων τι μερος ην υπ' αυτού. 4 xiü. ρ. 620 : eiKOToXoytlv S' ίστι και/ rf Tis Tbv ακριβή ζητεί κατά Tbv τται-ητ^ν Spov μίχρι •rivas oí K¡\tiífs SiÍTfiror καΐ ο'ι Πελασγοί /cal «τι oí μεταξύ τούτων K^Teiot \ίγάμενοι OÍ úrru TÍO Ευρυττύλβιί. περί ¡ífv ουν των Κιλίκωι/ καΐ των ίττ' Ευριητύλ&ι τα fvovra (ΐρηται, και διάτι [Arl] τα irtp! τι»· Κάίκον μάλιοτα πίοατοΰνται. * 11. ¡i. 7S1-783 : γα?α δ' ΰπίστίνάχιζί Ait Sis τερπικεραΰνφ χωομίνφ, art τ' αμφϊ Τυφωίΐ yaîav ίμάσστι civ 'Αρίμοιϊ, οθι φασί Τυφωέοϊ ίμμίναι fiivds. * χϋ. ρ. 579 : καΐ δτ) «αϊ τα irtpi τον Τυφώνα ιτάβτ) ίνταυθα μυθίΰουσι καΐ TOUS Άρίμανι «ο! TÍ/I/ Καταχικαυμίνην ταύτ-ην tlvai φασιν. * xüi. ρ. 626 : άλλοι δ' iv Κιλικία, τιι/èî δ' ¿ν 2upf$ πλάττουιπ τλι/ μΰβον τούτον, οΐ δ' ¿ν ΤΙι&ηκούσσαις, at καΐ TOUS ττιβήκουΐ φασί παρά TOÎS Τυρρηνοΐς iplujivs κα\(ΐσθαι. ' xvi. ρ. 784 : \fytt Se καΐ TOUS 'Apí/íous 6 ποιητή, aus φηαι TlofffiStávtos δίχ(σβαι Stiv μη τόπον τίνα TTJS Jupias η TÍJS Κιλι/cías r¡ &\λ·ης ni/os yr\s, αλλά την 2υρ(αν αυτήν *Αρπμα?οι γαρ oí iv αυτί; · τάχα δ' οί "Ελλην(5 Άριμαΐους ¿κί\ουν η Άρίμουι. 138 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [CHAP. Π. I § IIU DOMINION AND CITY OF PRIAM. 139 8. Tlie Dominion of the Pelasgians (pi Πελασγοί).—I finally men tion here the dominion of the Asiatic Pelasgiang, who were under the command of Hippothoüs and Pylaeus, sons of Lethus,9 and occupied the district of the Aeolian coast from the river Caucus up to the Ionian frontier. Their chief city was Larissa (»/ Αάρκτσα, Λάρισα), which Strabo places in the neighbourhood of Cyme, for he says:10 "But the Pelaggians we have reason to place next to them (the Cilicians) and the subjects of Eurypylus, as well from the indications of Ilonier as from other information. For the poet says : ' Hippothoüa led tho tribes of the spear-practised Pelasgians, who dwelt on the fertile soil of Larissa—these were led by Hippothoüs and Pylaeus, the offspring of Ares, both sous of the Pelasgian Lethus, the son of Teutamus.' Hereby he indicates a considerable multitude of Pelasgiang, because he speaks, not of ' a tribe,' but ' of tribes,' and puts their seat in Larissa. Now there are many Larissas, but we must assume one in the neighbourhood; and we should be most right in supposing the one near Cyme. For there are three, but the one near Hamaxitus lies directly in sight of Ilium, and very near it, about 200 stadia dis tant, so that it could not have been rightly said that Hippothoüs fell in the fight over Patrocina 'far from Larissa;' but this would rather have been rightly said of the Larissa near Cyme, because there are about 1000 stadia between that Larissa and Ilium." 9. TJia Dominion of Priam, Ilium, ana the Country "belonging to if.— For the extent of this dominion we have Strabo'g statement: "Below it (Aeneas's dominion of Dardania), and nearly parallel with it, is Ce- brenia, consisting for the most part of table-land. But there was once a city Cebrené. Demetrius supposes that here was the limit of the country about Ilium subject to Hector, which thus extended from the naustathmus to Cebrenia." 1 Of Cities belonging to thig dominion, we know from the poems only Ilios (// "iXioç) and Thyrnbre (ή θύμβρη). The latter is only once mentioned by the poet : " But towards Thymbré encamped the Lycians and the haughty Mysians, and the Phrygians, tamers of horses, and the Maeonians with their horsehair crests."2 Strabo erroneously sup posed that Homer spoke here, not of the city of Thymbra, but of the plain of Thymbra, for he saya: "But near to it (Ilium) is the plain » II. ii. 840-843. 