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HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 

MANUSCRIPTS 

OF THE 

EARL OF EGMONT 

DIAEY 

OF 

VISCOUNT PERCIVAL 
AFTERWARDS FIRST EAEL OF EGMONT. 

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VOL. I. 1730—1733. 

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INTRODUCTION 
DIARY - 

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This Volume has been edited and passed through the 
press, on behalf of the Historical Manuscripts Commissioners, 
by Mr. R. A. ROBERTS, one of their number. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The preliminary report on the manuscripts of the Earl of 
Egmont, printed in the Appendix to the Seventh Report of the 
Historical MSS. Commissioners, specifies : " Twelve folio 
volumes of Diaries, 1729-30, Jan. 8, to 174-, Aug. 30," with 
the remark, "They seem to be interesting." This they 
prove to be, and are, moreover, exceedingly valuable as a 
mirror of the times from many points of view, and particularly 
from that of the Parliamentary historian. 

The first four of these vellum-bound folios furnish the 
material for the present volume. The others will probably 
yield sufficient for two more volumes of similar size and 

quality. 

The diarist, whose small handwriting closely covers the 
pages Of the folios, each of which is carefully indexed at the end, 
at the time when the diary was begun, had been first Baron, 
then Viscount Percival in the peerage of Ireland for a period 
of fifteen years, and three years later, while the diary Vas 
still in progress, he was advanced in the same peerage to the 
dignity of an Earl by the title of Earl of Egmont, in the county 

of Cork. 

In 1730, when the diary starts, Lord Percival had passed 
middle-age. From earliest manhood he had been con 
versant with public affairs, and was intimately acquainted 
with the leading public men. He was a member of the 
House of Commons of Great Britain, sitting, in conjunction 
with his brother-in-law, Sir Philip Parker, for the borough of 
Harwich : a supporter of Sir Robert Walpole, with a bias 
towards independence ; and a favourite in Court circles. 
Furthermore, he had long attained to fixed principles ; was 
Protestant, pious and philanthropic ; musical in his tastes, 
and himself something of a musician ; married, to his own great 
comfort and content ; father of a family of three children living, 
who were approaching manhood and womanhood ; in easy 
circumstances ; conscious of his own dignity, and well pleased 
with himself and the conditions of his ufe. He said with evident 
truth, when he put forward discreetly in the proper quarters a 
request for advancement to the rank of an Earl, that he did it, 
not on his own account, for he had no ambition, nor could 
be the better for any further title, but because he thought 
it an obligation on him as a parent, now that his children were 
grown up, to study their benefit and advancement in the 
world, and because he surmised that, having an adequate 
estate, if he were an Earl, his children would marry the better. 
He obtained this step in the Irish peerage without any 

 Vi 

difficulty, after a handsome testimonial from Sir Robert 
Walpole to his desert and his disinterestedness and his zeal 
for his Sovereign and his Sovereign's consort, the quietly but 
supremely influential Queen Caroline. 

The diary is a punctilious work founded · on personal 
knowledge, laboriously entered up with details of events, 
speeches, conversations, reflections, and the like, both public 
and private and personal. The entries were made either 
day by day or, possibly, on the days when he " stayed at 
home," or during the evenings which he " spent in his study " 
—in any case quite near to the events chronicled, when 
impressions were fresh in his mind. There are periods in the 
year which are lightly passed over or omitted altogether, 
chiefly those of the summer holiday months spent at his 
country house at Charlton, or on visits to Bath. But when 
residing in town, as was his habit for the greater part of the 
year, and especially during the sessions of Parliament, his 
diligence and assiduity as a diarist are most remarkable. 
For there is here no hastily traced shorthand, but everything 
written out in longhand, except for a few abbreviations of fre 
quently recurring words. Some of it was also done at least 
twice over, for copies of lengthy letters are occasionally entered 
which set out in detail Parliamentary speeches and proceedings 
for the information of his friend Dr. Marmaduke Coghill in 
Ireland. One may remark, incidentally, that he expresses a 
decided opinion as to the necessity of copying all letters and 
the benefit arising from the practice. 

The habit of the diary he appears to have acquired at an 
early age. While still a boy of fifteen at school at Westminster, 
writing to thank Sir Robert Southwell, his guardian, for 
certain books, he adds : " I shall employ one of them in 
keeping a diary."* Between his fifteenth year, therefore, 
and his forty-seventh year, when this series begins, there 
may well have been other volumes of diaries which have 
either not escaped destruction or have not yet come to light. 
There certainly are letters, accounts of travels, dissertations, 
which will afford material for future reports. In the mean 
while, these twelve books of diaries may stand by themselves, 
complete so far as they extend. 

The second volume of the Historical MSS. Commission's 
Report upon the Egmont Manuscripts affords some material 
for the early years of Percival's biography. The third 
baronet, Sir John Percival, dying in 1686, left a family 
of young children. The eldest boy, Edward, who succeeded 
him as fourth baronet, died in 1691, in his ninth year. The 
second son was the diarist who, when he thus succeeded to 
the baronetcy, was of the tender age of eight. He was educated 
at Mr. De Moeurs' school and at Westminster. His schoolboy 
letters afford glimpses of the character he developed in manhood. 

* Report on Egmont MSS., Vol. II, p. 190. 

Vll 

His schoolwork is his " business," apart from which he " spent 
as little time as he could," and when he had " nothing at all to 
take him from hie book he would, with all diligence, overcome 
it, that he might the sooner go to Oxford, the place of his 
desire." This- is the boy's own portrait of himself ; and, 
later on, from time to time, as we shall see, he is ready and 
willing to add other strokes to the picture and to fill up details 
of his character and aspirations. 

In November, 1699—when sixteen years of age—he became 
" an University man." The day after the ceremonies con 
nected with this important step in life, he gave a treat to all 
the College—as was incumbent on all newcomers—" but now 
that this is over, treats are also over with me," he says.* 
Even at this early period he has views of his own on education. 
" I think what you tell me of the young Earl proceeded from 
his too strict education, which was of ill consequence to some 
at Westminster when I was there." He is. also a critic— 
" Mr. Prior's New Year's gift to the King ... is in my 
opinion finely writ, and there are many flights in it that are 
very charming." A little later, but even then not above 
20 years old, he shows that he has opinions of his own as to 
the construction of a play, and can state them by way of 
advice.·)· He was not much of a sportsman, though he thought 
pretty well of himself in this particular also. " " I have 
increased my skill though not my affection for shooting, for 
I know how to confine this sort of recreation, and prefer those 
which are more solid." His tutor helps in the limning of 
his portrait as a University man : " The greatest occasions 
of Sir John's expenses has been his love of music, which has 
engaged him to have more entertainments at his chambers 
than otherwise he would have had, and . . . though this has 
proved expensive, yet I think it has excused himself from 
drinking more than the greatest part of other conversation 
would have done." 

His school career and three terms at Oxford were, it ap 
pears, considered to have endowed him with " that stock 
of school and University learning . . . more than sufficiently 
furnished to the use it was designed," and " in order to lay 
a good foundation for the conduct of his whole life," it was 
arranged that he should now set out on his travels to " survey 
England." He took the best possible advice beforehand, and 
the plans of routes and the forecasts of what he was to see, 
west and east, make interesting and instructive reading, though 
they need only be thus casually referred to here.J 

In September of the same year he crossed the border into 
Scotland. He himself describes§ his experiences there, which 
were of a particularly unsavoury character, and deterred him 

* Egmont MSS., Vol. II, p. 191. 

t Ibid, p. 212. 

j Ibid, pp. 193-206. 

§ Ibid, p. 206. 

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viii 

from proceeding as far as Edinburgh, according to intention. 
In the following year he is found pursuing his education as 
a man of the world by frequenting " the Court of Bequests 
and Coffee-houses."* This resort to Coffee houses and his 
interest in the conversation rife there were continued in later 
life, during the period of this diary, as is more particularly 
noticed later on in this Introduction. 

No youth could ever have been spoon-fed with more or 
better advice by his elders. An example of this is furnishedf 
by the dissertation for his benefit of his guardian, Sir Robert 
Southwell—a very Polonius—on the way to obtain " fit 
interest in Ireland," and the methods he must pursue there. 
And one cannot but come to the conclusion that young 
Percival was of the sort to take advice of this kind and to 
profit by it. 

When barely more than twenty years old, he commenced 
his Parliamentary career as member for Cork County in the 
Irish Parliament. " It is with much pleasure that the friends 
to Ireland do observe your Parliamentary proceedings "— 
writes a correspondent at the very beginning of his career ;% 
" it is courageous, and with prudent conduct, the violation 
of your natural liberties vigorously observed, and with so 
much mildness and submission that your greatest enemies 
are softened at it." 

In the course of the years immediately following he made 
the Grand Tour on the Continent, which included a stay of 
some duration at Rome. Here he made the acquaintance 
of artists, was the object of some adulation, and cultivated 
his taste in painting, and took part in musical performances. 
On his departure for England, he left behind him commissions 
to be executed : " retraites " to be painted ; busts and 
statues to be bought and sent after him to England. One 
of those with whom he associated and towards whom he 
stood as patron there was James Gibbs, the architect, designer 
of the church of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, in London, and 
the Senate House and the quadrangle of King's College in 
Cambridge. Gibbs says of him : " I believe there will come 
to Rome very few that will leave such a notable character 
behind them as your worthy person has done. . . . When 
you went away, I am sorry I did not go along with you, though 
it had been to carry a livery in your service. . . . The reason 
why I did not beg of you to take me along with you was that 
I might stay some short time longer to perfectionnate myself 
in this most miserable business of architecture."§ Gibbs, 
however, found a more serviceable patron in the Earl of Mar.|| 
A letter of Percival's when still a young man of 24, reporting 
at some length a debate which he had heard in the House of 

* Egmont AfSS., Vol. II, p. 207. 
• t Und, p. 208. 
t Ibid, p. 218. 
§ Ibid, p. 217. 
lj Ibid, p. 235. 

Lords,* exhibits early indications of his powers of concentrated 
attention and almost verbal memory—or perhaps, assiduous 
note-taking—of which the diary later on in life affords so 
continuous a series of examples. 

The severer interests of his life, and his inclination towards 
religious and philosophical studies and enquiries are evidenced 
by his life-long friendship and correspondence with 
Dr. Berkeley, and his musical tastes in his lighter moods 
by his lettersf to h*8 female relatives. 

Percival married in 1710, when 27 years of age, Catherine, 
the elder daughter of Sir Philip Parker à Morley, of Erwarten, 
Suffolk, and thus fully satisfied his desire for domestic hap 
piness, and entered upon a long period of it. On marriage 
he had previously pondered much, and in his own marriage, 
even before he had met the wife of his choice, he took quite 
a poignant interest. Two years before this event happened 
he had written to a female relative : " You have often heard 
me say that in a complete wife there are six things desirable, 
viz., good nature, beauty, sense, breeding, birth and fortune." 
He acknowledged that it was impossible to have all of these 
in any one woman, so he put fortune last and family fifth in 
order of necessity. " If these two cannot be had, then the 
other four must join to make a man happy—good nature, 
or a husband has no peace at home ; beauty, or he has no 
delight ; sense, or his affairs go to wreck ; and breeding, or 
the whole world reflects on his choice." At this time, although 
the suitable mate had not appeared upon the scene, he had 
gone so far as to make up his mind not to pick one in Ireland. 

To Dr. Berkeley he also opens his mind on this subject in 
an allegory : " Marriage is a voluntary confinement, which 
I desire to make as agreeable as possible, the rather because 
it is a confinement for life. I therefore would have my room 
well pitched and very clean, not one that had been lain in 
before, but fresh, new and fashionable. ... So much for the 
walls. As to the furniture . . ."$—proceeding to labour 
the allegory until, as he says, it fails him, and he drops to the 
plain statement that his wife must not have red hair. This 
was written not many months before his marriage, when, 
however, he was still in the position of not having " found 
a room " to his mind. But soon, his search was rewarded 
and he secured the perfect wife. Experience justified his 
choice. He confides to his diary : " This day I have been 
21 years married, and I acknowledge God's blessing that 
I have lived so many years in full happiness with my dear 
wife." And again, on the following 20th of June : " This 
day I have been married twenty-two years, and I bless God 
that I have lived so long with the best wife, the best Christian, 
the best mother, and the best mistress to her servants living ; 

* Egmont JVf&S., Vol. II, p. 2ΛΚ "i < V* » 

t Ibid, p. 240, Percival to Elizabeth Southwell. 