10 Strabo, xiii. p. 620: TOUS Sf TIeXouryous fB\oyov τούτοι! €φ€£ηΐ TifeVai £κ Te των Αφ' Όμηρου λε-γομίνων καΐ ¿κ ττρ &\\ns iffroplas. o μεν γαρ ούτω φησίν "Ίττποβοαί δ' Syf φύλα Île\utryâv Ιγχίσιμιάρων, των όί Λάρισαν ¿ριβύ- λαΐα νακτώντκον των 3ρχ" Ί·7ητ<ί9ο<ίϊ Te Πυλαίο1? τ' ufas "Apilas, uTt Súa ΛήΟοιο ÎltKaoyoû TÍUTO- μίδαο." ff &ν πληθοΊ Te εμφαίνει àfiO\oyov το των Ilehiuryûv (où yàp φΰ\ον, άλλα φυλά εφη) κοί rV οΐκησιν ίν Λαρίο-jj φράζίΐ · πολλοί μτν ουν α* Aapíffdt, 5« δε των çyyus τίνα. δφισβαι, μάλιστα S'avTjji/ vcpl Κΰμην ίιπολάβοί τΐϊ opeas · τριαν yàp ουσαν ή μίν Kaff Άμαζ- erbv iv 8ψ« TtKfüis ¿οτ! τ£ '1\1ψ, κοί iyyus <ΓφόδρΛ ίν διακοσίοΐΐ ττον trroStois, ωοτ* ουκ ίιν λί'γοιτο πιθανω! α 'ImriBoos irtativ ίν τφ ύπίρ Πατρόκλου àyûvi "τ^λ" άιτο Λαρίστ)ϊ," ταύτΐ)! ye, αλλά μάλλον TÍJS irepl Κΰμην χίλιοι yap trov στάδιοι μεταξύ. 1 Strabo, xiü. ρ. Γι96 : ύπο Sí ταύττι Κΐβρηνία, TtfSiàs ή uAeíc7T)j, ποράλλτ|λ<ί$ irías TTJ Δαρδανία · •f\v 0€ κ«! ττίίλΐϊ ιτοτί Κ-ίβρήνη. (nrovotî S' à Δημ-fiTptos μίχρι Sevpo otarelvciy την Trepl το Ίλιον χωράν την ΰττο Tejí "Εκτορί, ανήκουσαν αττο του ναυστάθμου μίχρι K.e&pr¡v'ias. - 11. χ. 430, 431 : irpas &ύμβρηί δ' ϊλαχον Λυκιοι Muirot τ' àytpa- χοι κΛ í>púy(S Ιττποδαμοι και Myoves ίπιτοκορυσταί. Ι of Thymbra and the river Thymbrius, which flows through it and falls into the Scamander close to the temple of the Thymbrian Apollo, at a distance of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium."3 Stephunus Byzantinus* and Pliny5 understood tho poet rightly, for they mention Thymbra as a town. The other city of Priam's dominion, whose fame and fate gave birth to Homer's immortal poems, demands a separate notice. § III. THE CITY OF ILIOS, ILIUM, OR TROY. ILIUJI, or TKOY, the residence of Priam, the city besieged by the Greek army under Agamemnon, is called "Ιλίο? and Ύροίη by the poet, who frequently uses the latter name both for the city and the land belonging to it, calling it Ιριβωλαξ (" fat and fertile "). "IXioc, on the other hand, is only used for the city ; but the oldest form was evidently ft'Xioc, with the Vau or Digamma.6 The neuter, *I\tov, occurs only once in Hoiner,7 in consequence of which Aristarchus considers the passage as a later interpolation.8 But the tragic poets9 having adopted it, it was also used commonly by the prose-writers.10 The Latin writers use the corresponding forms, fliuiii and Troja, the latter being preferred by the poets, for the reason that Tlimn could not fit into an hexameter verse. Morrittll thinks that Ί\ψον is derived from "ίλι?, turma, and that the •TreSiov '\\ήίαν was the Campus Martius of Troy, which he believes to hiive been in the open plain about Arablar.1 The city has in Homer the following epithets: εύρυάγυια* "with broad streets;" êû/crifavov (πτο\ί(;θροι>),3 and ¿όδμητος* "well built;" εύναιόμβνον (τττολ,ίΐθρον)? " well inhabited " or " flourishing ; " ερατεινή? "pleasant" or "elegant;" εύττωλο?,7 "rich in foals;" μέγα (άστυ),8 "great;" eyret^eoç,9 "enclosedby good walls;" οφρυόεσσα,™ "beetling;" * lui. p. 598 : ic\T]alav yap Ιατι το ττίΐίον ή θΰμβρα Kai a St αυτού pfiijv Trorauos &ύμβριθ5, ΐμβάλ\ων fis TÙV ^κάμανίρον κατά τα θυμβραίου 'fíirííJííavos tepív, του Se νυν 'Ιλίου καί π·«τή- Koj/τα σταδίουί διΕχει. 4 S. ν. &ΰμβρη. 5 //. Λ", ν. 