Î Ibid, p. 241. 

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and that not only the world thinks so, but that I am myself 
sensible of it."* 

With respect to the subject matter of the Diary, in order 
to obtain a proper view of its value and interest, it should 
be perused continuously from the first page to the last. It 
would, indeed, be an easy task to pick out and marshal in 
this introduction a series of extracts of exceptional interest. 
But to do that is neither necessary nor expedient. It would 
be mere repetition of matter better read in its place in the 
pages that follow. But there are some remarks of a general 
character, and a few extracts, that may be useful and not 
out of place in an introductory sketch. 

The four years of the portion of the Diary contained in 
the present volume, 1730-1733, were early years in the reign 
of King George II, during which Sir Robert Walpole was 
firmly established in power. Sir Robert and his brother 
Horace—or, as he is named sometimes, but not often, Horatio 
—are therefore, as might be expected, prominent and frequent 
figures in the scenes set for the reader. In addition, in the 
political arena, appear time and again Speaker Onslow, the 
two Pulteneys, Wyndham, Shippen, Pelham, Jekyll, Master 
of the Rolls, Sandys, Dodington, Lord Morpeth, and other 
of the Parliamentary protagonists. Bolingbroke passes as 
a mere shadow, casually mentioned half a dozen times. Swift, 
to one's surprise, is wholly absent, and so, it may be said here, 
are his friends Pope and Gay. Lord Wilmington, formerly 
Speaker as Spencer Compton, often appears, and very 
occasionally Lord Hervey, whose own " Memoirs " have 
brilliantly illuminated the same times and done so much to 
fix and colour modern ideas and conceptions of their character 
and hue. 

The chief historical value of the Diary will without doubt 
lie in its full report at first hand of proceedings and debates, 
hitherto gathered from very inadequate sources, in that 
House of Parliament of which Lord Percival was a mem 
ber, the British House of Commons. He himself spoke 
but seldom, but he was an excellent listener, assiduous 
in attendance, not often withdrawing until debate had come 
to an end and he had recorded his vote. Occasionally, in 
matters which personally interested him, he showed himself 
also active "in the lobby." Hence, in respect OÍ the first 
Parliament of George II, we have in this volume a continuous 
record from the opening of the third Session. There are, 
it may be pointed out, some hundred and thirty occasions 
on which debates are more or less fully reported, about 
which Cobbett's Parliamentary History is altogether silent. 
In other instances, Cobbett reports one chief speaker only, 
while Percival at least summarises most of those who took 

* Diary, pp. 194, 281. 

xi 

part, and sometimes does more. Compare, for example, 
pages 3-6 of this work, giving the speeches on the Address on 
January 13th, 1729-30, with the meagre summary of Sir John 
Hind Cotton's speech only that appears in Cobbett. Place side 
by side, indeed, the respective accounts of the whole of the 
third and fourth Sessions of this Parliament, and it will at 
once be apparent what an addition to the knowledge of its 
proceedings is made by the present work. 

The principal matters that occupied the attention of i- 
Parliament during the period were the Loans to Foreign 
Princes, the Pension Bill, the number of the land forces, and 
the effort to reduce the Hessian troops in British pay, the 
revival of the Salt Duty, the Sale of the Derwentwater Estates 
and the investigations of the operations of the Charitable 
Corporation, resulting in the expulsion of prominent members 
of the House of Commons, the rumoured repair of the forti 
fications of Dunkirk contrary to the terms of the Treaty of 
Seville, and the Excise scheme of Sir Robert Walpole, which 
not even his compelling influence was able to carry through. 
Here is then a precursor of Hansard, which must be held to 
be of very great value to the student of Parliamentary history 
and alscfof Parliamentary procedure. For example, as regards 
the latter there is the debate on the question whether 
papers called for should be produced in original or copies of 
them only, and again, the question of the introduction of the 
King's name into debate. A point of interest is the explana 
tion how it came about that the Speaker first extended to 
ladies the privilege of admission to the gallery of the House 
to hear the speeches.* 

In any political memoirs of the period under review, the 
principal, the commanding figure cannot fail to be Sir Robert 
Walpole. It is so here. At the same time, outside Parliament, 
it is the brother Horace who is prominent ; it is through him ' 
that approaches to the great Minister are made : it is he 
chiefly who negotiates, who holds conversations, who " sounds " 
people whom it is necessary to conciliate or cajole or in the last 
resort compel. During the first three years of the period 
of the Diary, Lord Percival's relations with the Walpoles 
were extremely cordial. He was a firm supporter of the 
Minister, though at times showing signs of independence 
and discrimination. The Walpoles took pains to obtain 
his support and to be on good terms with him : they all three 
dined with one another, and there was considerable social 
intercourse besides. But Lord Percival never surrendered 
his independence. He relates that when the King's first 
Parliament was about to be summoned, he waited on his 
Majesty and told him, to use his own words, " that though 
loving my ease I never yet would be in Parliament, yet having 
observed in all reigns that the first that was summoned was 

* p. 269. 

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XU 

always most troublesome to the Prince, I was resolved to 
stand, that I might contribute my poor services to the settle 
ment of his affairs."* Hence he was no creature of the 
Walpole Administration. When there was talk of a Bill 
against placemen and pensioners sitting in the House of 
Commons, Percival informed Horace Walpole that he would 
show he was no pensioner by voting for the Bill as far as related 
to them, though, he added, as to the other part concerning 
placemen " I shall be for allowing them."| This resolve he 
carried out, " flatly refusing to be against " the Pension Bill 
when it was later on introduced, notwithstanding persuasive 
influences brought to bear upon him by Sir Robert Walpole, 
and an intimation that the King was " much set against " 
it.J He expected, he said, in reply to this argument, that 
the King would conclude from his action now " that the 
zeal I have professed and shown on other occasions proceeds 
- from a principle."§ Quite early in the period, he indulges 
himself with the following mordant criticism of the famous 
Minister :— 

Sir Robert Walpole . . . found there are certain occasions 
where he cannot carry points ; it is this meanness of his (the prostitu 
tion of the character of a first Minister in assisting and strenuously 
supporting the defence of dunghill worms, let their cause be ever so 
unjust, against men of honour, birth, and fortune, and that in person 
too), that gains him so much ill-will ; formerly, when the first Minister 
appeared in any matter, he did it with gravity, and the honour and 
service of the Crown appeared to be concerned, but Sir Robert, like 
the alters of refuge in old times, is the asylum of little unworthy 
wretches who, submitting to dirty work, endear themselves to him, 
and get his protection first, and then his favour, which as he is first 
Minister, is sure to draw after it the countenance of the Court. In 
the meantime the world who know the insignificancy, to say no worse, 
of these sort of tools, are in indignation to see them preferred and 
cherished beyond men of character and fortune, and set off in a better 
light to the King ; and this with men of small experience, which are 
the bulk of a nation, occasions hard thoughts of the Crown itself, 
whereas in very deed the King can seldom know the merits and character 
of private persons but from the first Minister, who we see has no so 
great regard for any as for theae little pickthanks and scrubs, for whom 
he risks his character, and the character of his high station, in opposition 
to the old gentry of the kingdom, and that in matters of right and wrong, 
in the face of his country, namely, in Parliament. || 

Later, the relations between the Walpoles and himself 
became strained and unhappy. It may have been that he 
was found in general to be too independent. But a starting 
of the breach may possibly be discovered in the action of 
Percival's son, afterwards the second Earl of Egmont, whose 
fame ultimately surpassed that of his father. 

The son showed when a young man great precocity. The 
Prince of Wales spoke of him to his father, from hearsay, 
as " a youth of extraordinary sense and character."^ In 

* p. 20. 
t P- 17. 
t p. 125. 
§ p. 125. 
|| p. 85. 
H p. 160. 

xm 

1730 he " surprised " his father with the discovery that he 
was the author of two political pamphlets, with regard to 
the authorship of which he imposed secrecy upon his father, 
whose comment is that " he need not be ashamed of them, 
and few children at nineteen years old would have done so 
well."* Percival took proper means to introduce his son 
at the Courts of both the King and the Prince of Wales. In 
1731, when he would be twenty years of age, he was despatched 
to Ireland with a view of getting into Parliament there, a 
design which was accomplished before the end of the year, 
and towards the close of his first Session there, in the spring 
of 1732, Percival was gratified by the report brought over 
by a fellow member that his son was " in great esteem with 
the members for his application to public business, and his 
speaking in the House."t In April the son returned to Eng 
land, and was welcomed with parental affection and fervour, 
the more so as by a fortunate accident of detention on account 
of business he had escaped sailing in a ship that on its voyage 
was cast away. As it happened, he suffered no harm on 
his journey a few days later other than having to spend two 
days and three nights at sea between Dublin and Park Gate. 
Up to this point we have the picture of an exceedingly gratified 
and pleased parent. But a few days afterwards, when Percival 
"passed an evening at home," and went over the accounts 
from Ireland, and learnt to his dismay that the young man 
had spent nearly 2,000i. during his stay in that " cheap 
country," he received a " lesson for the future, never to trust 
the discretion of young men when left to themselves, let 
them promise ever so fairly." The remarks he addressed 
to his son are not reported, but he confides to his DiaryJ :— 

I immediately put him to an allowance of 300Z. a year to begin at 
Ladyday last, which is enough for him, his man, and his horse (living 
with me), for all reasonable and handsome expenses. The forfeiture 
of his character by the ill company he must have kept to squander 
so much money away in that cheap country, and my disappointment 
in him, who I proposed to confide in and trust all things to, as my 
second self, has sunk deep and preys on ray spirits, and grieves me 
more than the loss of the money, but, what is worst of all, he shows 
little sense of his crime, makes no declaration of future amendment, 
takes no thought to reconcile himself to ray good opinion. 

God prevent him in all his doings and further him with continual 
help. Amen. 

This, however, by the way. Young Percival appears to 
have been soon forgiven, and now the point is reached when, 
as has been said, we get the first hint of difficulties between Sir 
Robert Walpole and Lord Percival. 

It will be remembered that Lord Percival states that he 
himself had entered the British Parliament on account of 
special considerations which had induced him thus to express 
his loyalty to the King and to aid his service. That done, 

* p. 92. 
t p. 242. 
Í p. 259. 

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XIV 

he proposed now to retire from Parliament when its life came 
to an end and to put his son in his place as member for Harwich. 
And for a time this design seemed to have every prospect 
of success. The great Minister apparently accepted the 
arrangement with approval. In pursuance of this object, 
young Percival was " made free of the Corporation." Lord 
and Lady Percival and a cousin accompanied him down to 
Harwich for the ceremony.* The party were met by the 
Mayor and several of the Corporation nine miles from the 
town, and the next day Lord Percival gave the Corporation 
a dinner " at Peck, the postmaster's." " I found the 
Corporation very steadfast to me and very cheerful," he 
relates, and all was well, merry and bright. But not for long. 
Soon there were troublesome and very vexatious happenings 
at Harwich itself, which culminated in the defeat of 
Lord Percival's candidate for the mayoralty, and caused him 
excessive annoyance and vexation of spirit, and was ominous 
of what would happen in the political field. The recital of 
these matters and other local Harwich politics and proceedings 
fills many pages of the Diary, but need not be specified in detail 
here. Ultimately (though this event does not come within 
the purview of the present volume) the younger Percival 
was not elected to represent the town in the next Parliament. 
How much this result and the events that led up to it were 
due to the action of Sir Robert Walpole and his brother it 
is impossible to say, but there is no doubt that Lord Percival 
believed that they had acted very badly and crookedly in the 
business, and the breach in consequence became so marked 
that the Diary records this incident :— 

As I was coming out of Court, Sir Robert Walpole came in, and in 
a familiar, kind sort of way asking me how I did, offered me his hand, 
but I drew back mine, and in a respectful, cool, way said only to him, 
" Your humble servant, sir."f 

Earlier in the year, some episodes in which Sir Robert 
Walpole and young Percival were the actors are related, 
which though to all appearances satisfactorily ended, may 
well have betokened that the Walpoles were uneasy under 
the independent bearing of the father and more than doubtful 
of the future loyalty of the son if he should succeed his father 
in Parliament, f 

Both Horace and Sir Robert, even after matters had reached 
the pass which such an incident as that recorded above 
emphasised, made some personal efforts to induce friendlier 
feeh'ngs, but Lord Percival's mind still rankled from the 
memory of the " ill usage " which he believed himself to have 
suffered at their hands, particularly in the proceedings which 
resulted in the defeat of " his Mayor." The most favourable 
situation reached as recorded in this volume, is contained in 
the entry, " So with civility we parted." 