'Μ. " See, for instance, H. ix. 216 : KTÍaae δι Ααρδανίην, èirtl αΰττια Ίλιοί !ρή . . . 7 H. IV. 70, 71 : .... flaoïf "Αχαιοί "Ιλιοκ oiVù έλοιερ Άθ-ηνοίη? δια ßou\ds. 8 See also Stejih. Byz. s. v. "Ιλιον. "Soph. Phil. 454, 1200j Eurip. Ândr. 400; Tfoad. 25, 145, 511 ; Or. 13S1. 10 Herod, ¡i. 117,118; Scylax, 35 ; Plato, Legy. üi. G82, and others. 11 Apud Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, edited from manu script journals ; Toudon, 1817, p. 578. 1 U. Virchoiv, Beiträge zur Landeskunde dor Irons, p. 46. 2//.ii. 141: où yàp tTi Ύροίην αιρήσομιυ eùpuayviav ,· ii. 12 : νυν yá.p Ktv ¿λοι ττό\ιν fitpváyviav. • II. ïsi. 433 . Ιλίου IttKÍpacurrts ¿ϋχτίμινον πτο\1εθρον- II iv. 33 ; Ιλίου ¿ξαλαπάξαι ίίκτίμίνον τττο\ί(βρον. * 11. ni. 51G· μ4[ΐβ^το yàp o'l τ«χοϊ ¿βδμήτοω νοληοι. »7/. xiü. 380 r Ίλίοι» emrcpirpî eύvaιóμevov TTToKifOpav. « lt. v. 210 : ST« "Ιλιον els fpaTctvfiv. 7 11 ν. 551 ; Od. n. 18, xiv. 71 : » 11. ii. 332, 803 : άστυ μίya Πριάμοια. »Λ. ii. 113. "ΐ\ιον tKirtpaairr' euTelxeov àπovéeσβat. 10 II. ixii. 410, 411; . . . . as €Î ατταοΊι "I\ias οφρυό(α~σΛ πυρί σμύχοιτο κατ' Άκρηι. 140 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [CHAP. II. αΐττύ1 and aivretyr;,2 "steep" or "lofty;" η^μΟ€σσα,3 "exposed to tho wind ; " φή* " sacred." It had an Acropolis called tlie Pergamos (ή Tlép. γάμο«?), which was in a more elevated position than the town, and had the epithets ieprf* "sacred," and άκρη,Β "highest point." Here was Priam'g beautiful habitation, built of polished stone, with fifty chambers· in which Ins sons slept with their wedded wives ; while opposite, within the court on an upper floor, were twelve chambers, likewise of polished stone, and close to each other, in which Priam's sons-in-law slept with their chaste wives.7 Before the doors of this palace was the Agora.8 Here was also the well-built dwelling of Hector,0 aa well as the beautiful dwelling of Paris, which he had himself built, aided by the best builders of tho fertile realm of Troy :—" They made him a chamber, a hall, and a court, close to the residences of Priam and Hector in the Acropolis." 10 Here, moreover, was the Temple of Pallas Athene, the tutelar deity of Troy,1 with a statue of the goddess, probably of wood, in a sitting posture ; for unless it had been sitting, the priestess Theano could not have deposited Hecuba's peplos on its knees.3 Here was also a temple of Apollo,3 from which the god is represented as looking· down.4 It further appears that Zeus had a temple or at least an altar hero, on which Hector sacrificed the thighs of In the poet's imagination tho hill of the Pergamos appears to oxen. 1 It. xv. 71 : "ίλιοι» αίττΰ (this verse has been already quoted). 2 II. xiii. 772, 1TA : vvv ώλ€το πάσα κατ1 άκρης . "Ιλιοϊ αιπίΐνη. U. xv. 21,>: Ιλίου amfivTJs ικφιδήσΈται, ουδ' tβfλησfl Ικπίρααι . . . //. Jivii. 327, 328: AiVcía, iras &ν καΐ înrtp dfbv ίΐρύοΌ~αισθ€ "Ιλιον αίπανήν. * U. viii. 499, nii. 115 : &ψ απονοστήσαν προτΐ "Ιλιον ηνίμόεσσαν. U. xiii. 724 : Tptùf s ¿χώρησαν πρατί "Ιλιον tye¡tíeaaav. 11. xviii. 174 : οι δ1 ¿ρύσσασθαι ποτΐ 'Ιλιον ηνί II. xxiii. 04: "Εκτορ1 ¿τταίσιτων ιτροτΐ "ϊλιον ην 11. xiiii. 297 : Ίνα. μη oí «roía' úiri "Ιλιον * Ti. vi. 448 : ΐσσ(ΤΛΐ ήμαρ, ST' tai ποτ' όλωλτι'ίλιοί Ίρη. 11. χχίν. 27 : αλλ1 έχον-, ÄS ΐΤφιν πρώτον απηχθί το "Ίλιο5 Ιρη. Oil. xvii. 293 : . . . . . irápos δ' ees Ιλιον Ιρην πίντήκοντ' fveativ θάλαμοι |6στοΓο λ/θοιο, πλησίοι αλλήλων δομημένοι · ιίνθα δε iraíSes κοιμωντο Πριάμοιο παρά μνηστές. αλόχοκτιν. κουράων δ1 tTfpw0€v ενάντιοι fvSadfV αυλτ/s δώδί«' tana TÍytoi θάλαμοι ξίστοϊο λ/βοιο, ιτλησίοι αλλήλων δομημένοι ' <êv9a δ* γαμ βροί κοιμωντο Τίριάμοιο Trap' aiooíys Λλαχοκτιν. " 11. vu. 343, 34(i : Τρωών auT1 ayap)¡ ytv€T* "Ιλίου ¿ν iró\fi ακρτι Sfivfi, τίτρτηχυϊα, παρά Πριάμοιο βΰρτισιν. "II. vi. 370: . . . . . "Εκτ«ρ α/ψα δ' ï-irf iff Ίκανί ίόμου* eùvaiiTOovras. 10 Ιί. vi. 313-317 : "Εκτωρ δε ττρδϊ δώματ* Ά\ε£ίίνδροιο &βήκίΐ καλά, τα ρ* auras creuse συν ctvopátriv, ο'ι TOT* άριστοι ήσαν ¿νΐ Τροιη ¿ριβ(ά\ακι TfKTOvfS avfipes ' dl οι ¿ποίησαν θαλαμον καΐ δώμα καΐ avXfy ¿γγΰθι TE Πριάμοιο «Β! "Εκτοροί tv ira\ci cacpy. 1 II. vi. H8 : II. xxi. 128 : «*"«*« ίλικα* βοΰί 0ουκολί(σΜ5 ίν κνημοΐσι πολυπτύχου ΰλ-ηία-σης. - xiii. 3 : κλιμίνοι Ka\ya-¡v ίπάλξίσιν .... 10 II. xxii. 145 : oí Sí παρά σκοπιην »α! ¿pivfbv ήι/ 1 //. κνί. 700 : «' μη Απόλλων ΦοΓβοί ίυδμήτου M iriiayav. 2 xiii. p. 598: τραχύί TIS ToVos /tal τφ μεν ¿ψχαίψ κτίπματι υποπίπτωκΐν. » II. ri. 433, 434 : λαον St στησον trap' ίρινιόν, (νθα μάλιστα αμβατόί ¿στι ττόλις, καΐ ¿πίδρομον €ΐτλ€το τεΐχοί 4 E. vi. 435-437 : Tpis yàp Tfj y' f\9ovrts fTrfipr¡aaaiff oí άριστοι αμ<ρ* Aïavre δύω και αγακλυτορ Ίδομ^ηα ^δ* άμ<ρ* Άτρ^ίδαΐ καί Ύυδ4θ5 αλκιμον νΐόν. s //. xvi. 702, 703 : Tpls μιν ίτ? àyKUvos βη Teí^eos ύψτ)λοΪο üíÍTpo^os, τρίι δ" aln'bv απίστυφίλιζ(ν 'Airo'.1.· λαιν. • II. ixii. 145, just cited. 142 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [ClIAP. Π. § HT.] .THE SGABAN GATE. 143 But in a third passage we see the Trojans rushing near the tomb of Ilus, through the middle plain, past the Erineos, longing to reach tha town. Here therefore this hill ig described as lying on the usual line of march of both armies.7 There was no impediment to running all round the city wall, for Achilles pursued Hector three times with flying speed about the city.8 It has often been contended that the preposition trepi (around) has in this passage the signification of παρά (near) ; and that, consequently, the course of the two heroes was along the wall of Troy, between tho two springs and the Scamander. But this interpretation is inadmissible, for Homer represents the course of the two heroes as beyond the two springs.9 That this meaning and no other must be attributed to the poet, is clearly proved by the passage in which he describes Achilles as dragging the body of Hector three times περί (around) the sepulchre of Patroclus.10 Besides, throughout antiquity the passage was understood to mean that the race had been all round the city, as Virgil proves by saying : " Ter circnm Iliacos raplaverat Ilectora rauroa." * ' Strabo, again, in speaking of Novum Ilium, says that the flight of Hector round the city is improbable, for no one could run round that town on account of the adjoining ridge, but one conld have run freely round the ancient city.2 I may further mention that my friend Dr. G. von Eckenbrecher calls attention to Aristotle,3 "who cites the pursuit of Hector as an example of how the poet had judiciously taken advan tage of the impossible, to excite greater astonishment. He must therefore have understood the poet as intending to describe that the heroes ran three times round the city, for otherwise there would not have been a trace of impossibility in the pursuit of Hector. It has been maintained very improperly that Virgil, in the 12th Aeneid, very accurately imitates Hector's flight ; that he consequently must have understood