* p. 280.———————————————————— 

t>. 461. 
Í'PÍ>: 376-379. 

XV 

Percival's relations with the Royal Family during these 
four years were extremely cordial. He was a constant 
attendant at Court, and he and his wife and children were 
the objects of special notice from the King and Queen and the 
Prince of Wales, on which he repeatedly congratulates himself, 
and with regard to which in one instance, at the end of the 
year, he sets down seriatim the " obligations " received from 
the Court within the preceding twelve months.* His cousin, 
Mary Dering, was " dresser " to the Princess Royal, and by 
means of this channel also was he brought into contact with 
the intimate side of the Court. The Queen often singled 
him out for conversation, and the subjects they talked about 
and what each said are set down in some detail. The Queen 
took a personal interest in his protege and frequent guest, 
Dr. François de Courayer (whose name is consistently written 
in the Diary " Couraye " or " Couraye "), whom she pensioned 
and employed in the work of translation. 

Entries similar to the following are numerous and concern 
Sunday occupations : " Then I went to the King's Court, 
and carried the sword." This was on the progress to the 
chapel. The King's occasional polite speeches to him are duly 
set down. 

His relations with the Prince of Wales were likewise 
intimate, and his attendances at the separate Court frequent, 
but he often shook a shocked head over the Prince's pro 
ceedings, proceedings that sadly grieved his lordship and 
operated to "the just scandal of all sober and religious 
folks." Of this young man of twenty-four, destined, as 
was then supposed, to succeed in due course to the Crown of 
England, he pens this " character "— 

He has no reigning passion : if it be, it is to pass the evening with 
six or seven others over a glass of wine and hear them talk of a variety 
of things ; but he does not drink. He loves play, and plays to win, 
that he may supply his pleasures and generosity, which last are great, 
but so ill placed, that he often wants wherewith to do a well-placed 
kindness, by giving to unworthy objects. He has had several mistresses, 
and now keeps one, an apothecary's daughter of Kingston ; but is 
not nice in his choice, and talks more of feats this'way than he acts. 
He can talk gravely according to his company, but is sometimes more 
childish than becomes his age. He thinks he knows business, but 
attends to none ; likes to be flattered. He is good-natured, and if 
he meets with a good Ministry, may satisfy his people ; he is extremely 
dutiful to his parents, who do not return it in love, and seem to neglect 
him by letting him do as he will ; but they keep him short of money. 

Another subject directly connected with the Royal Family, 
on which he has much to say, relates to the personal 
characteristics and illness of the Prince of Orange when he came 
to England in 1733 for his marriage with the Princess Royal. 

Thackeray, in his Lectures on the "Four Georges," with 
reference to the period of this Diary, or at any rate to the 
second King's reign as a whole, exclaims rhetorically, " What 
could Walpole tell him [the King] about his Lords and 

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XVI 

Commons but that they were all venal ? "—and again, 
"Wandering through that city of the dead, that dreadfully 
selfish time, through those godless intrigues and feasts, through 
those crowds, pushing and eager and struggling—rouged 
and lying and fawning—I have wanted some one to be friends 
with. I have said to friends conversant with that history : 
Show me some good person about that Court ; find me among 
those selfish courtiers, those dissolute gay people, some one 
being whom I can love and regard." 

It is possible that if the famous writer had been acquainted 
with the characteristics of Lord Percival as disclosed by 
his Diary, he might have found the " good person about the 
Court " whom in the Memoirs of Lord Hervey, the Letters 
of Horace Walpole, and Cox's Life of Sir Robert Walpole, he 
failed to discover. For here was a courtier who was not a 
libertine, and a man who, whatever of consideration he 
thought to be due to his position—not lightly esteemed 
by himself—was certainly not venal. The Diary also mirrors 
the religious tone of mind and practice and the philanthropic 
activities of Percival and his associates, "the sober and 
religious folk," who were even then and there pursuing the even 
tenor of the moral and respectable life, though their personalities 
and deeds naturally do not figure in the salacious memoirs of the 
period. There is in the Diary abundant evidence that there were 
men of earnest purpose who were not callous to the diseases of 
the body politic (witness the enquiry into the state of the 
King's Bench Prison), and who were striving to bring about 
better conditions among their less fortunate fellow country 
men. Percival was one of them, and actively associated in 
these projects with men of like intention, of whom James 
Edward Oglethorpe, the Colonist of Georgia, and Captain 
Thomas Coram may be named as typical. In the enter 
prise of the colonisation of Georgia, Lord Percival took 
an active and leading part, holding it to be a " noble, charitable, 
disinterested and profitable design to the nation," on which 
the " blessing of God " might fitly be invoked. The informa 
tion which the Diary gives of the proceedings of the Georgia 
Society will be of the utmost value and interest to the students 
of early American history. 

In religion Percival was intensely Protestant, and perhaps 
something of a formalist. No Sunday passed without 
observance of the duties of prayers and sermon, and often 
of " communicating " also, and if public worship was not 
possible or convenient, there were invariably "prayers and 
sermon " at home. In connexion with the observances of 
religion, the following extract is of interest as stating views 
which were to be held more aggressively and influentially 
a century later :— 

We have often heard of sermon hunters, but seldom of communion 
hunters. This gentleman makes it his practice to take communion every 
Sunday at some church or other, if lying within a convenient distance, 

XVll 

which uncommon zeal I was at a loss to account for (knowing that 
however Oxford inspired him with warmth for the Church, it did not 
with warmth for religious devotion), but this day I learned the reason 
of his assiduity, for discoursing him of many things, among the rest 
he told me that hearing sermons, though fitting, is the least of a 
Christian's duty, when they meet for public worship, but that the 
eseential part is communicating ; that the ancient Christians never 
assembled without doing it, and thought their service otherwise imper 
fect. He added that commemorating the death of our Lord is not 
the principal business when we communicate, but the offering up the 
elements to God, a doctrine he said our Church should have retained, 
and that when we reformed we went too far. 

With regard to sermons, Percival occasionally reports the 
text and the exposition of it by the preacher in the pulpit. 
Of any class of men, his hardest and most cynical sayings 
are perhaps reserved for the clergy. The treatment of his 
friend, Dr. Berkeley, by his brother ecclesiastics evoked 
Percival's bitterest comment. As to his relations with 
Berkeley, nothing more than a reference is needed here in 
view of Dr. Rand's volume, Berkeley and Percival, published 
in 1914.* 

There is a very interesting aspect of Lord Percival's social 
life which is described in the following passage, and which 
is very fully illustrated in the Diary :— 

Thursday, 19.—I spend every day two hours in the evening at the 
Coffee House, with pleasure and improvement, especially in such public 
places as the Bath and Tunbridge, because of the great resort of gentle 
men thither for their health or amusement, out of whom a few who 
are of the same turn of conversation (after the ceremonies at making 
acquaintance are over) naturally select one another out and form a sort 
of society ; when the season is over, if we think it's worth the while, we 
preserve the acquaintance, if not, there is no harm done, no offence 
is taken. The ease with which gentlemen converse, and the variety 
of their respective knowledge and experience is equally pleasing and 
instructive. The set I met constantly with since this last arrival at 
Bath were the Speaker of the House of Commons, Dr. Gilbert, Dean of 
Exeter, Dr. Carleton, a physician, Mr. Glanvil, member of the House 
of Commons, and Mr. John Temple. The three former are gone, and 
their room is supplied by Mr. Joy, son to a late director of the South 
Sea ; but one who reads much and had " University education, 
Mr. Peregrine Bartue, a gentleman of estate in Suffolk or Sussex, Mr. La 
Mot, chaplain to the Duke of Mountague, who was my schoolfellow at 
Mr. Demeurs, and is now beneficed in Northamptonshire, and 
Sir Justinian Isham, knight of the shire for that county. 

A critic of a famous novelist once objected that while some 
of his characters were said to talk brilliantly, the reader had 
to be satisfied with the statement: there was little or no 
evidence or confirmation to be found in the works them 
selves. In this Diary we are not put off with any mere 
general statement ; the subjects of conversation and what 
each speaker contributed to it are faithfully set down. The 
assembled company frequently discoursed on some high 
themes, but they also told some good stories. Examples 
of such conversations are to be had on pages 106-7 and 108- 
13. But these are not the only examples of a procedure 

and Percival< by Benjamin Rand. Cambridge University Press, 

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satisfying to the reader, which later on in the century was 
used to such effect by the prince of biographers, Boswell. 
A subject of one of the stories told, of which there are many 
about all sorts of people and personages, is Addison,* excessively 
jealous of his reputation, so shy that if a single stranger chanced 
to be of the company he never opened his mouth. Another 
subject of more than one tale is " that monster, the King of 
Prussia." It may be added that the Diary, though not in 
any marked degree, is occasionally enlivened with tales spiced 
with a modicum of scandal. 

Music played a large part in the pleasure and interest of 
Percival's life. He himself was an instrumentalist, and his 
daughters' voices were carefully trained by the best masters. 
During the winter he gave private concerts at his own house. 
The company who assembled to hear and the performers, 
both amateur and professional, and the instruments they 
handled, are recorded, but not, it is to be regretted, the works 
they performed nor the music sung. He himself was a con 
stant attendant at the opera and a hearer of the oratorios 
and operas of " the more famous Hendel from Hanover, a 
man of the vastest genius and skill in music that perhaps 
has lived since Orpheus."| Several of the famous musicians 
of the period in England are referred to. A short account 
is given of Buononcini and his career.f His lordship's opinion 
of the proper earnings of a musician, sympathetic as he must 
have been, are somewhat tinged however with a sense of the 
profession's comparative social inferiority. A salary of five 
hundred pounds a year was " a sum which no musician ever 
had before from any prince, nor ought to have." It is but 
fair to say that the italics are not Percival's. 

Percival's interest in and connexion with Ireland must 
not be allowed to pass without notice. He held large property 
in Ireland, transactions in which are set down in the Diary ; 
he had been in earlier life a member of the Irish Parh'ament, 
and he was now an Irish peer. Apart from private concerns, 
in public matters he stood stiffly for Irish privileges, and 
worked energetically and constantly for Irish interests. It 
is in connexion with the Wool Bill, which affected Ireland 
seriously, that there is most evidence of his activity as a 
lobbyist, and he was the head and front of the movement for 
the defence and promotion of the rights and privileges of the 
Irish peers and peeresses when the programme was being 
arranged for the ceremonial to be observed at the marriage 
of the Prince of Orange to the Princess Boyal of England. 
Many pages of the later part of this portion of the Diary are 
devoted to this matter. 

In conclusion it remains only to add that the Diary 
is printed complete : that there are no omissions, even of 

* p. 105. 
t P- 12. 
t p. 201. 

XIX 

rsonal business. The sole alteration consists in the 
of the spelling of the words and the extension 

Index at the end of the last 
volume rfThe printed Diary. R ^ ROBERTS 

June, 1916. 

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DIARY OF THE 

FIKST VISCOUNT PEKCIVAL, 

SUBSEQUENTLY 

FIRST EARL OF EGMONT. 

1730. 

Thursday, 8 January 17fg.—This day I came with my family to 
town, and dined at my brother Dering's. I passed the evening 
at my cousin Southwell's, where there was music and a great 
deal of company, Duchess of Norfolk, Lady Gaze, Lady Isabella 
Scot, Earl of Cholmly, Duke of Dorset, and other company ol 
both sexes. The same day my cousin Mary Dering, daughter to 
my uncle Robert Dering, was made dresser to Princess Koyal, 
and kissed her hand, which is looked on as a distinction none m 
that place having been allowed that honour before. Her allowance 
is fifty pounds a year, with all things found her, and the first ol 
the other dressers that dies, she comes into a share of the clothes 
that are left off. IT. u 4. 