Homer to describe a course lie/ore and not round Troy, because he makes Aeneas and Turnus run, not round Laurentum, but in five circles before the city. It is evident that Virgil here imitates Homer, but it is just as evident that he endeavours to distinguish himself from him, in order not to serve up to the readers of Homer what they were acquainted with ; nay, ho intended to furnish something new, and he has done this with extraordinary art. Thus, although he might understand Homer just as all other ancients did, he could very well change the race round the town into a race before it.4 But it ought to be well understood ' II. xi. 166-168 : oí δί παρ1 *Ίλου σήμα παλαιού Δαρδαρίδασ, μίσσον καττ irtS'iov παρ1 tpivfhv iaatuovro ίίμίνοι πολιό?. 8χχϋ. 165: · ' tis τϋι τρίι Πριάμοιο ττό\ιν mpt&un}9fyniv. » II. ιχϋ. 157 : τ$ ρα irapaSpaticT-ην, · Π. xxiv. 16, 17 : τρίϊ δ1 ¿ρύσαι ττίρΐ σήμα ΜβΌιηάδαο Savouras α&π$ ¿ν\ κλισίτ; παυεσκΐτο. 1 Acneid. i. 483. 2 xüi. p. 599 : où5J ή του "Εκτοροι δε ή irtpl την ποΆιμ ϊχΐΐ τι cí\oyov · où yap ττ€ρίδρομσ5 ή νυν δια T\]V ffuvfXTJ ρ&χιν ' n * παλαιά %Xfi περιδρομήι/. 3 Poetíra, χχν. : παράδειγμα rç του "Εκτοροϊ Sliafis. The passage, Paetiaa, xxiv.—τα irtpl fif Έκτοροί δ!ω£ιι/—(loes not concern this question, for it treats of the difference between what can be represented on the stage and in the Epos. * The phin f.wt that Virgil understood Homer just aa we do, and as nil the ancients did, is shown by the above-cited passage. that with him, Aeneas was embarrassed in, his running Inj a wound he had received shortly le/ore; whilst, in Homer, Achilles is the pursuer in his full strength, which makes him superior in swiftness to all other heroes. Thus, with Virgil, a repeated circular run ou a level ground without impediment is possible, but this would have been impossible in the case of Achilles and Hector."5 I may add here that the run round Hissarlik is very easy, and may be accomplished without any diminution of speed. The only steep place is near the theatre, but here—as is seen in tho Frontispiece and the view No. 10—the footpath ascends obliquely with a gentle slope. In this respect therefore, as in all others, the Homeric text is well adapted to Hissarlik. · Of Gates the poet only mentions that one which faces the plain, and •which he alternately calls the Dardanian and Scaean Gate (Sva/ai 11 ύλαι). It has always been believed that the latter name is due to the position of the gate to the left hand of the augur, who turned his face towards midnight, that is the north, and consequently had the evening or west sido to his left. But the celebrated Orientalist, the late Professor Martin Haug of Munich, who read in the Trojan inscriptions the name of a god or hero Sigo or Siko, maintained 6 that the name of the Trojan Gate is by no means the adjective σκα,ιός, but contains the name of the same god or hero, which he also finds in the name Scamander, as well as in the Trojan promontory, Sigeuni; in Sigia, the original name of the site of Alexandria-Troas ; in Sichaeus, the husband of Dido, who was visited by the Trojan Aeneas; and in Sigon, a city of Phoenicia men tioned by Arrian.7 Dr. Franz Eyssenhardt sends me an interesting dissertation on the subject of the Trojan Gate,8 of which I here give the translation : "The ancient critics (Schol. A V on Iliad, viii. 58) have rightly observed that, in mentioning the Gates (Πύλαι) of the city, Homer employs the word differently