I found the town of different sentiments as to the Peace, but 
a pamphlet put out a few days after, entitled " Remarks upon the 
Articles of Peace," brought many to approve of the Peace. 

Friday, 9.—I put on my'public mourning for the death ol the 
Princess of Anspach, sister-in-law to the Queen. We dress without 
buttons, but in white gloves, shamy shoes and weepers, and the 
ladies in crape hoods, which is looked on as strange by a great many, 
who wonder we should mourn as deep almost as for the Royal family, 
she not being any way related to the Crown. I went the same day 
to see my brother Percival, laid up with the gout, Bishop Uayton, 
young cousin Southwell and his lady, and the two Schutz s. 
Brother Dering dined with me ; passed the evening at home. 

Saturday, 10.—I went to see the Speaker and the fcarl ol 
Grantham ; dined and passed the evening at home. 

Sunday, 11.—Prayers and sermon at home. Lord Lusnam 
[Lewisham]· came to see me. Mr. Clerk dined with me after ntteen 
or sixteen years' absence and an intimate friendship, which is 
cementing anew. Brother Dering also dined with me. I passed 
the evening at home. 

* The name is so spelt in the enrolment of the patent of creation of 
Viscount, and, previously, as Tiaron. Lord Percival appears to sign 
invariably, " Percival." -**1 

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té DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 12-13 

Monday, 12.—I went to see brother Percival, Capel Moore, Cousin 
Ned Southwell, the Lord Wilmington and Lord Bathurst. Dined at 
home with Dr. Couraye. Mr. Taylor came and talked over my 
affairs in Ireland. He told me Sir Emanuel Moore had bought 
the interest of my tenant in Doundeady (of which lease there are 
not three years to come), in hopes of having a lease thereof at 
the expiration of the present. I said to him I was not pleased 
at his doing it without my knowledge, and was more displeased 
, when he informed me that upon the back of the old lease there 
v is expressed but fifty pounds as given for the purchase of the 
old tenant's interest, whereas Sir Emanuel paid him one hundred 
and fifty-seven pounds. This is done that I may believe the 
farm is worth less than in reality it is, by seeing so small a con 
sideration given for the purchase. 

I went in the evening to see my brother Parker and his wife, 
and then returned home, notwithstanding I had a letter to meet 
some Parliament men at the Duke of Newcastle's to hear the 
King's Speech read to us, and the heads of an address of thanks 
prepared for the Commons, but I look on such meetings as a 
precluding the judgment, which for honour sake at least ought 
^ to have the appearance of being determined by the debates of 
the House. I heard afterwards there were about one hundred 
and fifty members present. 

Tuesday, 13 January.—This day the King came to the House of 
v/ Lords, and opened the Session with a very excellent speech. He 
acquainted us he had, in perfect union and concert with his allies, 
concluded an absolute peace with the Crown of Spain, built on the 
foundation and agreeable to the intentions of former treaties, without 
any alterations but such as rendered more effectual what had been 
engaged to be performed in the Quadruple Alliance. He hoped, 
if opposition should be given thereto, that the Parliament will 
support and assist him in the execution of his stipulations. He 
assured us he had the immediate interests of these kingdoms in 
view, which he preferred to the hazard of all other events, by 
which he hinted at the danger his Hanover dominions were in 
from the Emperor's resentments in case he should not comply 
with this Peace. He told us care was'taken of restitution to the 
merchants for the Spanish unlawful seizure of their ships and 
effects, a free and uninterrupted trade renewed with them, all 
rights belonging to him solemnly re-established and guaranteed, 
and not one concession made to the prejudice of him or his 
subjects ; that he had given immediate orders for the reduction 
of a great number of his land forces, and for laying up a great 
part of his fleet, which will make a considerable saving in the 
current expenses of this year, and doubted not but we should 
grant such supplies as shall be most effectual for the public service ; 
mentioned his regard for the Sinking Fund, and left it to our 
consideration whether part of it might not be applied to the ease 
of poor artificers and manufacturers, by which he hinted at taking 
off the duty upon soap and candles, which makes part of the 
Sinking Fund. He concluded with recommending a perfect 
unity among ourselves, such as may entirely defeat the hopes of 
our enemies, both at home and abroad, desiring the affection of 
his people may be the strength of his government as their interest had 
always been the rule of his actions and the object of his wishes. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PJERCIVAL. 3 

1729-30. 

This speech being reported by the Speaker, and the title of the 
Peace read, and heads of a Bill offered, according to custom, for 
opening the session, Lord Fitzwilliam made a motion for an 
address of thanks to his Majesty for his most gracious speech, 
and after cursorily mentioning some particulars of the adminis 
tration in the late years, which he justified, he took notice of the 
opposition given the King's measures by a few discontented and 
factious people at home, by which he glanced at Will. Pulteney 
and his party. He concluded with very long heads of address, 
which tallied with the particulars of the King's Speech, and pro 
posed the Peace should be voted just, honourable and advantageous. 
He did not perform so well as Mr. Andrews, who seconded him 
in as studied but a more fluent speech. 

Will. Pulteney opened the debate, complaining of the late 
method of answering every part of the King's Speech in our 
addresses of thanks, before we had considered what was fit to 
promise, and whether the things done deserved thanks or not. 
Said that he believed as to the Peace, in general it was as good 
a one as the Ministry could get, but that if he had time given 
him he would undertake to show it neither just, honourable, nor 
advantageous, but on the contrary unjust, dishonourable and 
disadvantageous ; that the strong assurances proposed to be 
given in the heads of the address of thanks were such, and so 
generally expressed, that they might subject us to expenses or 
actions neither honourable nor advantageous to the nation ; 
that we promised things that possibly we should not be able to 
make good. The particulars of the Peace are not yet authoritatively 
known, nor read to the House, and perhaps there are still 
unrevealed some secret articles that may be of pernicious con 
sequence to the kingdom if complied with, which he desired the 
House might be made acquainted with ; he said he could not see 
the merchants had any security that their losses should be reim 
bursed. He saw commissioners were to be appointed on both 
sides to adjust that matter, but he foresaw they would do nothing 
for our merchants, but the kingdom would be the worse even 
for that Commission, for the Commissioners on our side must have 
salary, and there must be a Secretary, which with cooking up 
accidental expenses of an office, paper, messengers etc., would 
put us to the expense of perhaps twelve thousand pounds, which 
nobody would be the better for but the favourites who were to 
enjoy these new employments. That it was dishonourable to 
allow these Commissioners should sit at Madrid and not bring the 
discussion of that matter at London ; that he did not understand 
this way of disposing of a million or two people to be slaves to a 
Prince at the agreement of the contracting Powers, and that there 
is a powerful confederacy formed in Italy in conjunction with the 
Emperor to prevent our settlement of Don Carlos in Tuscany, 
-Parma and Placentia, which must occasion a war to which no 
man can judge the end. That he knew no right any prince can 
nave over subjects but by mutual compact and stipulation with 
tnem, which conditions if broken on the King's part is the for- 
teiture of his title ; that this was ever his principle and that of a 
aenomination (meaning the Whigs). However, some have departed 
irom it, that this forcing Don Carlos on those States is therefore 
unjust, and this treaty on that account unjust. That he knew 

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1 DIABY OF THE 

Jan. 13 

not who were the disaffected persons pointed at in the King's 
Speech, or in the address proposed, that himself had all the honour 
and zeal for his Majesty possible, but he would support as far as 
he could the interest and honour of his country ; he thought the 
honour and interest of the King and country were united, and 
what hurt the one was equally prejudicial to the other, and 
concluded with moving that after thanking his Majesty for his 
indefatigable care of his people, we should give him general 
assurances of supporting him in all his just and advantageous 
measures for the good of his people, but not enter into particular 
engagements till we had duly considered both his Speech and the 
Peace, and therefore moved the latter part of the heads of the 
address as moved for might be laid aside, and some more general 
promises put in their place. 

Mr. Horace Walpole answered him, and spoke an hour. He 
justified the conditions of the Peace in every article ; took notice 
of the great difficulties that had been surmounted ; of the sincerity of 
Prance through the whole transaction ; of the great care taken 
of the merchants, their demands, and their future interests : said 
that there was no reason to imagine the Emperor will actually 
commence a war, because he has not the least pretence for it, for 
this peace differs not in any material article from the Quadruple 
Alliance, except that instead of six thousands neutral troops sent 
to secure the succession of Don Carlos in Italy, they now are to be 
Spaniards, but these Spaniards are not to interfere with the civil 
liberty of the States whose towns they are to garrison, but on the 
contrary are to take an oath to the Princes reigning ; they are only 
to secure the succession when the present possessors die, and 
this can give no offence to the Emperor, who had before granted 
to Don Carlos and remitted to him his claim over these States as 
Fiefs of the Empire, but it was thought necessary these troops 
should be natural Spaniards, because the Emperor delayed four 
years the perfecting the concession he had agreed to make, and 
that gave a jealousy that he intended to recede from it seeing 
it came so hard from him. He said that Gibraltar is as effectually 
secured to us as if the Spaniards had by a particular article 
renounced it, seeing by a former treaty they had given it up, and 
that all former treaties are by this Peace confirmed and ratified 
anew, and the mutual guarantee runs for securing the respective 
dominions, States and lands of the contracting Powers, under one 
of which heads Gibraltar must by all the world be understood 
to be guaranteed to us, and especially under the word "terre " or 
land. That as to any secret articles not communicated to the 
world, of which Mr. Pulteney expressed a jealousy, nobody could 
doubt that there must be some for the securing the things agreed 
on, but he averred they were such as were agreeable to the articles 

Eublished, and honourable to the nation, if otherwise he desired 
e might be looked on as the vilest of men. He defied the best 
civilian to call a peace unjust which only obliges the execution of 
what the Emperor had in a formal manner yielded to, and which 
secured to an immediate successor the right that belonged to him, 
and no reasonable man could say the peace is not advantageous 
which provides for restitution of all the legal demands our 
merchants can make out ; which puts an end to the lingering and 
consumptive way we were in, and which prevents a war with that 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEKCIVAL. 5 

kingdom of all others with whom it is the interest of England 

t0ínisAesubstance of what passed in this day's debate, which 
lasted from three o'clock till eleven. The other speakers were 
wfran^Pnlteney, Mr. Barnard, member for the City.Shippc», 
Sir' William Windham, Sir Joseph Jekyl, Master of the Rolls, 
CÏptafo Vernon, Mr. Vyner, Waller and Wyndham : these were 
aSt the address ; those who spoke for it were Pelham, Secretary 
at War, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr. Danvers and Sir Edmond Bacon 
Daniel Pulteney said that in Cromwell's time the Dutch were 
obliged on a like occasion to deposit a sum of money for security 
that they would make good the losses of our merchants incurred 
bv their depredations, and that within six weeks time, and that 
if the Commissioners could not then agree, they were to be locked 
up like our English juries, without meat or drink, whereas here is 
by the present treaty three years given. Barnard said the 
merchants' compensation was not to be adjusted under three 
years, but Don Carlos to be put into immediate possession, and 
this done the Spaniards would laugh at us to talk of reparation 
when their turn was served; and Mr. Wyndham desired the 
Ministry would say whether our address bound us down to assist 
the King in defence of his Hanover dominions in case the Emperor 
or King of Prussia should attack them; if they would allow 
the sense of the House to be that we do not intend to engage the 
kingdom in any expense on that account, he would vote tor the 
address, otherwise he must oppose it, but no reply was made to 
him, and he accordingly voted with the minority. It was indeed 
very prudent not to explain on that head, because the apprehemson 
of England's concerning herself in defence of Hanover m case 
that Electorate should be attacked contributes much to the keeping 
Prussia from hostilities. Perhaps you will judge by this relation 
that the debate was not managed on either side with that skill, 
eloquence, and argument as on former occasions ; it was my 
judgment, and that of others, that not one of the speakers was 
this day equal to himself, which I attribute to the evident reason 
ableness of supporting this address, the question whether two 
and two make four admitting neither art, nor wit, either to prove 
or to contend against, and 'tis equally plain that the Peace is 
just, honourable and advantageous : the first as it secures to a 
Prince his undeniable right, the seeond as it puts the interest 
of no contending Power in compromise, secures to ourselves our 
own possessions and provides for ample satisfaction to our 
merchants ; the third that it unites such Powers as are able to 
keep the balance of Europe, and restores the most beneficial 
branch of our trade to the same condition it was in, in the best 
of times, and gives way for the reduction of our Fleet and Army. 
And whereas it was said in the debate that by the wording of the 
heads of the Address we seem to approve not only of the Peace, 
but of the course of the Ministry's proceedings in the prosecution 
of it, Sir Edmond Bacon replied well, that if the Peace was a 
good one their services deserved our notice, but whether they 
have acted well or ill, the Address did not hinder an enquiry into 
their behaviour, which, if bad, why are they not impeached? 
This would be a conduct becoming a House of Commons, but 
to rail continually at them as we see some members every day 

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O DIAKS OF THE 

Jan. 13-20 

to do, and thereby spirit up craftsmen and libellers to expose 
both them and Majesty itself in print to the unjust censure 
of the people, and not go further, was unworthy the character of 
any who have the honour to sit in this House, and what he thought 
the dignity of it could not suffer. The conclusion was that 
two hundred and sixty-two voted for the Address, and one hundred 
and twenty-nine against it. 

I understand there is a design to take some further course 
with respect to wool and yarn run from Ireland to France. What 
that course is I know not yet, nor what can be done effectually 
to prevent it, unless by a free importation of wool and yarn hither. 
I discoursed the late and present Speakers about it, but don't 
find that anything is yet resolved on, at least it is not imparted 
to them. In general my Lord Wilmington told me that nothing 
could effect it but giving due encouragement, and as to our yarn 
he thought that has it already by being under very little or no 
duty. The Speaker told me that doubtless when this matter 
comes to be considered, the encouragement of the yarn will be 
proportionable to that of the raw wool. I also discoursed Joshua 
Gee, who has made trade his study these twenty years, and lately 
printed a very good book upon it ; and he assured me England 
must have our yarn, because there is not enough in this kingdom 
to supply the weaver. 

I ought to ask your pardon for troubling you with so empty 
an account of what I know of this matter, for whatever is designed 
must doubtless be fully communicated to my Lord Lieutenant 
and the Commissioners of the Revenue, who will have the principal 
share in conducting a thing of so great concern to both kingdoms. 

I am, Sir. 

To Dr. Coghill, 

Commissioner of the Revenue and 
Privy Counsellor.* 

Wednesday, 14 January.—I went this day to the House, 
when the Address was brought us and approved, and ordered 
to be presented to-morrow. Only two gentlemen opposed it, 
Mr. Williams and Mr. Bramston, but there was no division, 
only a number gave a loud " No," that it might appear the Address 
did not pass nem. con. I brought Colonel Middleton home to 
dinner, and Mr. Taylor, my steward, dined also with me. I passed 
the evening at home. 

Thursday, 15.—This morning Richmond, a Harwich voter, 
came to see me, and brought with him one Mr. Smith, who has 
concerns in Harwich. 

I went out and visited young cousin Southwell and Mr. Horace 
Walpole, who were abroad, the Duke of Grafton, who was at 
home, my brother Parker, who I likewise found, the Duke of 
Dorset, and Sir John Evelyn, who were both abroad. I then 
went to the House, and attended the Address to Court. The 
Earl of Grantham, Mr. Francis Clerk, and brother Dering dined 
with me. I passed the evening at home. 

I was given this day a libel in print against Sir Robert Walpole, 
dropped in St. James' Park the fifth of this month, when the 
Queen was walking there, and taken notice of by her, to whom 
one of her attendants showed it. 

* See p. 24 infra. 

FIBST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. / 

1729-30 

" A Hue and Cry after a Coachman." 

Lond., 5 Jan., 1729. 

" Whereas a coachman, who for his unparallelled and consummate 
impudence, has for many years past gone by the name of " Brazen 
Face," about fifty years of age, full bodied, brown complexion, 
five feet ten inches high or thereabouts, hath lost a tooth in fore 
part of his upper jaw ; dirty hands, light fingered, a heavy slouching, 
clumsy, waddling gait, an affected toss with his head, a supercilious, 
sneering, grinning look, of a malicious, vindictive, sanguinary 
nature, a saucy, insulting, overbearing, imperious behaviour in 
prosperity, a poor, low, mean, wretched, abject spirit in adversity, 
of a perfidious, impious, atheistical principle, remarkably addicted 
to lying, an ignorant, forward, positive, unexperienced, headstrong, 
blundering driver, despised, contemned and hated by all his master's 
faithful servants, generally wears a livery trimmed with a blue, 
garters below knee, formerly served a widow lady of the first rank, 
till he was dismissed her service for selling her corn and hay, for 
which he was committed and lay several months in prison, and 
till her death could not get into service again (but wandered about 
in the scorn and contempt of every one that knew him), but upon 
her demise procured himself to be chosen postillion, and after 
wards coachman in the service of his late mistress's successor, 
who was a perfect stranger to all his scandalous, base, wicked and 
corrupt practices ; has plunged, bewildered and overset his present 
master, imposed on and deceived his mistress, and plundered, 
robbed and stripped the whole family, which is exceeding numerous. 
" If any person or persons will seize and apprehend the said 
coachman, and bring him to the axe and block upon Tower Hill, 
or to the gibbet and halter in Tyburn Road, so that he may 
be brought to justice, and dealt with as he deserves, such person 
or persons shall be nobly rewarded, and eminently distinguished by 

all the family. 

"N.B.—If the said coachman is not apprehended by the 
13th instant, he shall be more particularly described, with his name, 
commonly called his Christian name, and his sirname at length." 

Friday, 16 January.—I visited this morning Lord Forbes, 
Lord Lusam [Lewisham], cousin John Finch, Sir Thomas Hanmer, 
Dr. Couraye, cousin Southwell, senior, and brother Dering. 
Secretary Scroop, and his nephew Mr. Fane, Sir John Evelyn and 
his son, Mr. Walker, and brother Dering dined with me. 

Saturday, 17.—I was seized with a feverish cold, which con 
fined me ; but brother and sister Percival, Mr. Donellan, and 
Bishop Clayton and his lady dined with me. 

Sunday, 18, Monday, 19, Tuesday, 20.—I saw no company, 
by reason of my disorder, brother Parker and Mr. Schutz and 
Mr. Taylor excepted. 

The Queen, who is an encourager of learned men as far as 

countenance goes, has caused the picture of the late Doctor Samuel 

vu f***01" of St- James's, to be set up in Kensington Palace, 

with this inscription to his honour, composed by Dr. Hoadly, 

Bishop of Salisbury :— . 

" Samuel Clark, D.D., 

« T " Rector of St. James's, Westminster. 
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3 DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 20-23 

' In his works, the best defender of Religion ; in his practice, the 
' greatest ornament of it. In his conversation, communicative 
'and in an uncommon manner instructive. In his Preaching 
' and writing, strong, clear, and calm. In his life, high in the 
' esteem of the great, the good, and the wise. In his death. 
' lamented by every friend to truth, to virtue, and liberty. 

" He died May the 7th, 1729, in the 54th year of his age." 
He was doubtless a very great man, and besides his learning, 
no man had a more metaphysical head, nor clearer way of expressing 
himself. I believe, too, that he was a lover and searcher after 
truth, but whether he found it in his notions of our Saviour's 
divinity, which he published in his book called the Scripture 
doctrine of the Trinity, and several anonymous pamphlets, is a 
thing disputed, and almost universally denied by our clergy, 
who in Queen Anne's time attacked him in Convocation, and 
engaged him to sign a promise that he would for the future be 
silent on that head. It. was the great interest of Bishop Smaldridge 
among his brethren which at that time saved him from some 
formidable censure, on condition of the promise above mentioned, 
which the Bishop afterwards complained to me was not performed 
by him. Bishop Goodwin, of Ireland, told me no man was more 
of Dr. Clarke's notion in these matters than Smaldridge, but that 
being one of the heads of the High Church party, he would never 
discover his opinion. The famous Dr. Whitby, likewise, at his death 
left a large pamphlet, wherein he declared himself to be of the 
same mind with the seminarians, and recants the excellent writings 
he had published before in favour of the established and orthodox, 
belief Dr. Clark, on the death of Sir Isaac Newton, applied 
for the post of Warden of the Mint, and obtained the nomination 
to it, which hurt his character, and was certainly a very unbecoming 
office for a clergyman, especially of one whose character was so 
established, and who had already one thousand pounds coming 
in, but he presently saw his error, and resigned his pursuit. When 
I heard the Doctor had asked that employment, I called to mind 
a passage of old Bishop Latimer in his sermon preached at 
St. Paul's Church, 18th January, 1548, where, complaining of the 
prelates of his time, that some were occupied in king's matters, 
some ambassadors, some of the Privy Council, some to furnish 
the Court, some lords of parliament, some Presidents and some 
Comptrollers of Mints, " Well, well (says he), is this their duty ? 
Is this their office ? Is this their calling ? Should we have 
ministers of the Church to be Comptrollers of the Mints ? Is this 
a meet office for a priest that hath cure of souls ? Is this his 
charge ? I would fain know who comptrolleth the devil at home 
in his parish while he comptrolleth the Mint. If the Apostles 
might not leave the office of preaching to the deacons, shall one 
leave it for minting ? I cannot tell you, but the saying is that 
since priests have been minters, money hath been worse than it 
was before." 

This being the Prince's birthday, it was kept with great 
respect, on the town's side, who appeared at Court in crowds 
as great as has been seen on the King or Queen's days ; but it was 
remarked that neither the King or Queen were out of mourning. 
The order was no body should appear in new clothes. There was 
a ball at night, and my daughter danced. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. D 

1729-30. 

Wednesday, 21 January.—Stayed at home on account of my cold. 
Mr. St. Lenger and Mr. Taylor came. We talked over the dispute 
between Mr. St. Lengerand me concerning Crone and Croft's dispute 
of Aires, my passing fine and recovery, and my title to Liscarrol 
Manor. Things passed gentlemanlike among us in conversation. 
Dr. Couraye dined with me in the evening. Old Frazer came 
to see me, and told me that it was he who procured Woolston 
(who stands condemned for writing against our Saviour's miracles) 
not to have sentence pass so speedily as otherwise it would have 
done upon him, because Woolston had given him hopes that he 
would in court recant his writings, which, when it came to the 
point, he would not, for which said Frazer, I have done with him 
for a vile fellow. 

Thursday, 22.—To-day Lord Wilmington and brother Percival 
came to see me. I asked him if it be true that the Prince's patent 
and investiture of the Principality of Wales must pass the 
Parliament ? He said he saw no occasion for it. Whether his 
servants who are members must be re-elected ? He said he thought 
not, for though they are paid by the King, yet they are not the 
King's servants, but the Prince's. Whether since the judicature 
is taken from the Lords of Ireland by Act of Parliament passed 
in England, the House of Lords of Ireland have a right to receive 
impeachments there, or to try one of their members who should 
kill a man in that kingdom ? He said he thought they had. 
I stayed all day at home on account of my cold. 
Friday, 23.—Mr. Taylor, Lord Bathurst, Cousin le Grand came 
to see me. The two Mr. Schutz's and their ladies dined with me, 
Letter came from Harwich that old Mr. Godfrey, one of our electors, 
died Tuesday last. He had a second or third gunner's place, 
worth twenty pounds, which I desired cousin Southwell to write 
to the Duke of Argyle, being Master of the Ordnance, to confer 
on Francis Pulham, one of my electors. This day the House of 
Commons had a division whether the consideration of Greenwich 
Hospital should be now referred to a separate Committee, which 
the Court would have be considered in a Committee of the whole 
House as usual, and carried the question accordingly, two hundred 
and thirty-nine, against one hundred and twenty. Mr. Sands 
made the motion, and Shippen, with Will. Pulteney supported 
it. Sir Robert Walpole opposed it. Shippen saying it was good 
to rub ministers, for it made them the brighter. Sir Robert 
answered, if so, he must be the brightest Minister that ever was. 
Pulteney replied he knew nothing was the brighter for rubbing 
but pewter and brass, alluding to Sir Robert's nickname of 

Brazen Face,"—ribaldry unfit for the House. Sir Robert I 
made a speech an hour long in his justification from the immense , 
nches it was pretended he had got, but said envy made it greater | 
than it was, and that he had not got it by dirty ways, concluding 
that he wondered he was not accused in a Parliamentary way if / 
guilty of the things laid to his charge ; to which Pulteney replied, 
everybody knew the reason, meaning the number of members 
under the Government's influence. 