from the later classical writers ; for he means by the plural the two wings of tho gate, and, consequently, but one gate. When Priam looks on the battle from the wall, he orders the watchmen to keep ' the gates ' open, in order that the fugitives might escape into the city.9 Antenor alone, leaning against the beech- tree, awaits Achilles ;10 and Hector also waits close to it at the Scaean Gate.11 Hence it is evident that ' the gates ' can be no other than the Scaean Gate. But this gate again, as has already been observed by the ancients (Schol. ad Iliad, v. 789; ix. 354), is identical with the Dardanian Gate ; for where this latter is mentioned, it is also close to the frequently-mentioned beech-tree, which is close to the city wall. If, therefore, having regard to these passages, it cannot be doubted * -Ο,β Lage das ffamertsclien Traía, pp. 24, 25. » II. xxi. 531, 532 : See his letter on "Trojnn Inscriptions" in τίπταμιναί tv χίρο-i π<5λαΐ ϊχίτ' e/croVe λαοί the Beilage zur Aujsbur¡/. Allgemeinen Zeitunj, ϊλβωσι ττροτΐ &ατυ Feb. ], 1874. ι» n. „i. 549 : l Anab.n. 13.8. » Π. ixii. 5, 6: Sammlung WissensctiaftíkJier Vortrdje, von "Εκτορα δ' αυτού μεΓναι όλοί) ΜοΓρ' Rad. Virchow und Fr. von Holtzendorff; 1875, Ίλίοκ προπάροιθί πυ\άαν re Ser. i., Heft 229. 144 TOPOG1ÍAPHY OF TROY. [CHAI·. IL §ΠΙ·] THE ΦΗΓ02 (BEECH?) OF HOMElt 145 that Homer gives only one gate to tho sacred Ilios, there 19 a still more evident proof of this in the account of the last combat of Hector with Achilles. Hector is pursued by Achilles round the city ; but whenever he approaches the Dardanian Gate, he is prevented by Achilles from escaping beneath tho wall or into the city.1 It ia self-evident that this could only be said if Troy had but one gate." This Scaean Gate had over it a tower, often mentioned in the Iliad, where it is called ike great tower of Ilium2 and the divine tower ; 3 but this latter epithet may perhaps refer to its divine origin, as having been built by Poseidon, or by Apollo and Poseidon. It deserves to be mentioned - that, when Homer does not use the plural of πύργο? figuratively, he generally means by it the walls of defence. There is also mentioned, close to the city wall, a chariot-road (αμαξιτός* se. οδό?), which appears to have led from the Scaean Gate to the two soureee of the Scamander. These sources were at a short distance from the Scaean Gate and the Erineoa, probably on the other side of the road : one of them had lukewarm water, from which smoke rose as if from burning fire ; the water of the other was in summer as " cold as hail or as winter-snow, or as water frozen to ice." Close to the two sources were beautiful stone washing-troughs, in which the Trojan women for merly, in the time of peace, before the arrival of the Greek army, had used to wash their clothes.5 Close to the city wall, and probably close to the two springs, was a swamp overgrown with thick shrubs, bushes, and reeds.6 I may remark here that swamps appear to be further indicated in the lower plain, near tho Greek camp, by the raeds which Ulysses broke, and with which he made a mark on a tamarisk,7 as well as by the heron (a bird which lives in swamps), whose cries Ulysses and Diomedes hear on leaving the camp.8 I have further to mention the tree (φηyóς), which stood before the Scaean Gate, and which is mentioned seven times in the Iliad. It was a high tree and sacred to Zeus ;9 it is also called the very beautiful φηγός o