I learned to-day that the Prince was affronted at the masquerade 
last ruesday night ; a gentleman made up to him and called him 
apusive names, upon which the Prince collared him and gave 
mm a box on the ear ; the other stole away, and is not known. 

 10 DIABY OF THE 

Jan. 24-28 

These masquerades are the corruption of our youth and a scandal 
to the nation, and it were to be wished the King would not 
encourage them. The Bishops have addressed in a body against 
them, and exposed them in their sermons, but all to no purpose. 

Saturday, 24 January.—Bishop of Killalla, Mr. John Temple, 
and Mr. Clerke came to see me. Stayed at home the whole day. 
Dr. Couraye dined with me. 

Sunday, 25.—Stayed at home the whole day, except in the 
evening I went for an hour to my sister Bering's. Sir Thomas 
Hanmer came to see me. 

Monday, 26.—This morning Mr. Capel Moore came to see me, 
and made me smile at a story touching my Lord Lovel (Mr. Cook 
of Norfolk that was made a Baron when this King came to the 
Crown). My Lord, coming up to town against the meeting of 
Parliament, told the Earl of Chesterfield that now he was come 
he did not know how to vote. " Why, with the Court, to be sure,' 
replied the Earl. " Aye, but," said Lovel, " the Court is so divided 
that I don't know which way it leans. There are," said he, " in 
it a country party, a Spanish party, and a French party." " If 
you are under a difficulty," replied the Earl, "go to Sir Robert 
Walpole ; he will direct you." Says Lovel, " If I vote with the 
Court, I expect to be paid for it." " How paid ?" said Chesterfield. 
" Why," the other replied, " I have an estate sufficient for an 
Earl or a Viscount at least, and I shall expect to be made one of 
them." " That," replied Chesterfield, " is impossible ; it is asking 
a thing the King cannot do." Lovel replied, " He did not under 
stand him, that the King had made him a Baron two year ago, 
and might make him a Viscount if he pleased, for he was the 
fountain of honour and nothing tied up his hands. To say therefore 
that it was impossible implied something he did not comprehend, 
and he must insist to know his lordship's meaning." " Why, if you 
will have it," replied the Earl, " it is a maxim of our law that the 
Kinç can do no wrong." Which said, he left my Lord Lovel 
to digest it as well as he could. 

It is inconceivable how much the town resents the King's 
usage of the Prince with respect to money matters ; the enemies 
of the Government are. loud against it, because they are glad 
of any handle to make a noise, and the friends are deeply concerned 
for the reflection it draws on the King, and the injury it does to 
the Prince, both in health, credit and temper, for his necessity 
may turn him. from being the most generous and best inclined 
man in the world to be of a sordid temper, and to abandon himself 
to pleasure to stifle his concern. The fault is laid at Sir Robert 
Walpole's door, who is said to encourage the King in his parsi 
monious temper, by which he preserves his Majesty's favour, 
and gains the disposal of all places, which he only bestows on his 
creatures. 

I learned that this day there was a debate in the Commons 
House till four o'clock on a motion of Lord Morpeth's, that his 
Majesty should be addressed to lay before the House all the papers 
relating to the negotiations of his Majesty in whatever parts of 
Europe, or to that effect. The Court party put the previous 
question, whether my lord's motion should be put or no, and 
carried it as they would have it, two hundred against one hundred 
and seven. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

11 

Tuesday 27 January.-The Lords this day took into considera 
tion the Treaty of Seville, and my Lord Bathurst moved that 
STfifch article of the Quadruple Alliance might be read, winch 
done he proposed the following question to tins effect, 
"Ulic> r , ,v rr4. „ TTi t n 

L«_M.1V) ·"-·«-' £— — j- --- - •-ν/υ.« ·· --"ς, ~L —— — —- — 

that'the agreement in the Treaty of Seville to secure the succession 
of Don Carlos to the Duchy of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, 
with Spanish troops, is a manifest violation of the fifth article of 
the Quadruple Alliance, tends to involve this nation in a dangerous 
and expensive war, and to destroy the balance of power in Europe ; 
he was answered by my Lord Townsend, after which several 
lords, but my Lord Bingley best of all, who, to the surprise of 
the Tories, now first abandoned them, and argued in favour of 
the Peace. The Court carried it, eighty-six against thirty-one. 
My Lord Buckley came to see me and ask my favour to be 
present in the House when Mr. Bodvile's petition against 
Mr. Williams Winne is to be debated. 

The reports against the Queen that spread about the town 
are scandalous, and it makes one melancholy to see the industry 
of the disaffected to poison the minds of the lower rank of people. 
The servants everywhere have it that the Queen intends to cause 
a Bill to be brought in to reduce servants' wages to thirty shillings, 
and that women servants shall wear a sort of shoulder knot of the 
colour of the footmen's livery belonging to such family. Also the 
shop keepers are told that the Queen will have the citizens' wives 
to wear a rose or a badge to distinguish them from the gentry and 
nobility. 

Wednesday, 28.—To-day Dr. Bedford, minister of Hoxton, 
came to see me, to complain of the scandal the playhouses give, 
by the blasphemous and obscene plays they act, also of the 
scandalous practice of the Ordinaries of Newgate and other prisons 
in obliging the prisoners to auricular confession, or declaring 
them damned if they refuse, which is only to extort from them 
an account of their lives, that they may afterwards publish the 
same to fill their printed papers and get a penny. 

This ^ day the House of Commons had in consideration the 
maintaining for this year seventeen thousand land troops. 
Mr. Pelham, Secretary at War, made the motion, and among 
other reasons for keeping that number, said it was his observation 
of a long time that whenever there was a small number of men 
rebellions were hatched. Mr. Pulteney answered that he hoped 

VI iîlg had n°* lost in tne afíections of nis people, and Shippen 
said that at this rate he saw no prospect of being free from a 
government by a standing army; that he hoped the German 
°°Τ™utlon of ruling by an army was not to be introduced here, 
and that m England a King who should propose to govern by an 
army was a tyrant. This bold and audacious speech struck the 
iiouse mute, till Sir William Young got up and said such things 
were not proper to be heard, and were intolerable, that the House 
ougnt to make him explain himself, not but that he believed the 
nouse understood his meaning. Shippen said something to 
extenuate his expression, but not to much satisfaction. Sir Robert 
vvaipole said what was proper, and concluded that it was believed 
tnere would have been a long debate, but what Shippen had said 
to +£ Snocked gentlemen that he could find nothing wiser than go 
me question immediately. On the division, there were 

 'If 

12 DIAKY OF THE 

Jan. 28-29 

two hundred and forty-six for keeping seventeen thousand men 
and one hundred and twenty-one against it. When this was 
over, Sir Joseph Jekyl spoke in a manner to renew the debate 
which was over, upon which Sir Robert said it was entirely 
irregular, and that however he could excuse gentlemen's differing 
on other occasions, yet he wondered after such a speech as Shippen 
had made, how there could be a man that would vote where 
Shippen did. Sir William Wyndham answered that whal 
Mr. Shippen meant was best known to himself, and he would nol 
suppose he had an unjustifiable meaning, but he was sorry to 
see that gentlemen were to be reflected on for acting in the House 
as their opinions and judgments lead them, that for his own part 
he was so shocked with Mr. Pelham's declarations of the necessity 
of a standing army, that that made him divide against the question 
and he had intended to speak to several matters which those 
expressions prevented him from pursuing. Oglethorp on this 
,/ occasion voted for the Court, though a very obstinate Tory, and 
gave for reason that he believed we should go into a war with the 
Emperor, and therefore thought it necessary to have an army, 
and he had rather see an army of Englishmen than foreigners 
among us. This account my son brought me home, who added 
that the Speaker (for this was a Committee) spoke exceeding 
well, finding fault with Mr. Pelham's expression and reason for 
keeping a standing army, but excusing him as being assured it 
was but a slip that fell from him, who was known, as were his 
ancestors, to have been ever strenuous defenders of the liberties 
of the country. He said he would sacrifice his life before he would 
concur in keeping up a formidable army by way of rule and maxim 
as necessary to our government, but thought, considering how 
affairs stand at present in Europe, that the question proposed 
ought to pass. 

Thursday, 29 January.—This morning was the first I ventured 
to go abroad on. I visited Mr. Horace Walpole, Lord Grantham, 
Sir Edmond Bacon, Mr. Southwell and Mr. Oglethorp. I then, 
went to the House, where my Lord Morpeth made a long motion, 
which may be seen in the votes ; the purpose was to address the 
King to reduce the army more than he has done as soon as his 
Majesty sees it's fitting and safe. He introduced his motion by 
taking notice of what passed yesterday in the House, namely, that 
Pelham, Secretary at War, had dropped an expression as if a 
standing army would be always necessary, and though he explained 
his meaning to be otherwise, to the satisfaction of the House, 
yet there were many strangers in the gallery, who might go away 
with a notion that the House was in opinion for a standing army, 
and therefore he proposed his motion, that the country might see 
what was the sense of Parliament on that head. Mr. Pelham 
got up and complained of the irregularity and unkindness of that 
motion, to say no worse of it ; that as long as he had sat in 
Parliament he had never observed that matters passed a foregoing 
day were overhauled and debated the following, that he had 
explained himself sufficiently the day before, and thought it very 
hard a mistake or slip of his, which he had corrected, should be 
made a ground to address the King. 

Mr. Sands, Daniel Pulteney, and Sir William Wyndham sup 
ported the motion, Sir Robert Walpole, General Ross, Sir Edmond 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

13 

1729-30. 

Bacon, Mr. Clayton, Mr. Oglethorp and the Solicitor General 
opposed it. Sir Robert said the motion must be meant particularly 
against Pelham, or against the King, the former was very 
unparliamentary in taking notice of debates already over, and of 
a slip which a gentleman immediately corrected himself in ; the 
latter was a very unworthy treatment of the King, who had already 
made a great reducement of the army, and should he make a 
greater by this motion if an address followed, he would lose the 
merit of such reduction, and it would appear to the world as if the 
Parliament suspected his intentions, and had forced him to it. 
That if the Parliament thought proper to recall debates that 
were past, he would make a motion upon a member's speech, which 
was the most affronting and most insolent that ever came out of 
a member's mouth : he meant what Shippen had said the day 
before. Sir William Wyndham said he did not see the connection 
between yesterday's resolution and this motion : we then voted 
seventeen thousand men. It is now moved that the King should 
be desired to disband them only when his affairs permitted ; that 
this was not unbecoming a British Parliament, but advising the 
King to do what would engage to him the hearts of his subjects ; 
that 'tis true these troops are given but from year to year, but 
so was the land tax, which is now become hereditary ; he ended 
with excusing my Lord Morpeth from having any design to reflect 
on Mr. Pelham. 

Mr. Oglethorp said the same reason that moved him to vote 
yesterday with the majority for seventeen thousand men, obliged 
him to be against this motion, for he was against any further 
reduction of troops while things stand as they do in Europe. The 
Solicitor General showed that my Lord Morpeth opened his motion 
by taking notice of Mr. Pelham's slip, and grounded it on nothing 
else ; that Mr. Pelham had. explained himself to the satisfaction of 
the House, which ought to satisfy them, otherwise the liberty of 
speech was gone ; that the motion could have no possible good 
attending it, but on the contrary contained an absurdity, to say 
no worse of it. For when we gave yesterday the seventeen thousand 
men,^ we gave it to the King, as trusting in his frugal care for the 
public, and that with good reason, his Majesty having shown that 
before the Parliament he had already begun to reduce five thousand 
men, but by this motion we should seem to recall what we had 
done, to repent we gave so many men this year, and to put his 
Majesty in mind that he must disband more. He was confident 
ne would do it as soon as affairs permitted, of which he was the 
judge ; but by this step, the Parliament would have all the honour 
ol a new reduction, the King none, which was not the method 
Γ ^Sj love of his subJects to him. Lord Morpeth was desired 
no withdraw his motion, but did not offer to do it, so the question 
was put and flung out without a division. My Lord Morpeth, 
nowever, had all he aimed at, which was to have it appear in the 
u Ministry, who are known to have the majority 
ι, e Wlth them> were for no further reduction of troops 
gù ever so reasonable, but for governing by a standing army. 
thfi « -uraye and Coz- Moll Bering dined with me. I stayed 
ont l Γ"1! °me- l am informed the pamphlet which came 
out yesterday, entitled « The Treaty of Seville," considered is writ 
»y my Lord Bolingbrooke 

ff s· " 

il 

 14 DIARY OP THE 

Jan. 30-31 

Friday, 30 January.—This morning my brother Parker came 
to see me, and expressed his fear from some letters he received 
last post from Harwich, that the Mayor, Alderman Newell, would 
be treacherous, notwithstanding all his promises, and watch an 
opportunity to call a hall in order for choosing Fuller, the master 
of a packet (set up by the Post Office interest), at the time when 
our friends should be absent, and soon after he was gone, James 
Clements writ me that suddenly on Tuesday last the Mayor had 
at eleven o'clock warned the twenty-four to meet at three that 
evening to choose a member to fill up their company. That we 
had then in town but nine who call themselves our friends, three 
of whom would not declare their minds, so that but six could be 
depended upon, and that Philipson's party for Fuller were likewise 
six ; whereupon our six friends thought fit to send for Captain 
Fuller, who giving them promises and satisfaction such as was 
expected, that if they would choose him he would join with them 
without any regard to his old friends upon all occasions, they 
agreed to be for him, and so he was chose without any opposition. 
Fools to believe a captain of a packet will forsake the Post Office, 
his master's interest, or the friends he always was engaged to. 
I went afterwards to Court, where the Earl of Grantham telling 
me that the King and Queen had both very lately expressed a 
very good and kind opinion of me, I replied they did me too much 
honour in words, but were doing me all the injury they could ; 
he asked me with surprise what I meant ; I told him that nobody 
had harder treatment than my brother Parker and I, who though 
zealous friends to the King, were undermined in our borough 
by the Government's own officer, who professedly opposed my 
brother's· friends there, and if they did not leave our interest to 
vote for such as he set up against our friends, he starved them, 
by not suffering the poor people to work for the packets, or to 
supply them with beer, or bread. That we are every day at a 
new election fighting up hill, and if we were the most disaffected 
in the world could not be worse used ; that my brother Parker's 
patience was quite worn out, and that I could not see how in 
honour he or I under such usage could continue our zeal. II 
struck my Lord, and he suddenly left me, but returning ten minutes' 
after, said he had been doing me service, which I should know 
by and by, desiring I would stay. I did design it. Soon after he 
returned and told me he had spoke to the Duke of Newcastle and 
to Horace Walpole, who both said they knew Philipson to be a 
Jacobite, and Horace added that he wondered the fellow was not 
out before. I replied he might wonder, and so did everybody 
else, that a man put in by my Lord Bolingbrook, and against 
whom my brother Parker had given into Mr. Walpole's hands a 
year ago informations upon oath of Jacobite expressions and actions 
should be so long kept in. My Lord said we should have satis 
faction in it very soon, but begged me to be assured that it was 
not Sir Robert Walpole's fault he was not turned out before, 
but lay at another door. I told him I did not care at whose door 
it lay, whether the Post Office or Lord Townsend, but was obliged 
to his Lordship for taking the thing so right as he had done. That 
the Post Office was indeed our enemy, because they had a mind 
a friend of their own should be chosen in my place, and had 
declared they would never forgive my brother for putting me upon 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

15 

Standing. Soon after the King came out, and after a few words 
«TToken to the Duke of St. Albans, he passed by all the great lords 
that should have been spoke to first, and crossed the room to the 
far side where I stood, and asked me some questions about 
Charlton and my not being well since I came to town. This not 
beine his course at any time, and the first time he had spoken 
to me this twelvemonth, I perceived my Lord Grantham had 
done more than he told me, and spoken of this affair to the King 
himself · and I was the more confirmed in it, that as soon as his 
Maiesty'left speaking to me, he passed by all the Court on either 
side of me, to walk up to the Duke of Newcastle, who stood at 
the end of' the chamber, and whispered him, to which the Duke 
made low bows, as if he had taken some direction that he was 
ordered to follow, and I suppose the King then told him that he 
would have Philipson displaced. The Queen also, who had not 
spoken to me these nine months, came up and asked after my 
wife ; so I find the ill impression that must have been made of 
me to the Court by Mr. Carteret's means, were by my 
Lord Grantham's means dispelled by his acquainting their 
Majesties of the unjust usage we have received. 

By a letter my brother Parker received this day from Pulham, 
I find there were sixteen of the twenty-four in town when the 
Mayor summoned the Court to the election, and that they were 
eight against eight, and that Thomas Peck and William Richmond, 
our pretended friends, were resolved to go for Philipson's man, 
Captain Fuller, wherefore our real friends, not having time to 
consider of a proper person to set up, and not being able to carry 
it if they had, made a virtue of necessity, and closed in with 
Fuller. 

In the evening, I went to my sister Percival to hear Signor Fabri, 
who sings the tenor in our Opera, perform, and I engaged him to 
teach my daughter at three guineas for ten times. 

Saturday, 31 January.—I went to see brother Parker, and 
acquainted him with what passed yesterday, and we agreed to 
go together to Court this morning ; from thence I went to see 
Mr. Lumly, Major Naison, my tenant in Denmark Street, 
Mr. Bagnell, Mr. Duncomb, Lord Buckley, Lord Palmerston, 
Lord Bathurst, Mr. St. Lenger, and Mr. John Temple. From 
thence I went to Court, where the King again spoke to me, a great 
novelty. My Lord Grantham spoke again to me touching my 
borough; and said the Duke of Newcastle and Horace Walpole 
both said Philipson should be turned out, and that he would speak 
to Sir Robert Walpole. I replied, I did not perceive much good 
in his speaking, for Sir Robert had often said he should be out 
before, but nothing came of it ; that I would trouble myself no 
more about the matter, but should not forget the hardness of the 
usage. He told me he believed it was my Lord Carteret sustained 
mm. I said it was more than I knew, but sustained he was to the 
tinng out my patience ; that my brother Parker had still greater 
reason to be offended, for no man in England had deserved better 
of this Government, and no man was treated worse. That his 
ment even exceeded that of any other man's. That in Queen Anne's 
^me' wnile yet a young man, and not come to his fortune, he 
stood lor the county of Suffolk against two Tories, Sir Thomas 
ttanmer andrer Robert Davers, and though he lost it, yet showed 

1 

 16 DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 31-Feb. 2 

so great interest in his county that he polled two thousand single 
votes. That when the first plot against the late King broke out, 
he presented an association in the defence of the Hanover suc 
cession, signed by the well affected of his county, which their 
representatives in Parliament, nor even their Lord Lieutenant of 
the county, my Lord Cornwallis, through fear of the times, durst 
not do ; that he presented also an association from the town of 
Harwich, even while my Lord Bolingbrook was recorder there ; 
that afterwards he got that Lord turned out, and my Lord Orford 
chosen recorder in his room ; that ever since he was in Parliament 
he stuck to his principle, and never opposed the Court in anything 
except in the Peerage Bill, which he voted against for this King's 
• sake, against whom it was levelled, the Act for repealing my 
Lord Bollingbrook's attainder, which he believes the Court now 
thinks he was right in doing, and in the late Bill to prevent bribery 
and corruption, which as a lover of his country he was obliged to 
do ; that his zeal in .all was so remarkable that he has been accused 
of being a pensioner, for people could not imagine how otherwise 
a gentleman could be so zealous and steady for a Government 
under whom he never enjoyed nor sought for a place. That all 
the reward for his zeal and incredible expense for the service of 
his country, and the Hanover succession, and in modelling Harwich, 
a Jacobite town, to become honest and loyal, has been a constant 
endeavour of the Government to undermine his natural interest 
in his own borough, by keeping in a professed Jacobite to nose 
and encounter him there, and encouraging him to corrupt 
Sir Philip's friends, or starve them by denying them the serving 
the packets with bread, beer, candles, or working for their ships. 
He asked me again why I did not complain to the King. I answered, 
the King would have enough to do if he was to be troubled with 
things of this nature, and I chose to let the matter work itself, 
being sure the King would sooner or later be sensible of the wrong 
done us. In the mean time I was sensibly touched to know that 
both my brother and I had been misrepresented to his Majesty. 
My Lord left me upon it, and when the King and Queen came 
out to the circle, the King, as I have said, spoke to me. I saw 
him, before he approached, speak earnestly to Mr. Walpole, and 
then look at me, from whence I conclude he reiterated his pleasure 
that Philipson should be out. 

My wife went also to Court, and both King and Queen spoke 
to her. Mr. Taylor dined with me, and afterwards I went to 
the Opera. 

I was told to-day that the King, jesting with the Duke his son, 
and asking him which he had rather be, a king or a queen, he 
replied : " Sir, I never yet tried ; let me be one of them a month,, 
and I'll tell you." And yesterday the Queen, chiding him for 
asking eagerly for his dinner, it being the thirtieth of January, 
on which he ought to fast, it being the anniversary day of cutting 
off King Charles's head, she asked him whether he thought it 
was right in the people to have done it, to which he replied he 
could not tell what was his crime till he read his history. These 
are very early marks of quickness and parts in a child not nine 
years old. 

Sunday, 1 February.—To-day I had prayers and sermon 
at home, then went to Court. Dr. Couraye dined with me, 

FIBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL 

17 

1729-30. 

and in the evening I went to see my brother Dering, who is 

ill again. 

Monday, 2.—To-day I returned the visits of Mr. Botmar and 
the Duke of Dorset, and called on Mr. Oglethorpe and Sir John 
Evelyn, found none but Mr. Botmar. Went to the House, where 
I found my brother Parker, who told me he had a long conference 
in the House with Horace Walpole, who asked him whether he was 
still uneasy in his borough. Sir Philip answered " Yes," and 
supposed he was always to be so. " Why so," said Walpole, 
" I thought Philipson had been out long ago ? " " No," said 
Sir Philip, " and I suppose is not to be." " What would content 
you ? " said t'other, " will his being out do it ? " " Nay," said 
Sir Philip, " I am like one reduced to despair, and they who despair 
hope nothing nor expect. I design to trouble myself no more 
about it, but sit down with the loss of two or three thousand 
pounds in supporting the Whig interest from a child, and never 
having any regard shown to my honesty and services." " Your 
services are known," said Walpole, " to everybody." " Yes," 
said Sir Philip, " so well that everybody says I have a pension ; 
but they talk of a Bill to be brought in against, placemen and 
pensioners sitting in the House, and I shall show I am no pensioner 
by voting for the Bill as far as relates to them ; though as to the 
other part concerning placemen, I shall be for allowing them." 
" But why should you regard," said Walpole, " what the world 
says ? Don't you see pamphlets come out every day asserting 
things against persons that are five in six of them false ?" " Yes," 
said Sir Philip, " but they are not so universally believed." 
Walpole : " I can assure you Sir Robert Walpole wishes that 
Philipson out as much as you, and he will be out." " So he ought 
long ago," said Sir Philip, " for the honour of Suffolk and Norfolk, 
and it is the Ministry's business to look to that. I am astonished 
it was not done when I complained last year, and as to my personal 
usage I have been opposed in my borough ever since I stood there 
by that servant of the Ministry who ruins my friends as much 
as he can by starving them, not suffering them to bake, brew, 
or work for the packets, or else winning them from me by these 
ways and by threats. A man who you know is a Jacobite, and 
whom all the Ministry acknowledged to be so, and yet they keep 
him in to nose me." Mr. Walpole was much distasted every 
time Sir Philip brought the Ministry in, and said it was not the 
Ministry's business, that Sir Robert Walpole knew nothing of the 
matter, but I desire to know what will content you ? My brother, 
wtio was aware that he had a mind to make the turning the fellow 
out a personal friendship to Sir Philip, and to pin him down to 
actoowledge it as so great a work that he ought to remain satisfied 
with it, and not ask any further favours, told him that he had 
great many things to require ; being contented in this of his 
Borough was one out of zeal for the Government, as well as in 
justice to the usage he had received, and that another was the 
sorn>J|0metlling for his kroner Dering, for whom he had long 
in th &- Vel? SmaU augmentation to the place he had already 
Sir TR\Wlne license office, but could never obtain it, though 
to τΓ ÍÍ had Promised it over and over again. " I speak this 
" YOU, Mr. Walpole," said he, " as one I think my friend and 
n°nest gentleman." " And so is my brother Walpole," said 
Wt. 24408. Fg 

 A 

^ 

18 DI AB Y OF THE 

Feb. 2 

he. " I hope and believe so too," said Sir Philip, " but still he has 
done nothing for my brother." " Why, what would you have 
for him ? " said Walpole. " Nay," said my brother, " you know 
what would content him, and was formerly so kind to enter into 
his concerns, believing him an honest, and sensible, and deserving 
man." "Yes," said Walpole, "so he is, and I wish him very 
well." They parted at last, and Walpole said he should be con 
tented. What will come of this fine conference, is to be expected, 
but we both concluded Philipson will be out, and that the Ministry 
are like to be hard set this session. Sir Philip observed that 
Walpole, however, did not part very well pleased with him. 

After dinner my brother Parker came to tell me that as he left 
the House, Sir Robert Walpole took hold of him and said my 
Lord Grantham had spoke to him about his uneasiness with relation 
to his borough, and desired to know what would content him, 
whether turning Philipson out would do it. My brother replied 
gravely, that he knew a great while ago that he was uneasy, and 
that turning Philipson out would content him if his successor 
were a friend. " Well," said Sir Robert, smiling, " if I have any 
interest he shall be out." My brother smiled in return, and left 
him. 

At night Horace Walpole came to see me, and soon fell on the 
point of my brother Parker's dissatisfaction, that . Mr. Dering 
had nothing done for him. " Now," said he, "I am sure it is 
not Sir Robert Walpole's fault, he is no enemy of his, but I have 
always heard him speak handsomely of him ; but people mistake 
if they think Ministries can do all they are desired. The Court 
itself will often dispose of their own places, and I don't know 
what he would have." I replied, since he was pleased to mention 
my brother's dissatisfaction, I would speak to him on that head, 
and that I might do it freely, too, having always entertained a great 
value and respect for him, and flattered myself that he was very 
much my friend ; my brother, I replied, does think he has reason 
to resent and so do I too ; I think we both have been extremely 
ill-used, and Shippen could not have been worse. Mr. Walpole 
stopped me short, and, with a great discontent, said this is very 
hard, this is indeed very hard, and was going on. " Sir," said I, " I 
possibly may have spoken too harshly, but my meaning is no more 
than to express my own vexation in terms that may touch you." 
" Vexation," said Mr. Walpole, " who is it vexes you ? I am 
sure Sir Robert Walpole is as true to his country's good, and has 
as clean hands, and has got his money as honestly as any man 
whatever." " Sir," said I, " I deny it not. I have a very great 
respect for Sir Robert. I believe him the ablest minister in the 
kingdom. I believe that he endeavours the good of his country ; 
I believe the riches he has got are fairly got, and he is the best 
friend in the world where he takes ; but the thing which has got 
him so many enemies are the personal disobligations he has done 
to private persons." " Enemies !" said Walpole, " I know of 
none he has made." I smiled at that and said, " Why, I am dis 
obliged, and you see my brother Parker is so, and why ? Because 
Sir Robert had not kept his word with us." " Word ! " said 
Walpole/' he never promised Mr. Dering, that I know of." " Sir," 
said I, " he promised both my brother Parker and me, and 
surely there never was a more modest request. Et was only to 

FEBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

19 

1729-30. 

give our own brother, a man of acknowledged merit, some small 
addition to his present place, after a long service, and a faithful 
and zealous one, in an employment, which by his particular 
care was recovered from disorder, and much improved in the value 
arising from that office to the Exchequer ; that my brother is as old 
a servant as any whatever to this family, for he was put into the 
wine license by the late King's own hand, at his first arrival in 
England, and had great reason to expect some advancement in 
so long a time, especially when two members of Parliament so 
zealous for the Government as my brother and I, put all our 
merits and the regard the Court should be pleased to show them, 
upon some small advance to this man, whose own services, merit, 
and capacity, entitled him to expect it even though he had not 
been our brother. That everybody knew Sir Robert Walpole 
does everything, and can do everything, by daily advancing persons 
to better things than we ask, who have neither family, fortune, 
nor merit to recommend them, at least not merit apparent to the 
world. That for our parts we are not unreasonable. We know 
some things Ministers cannot do, others they ought not to do ; 
but we know other things they will not do, though they can, and 
our request was of this latter sort. It is said, what would 
Mr. Dering have ? I answered, when I spoke for him last year 
to yourself and Sir Robert, the same question was asked me ; 
and then imagining we were ourselves to look out, we pitched on 
several things ; but what was the answer, this cannot be done, 
this is a place for a lord, or this is promised already, or this cannot 
possibly be done, without giving us a reason why. We therefore 
concluded it to no purpose to name, but thought it more respectful 
to leave it to the Ministry to consider his case, and find out some 
thing themselves. The year is run out, and we are as far to seek 
as ever, while in the meantime our brother eats his capital. This 
Sir," said I, " Sir Philip and I take for ill usage, and I must say 
we have both reason to insist that the Ministry, or if you please, 
Sir(Robert, use us ill." 

Now to come to their usage of us with respect to Harwich. 
Give me leave to tell you all our story from the beginning." He 
seemed unwilling to hear me on that chapter, and, interrupting 
me, said he was of opinion Philipson should be out, and that 
o}T Robert is so too, though it is something extraordinary to 
dismiss an officer that has served so long. I replied I thought 
it more extraordinary he should have been allowed to serve so 
|°ng> the character of the man being so long and so notoriously 
Known to himself, to Sir Robert, and to Lord Townsend ; he 
said it was true, but since the Ministry had continued him so 
10ng, past things were forgot, and if he be out, we must look 
upon it as purely to oblige Sir Philip and me. I replied that as 
r as his being out would ease us of pain in our borough, we would 
own an obligation done us, but I could not admit that our 
οηΛ^ · Was a11 the reason for removing him, for the Ministry 
mit ι m ]ustice to the King and to themselves have turned him 
IW n« ag°- He said the Ministry could not do it, that the 
Γ, Vftce would not suffer it, and when Parliament begun things 
wfmM !UCh a situation that it could not be, that Mr. Carteret 
in ™Λ ιSuffer itj and there was no reason to turn out Mr. Carteret 
oraer to turn out Philipson. " WeU, Sir," said I, " you must 

a 

 fililí ff 

20 

DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 2 

hear the whole process of my usage, and then you will judge whether 
the Ministry have used me well ; I leave to speak of my brother 
Barker's particular merits and particular ill-usage in a borough 
where he has a natural interest, but shall speak only of my 
own. 

" When the Parliament was to be summoned, I waited on the 
King, and told him that though loving my ease, I never yet 
would be in Parliament, yet having observed in all reigns that 
the first that was summoned was always most troublesome to the 
Prince, I was resolved to stand, that I might contribute my poor 
services to the settlement of his affairs. The King took it extremely 
kind and thanked me ; asked me where it was ? I replied at 
Harwich, where my brother had a natural interest, and would 
give me his to join my own ; that his Majesty had servants there 
that had votes, and if his Majesty would not suffer them to be 
against me, I should meet with no opposition, and be at no expense. 
The King replied, they should be at my service, and said he would 
speak to Sir Robert' Walpole to order Carteret that the Post Office 
should be for me. Upon this security I went down, but how was 
the King's orders obeyed ? I was kept there two months and a 
half under a constant declaration that the Government servants 
were to be against me, and Philipson, the Commissary of the 
Packets, averred that I had not the Government's interest, and 
even named another person who was to come and oppose me on 
the Government's account, which was Admiral Cavendish, 
Carteret's son-in-law. At the same time that this was given out 
against me, Mr. Heath was sent for down by the Commissary 
Philipson to oppose my brother Parker, and Heath declared 
Sir Robert Walpole sent him down. This astonished our voters, 
and made them shy of promising us, and gave occasion to vast, 
expense in treating etc., for the people were glad of this misundei · 
standing, because it made us spend our money. That I was kept 
two months at this rate, drinking and eating, in a manner not 
natural to me, which ended in a sickness I never yet wore off, 
and in a fever my brother Parker and my wife got there, wherein 
the lives of both were. despaired of. I thought this monstrous 
usage. I knew the King's intentions, but found no effect from 
them. Who was it stood in my way ? It was the Ministry. I 
wrote to Sir Robert a strong but studied letter upon it, yet nothing 
was done to ease me, and it was not till the very day before the 
election, that when I could be worried no longer, the Post Office 
thought fit to give their directions to Philipson, and then the 
Government's servants declared themselves. But after I was 
chosen, it might be thought my troubles were at an end ; not 
at all ; ever since, our friends are treated in the hardest manner 
imaginable. The town is poor, and the people subsist by serving 
the packets with beer, bread, candles, and working for the packet 
boats. In these matters none of our friends are suffered to do 
anything till they forsake us to range themselves on Philipson's 
side ; then they may be employed, but otherwise are let to starve. 
What is this but ruining my brother's interest and mine there, 
and who can we attribute this to but the Ministry ? Carteret 
indeed, is the first occasion, because he told me himself he never 
would forgive my brother's inviting me to stand there ; but 
Carteret could do nothing if the Ministry did not suffer it. Now," 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

21 

1729-30. 

said I, " I leave you to judge whether I have not reason to say that 
my brother Parker and I are ill used." Mr. Walpole replied he 
was sorry I had met with such trouble ; he was sure his brother 
had no design to give me any ; that, indeed, I was not known to him, 
but that himself had acquainted him with my character, and that 
nobody was more attached to the Government than I was. I 
desired I might interrupt him there to express to him, my acknow 
ledgment for doing me that justice, and to tell him that I was 
sensible of a constant friendship from himself. He went on and 
said that in all my story, he did not see that I had any reason 
to accuse the Ministry of using me ill, but that it was Mr. Carteret 
who had given me the trouble, who he knew did long oppose my 
being chosen, because he had lus son-in-law Cavendish, whom he 
wished to bring in, and therefore would not yield up the point 
till he could not help it ; but that even Carteret was not so entirely 
to be blamed for that opposition, because Harwich is a Government 
borough, where time out of mind one of the members has ever 
been aplace man, as in reason it should be, seeing the town depends 
upon the Government, and though Mr. Carteret had acted on this 
laist occasion with a particular view to his own family, yet in the 
general, the supporting the Government's interest and nomina 
tion of one member there, was a right thing. That for my sake 
this maxim was laid aside, and therefore I ought to think I had 
a favour done me, and endeavours should not be used to make 
Harwich an independent borough. I interrupted him, and said, 
I knew nobody desired it should be so, that Sir Philip had acted 
nothing but in his own defence ; at which he shook his head and 
said, " Well," after which he stopped. Then, going on, he said, 
" As to Heath's going down, it was no wonder. He had formerly 
been chosen there, and had some friends there ; nor was it to be 
wondered he should say things to gain him, more, but he was positive 
Sir Robert did not send him." I told him I knew very well he lied 
in saying he did, but no orders coming down, he was left to serve 
himself with Sir Robert's name. Mr. Walpole replied these were 
things that would happen every where, and that in the end I found 
the Government did serve me. I answered, I was sorry to see 
he did not think I had reason to complain, but I should still say 
I was very ill used. We then turned the discourse to public 
matters, and talked over the Peace and the affair of the Hessian 
troops, and he gave me sufficient reason why they ought to be 
continued till the Emperor comes to agreement and a thorough 
peace be established, namely, that they are not kept as the 
malcontents pretend to defend the Hanover dominions, but really 
to fulfil our engagements with the Dutch, who having nobody 
f <?fr. ut tj16 Emperor, would not in reason accede to the Treaty 
ot Seville, till they were sure they should be defended from the 
Mnror's attacks by land ; that unless a formidable army covered 
°.n the side of Germany, they would in case of an attack 
rf? to accommodate themselves with the Emperor, and 
e obliged against their wills to quit our alliance, a thing to 
oe prevented by all means. That it is nothing but a good army 
{n i*ermany that prevents the Emperor and the King of Prussia 
m commencing war, and that the quarrel between Prussia and 
m ?5)Ver f°r a truss of hay is only a pretence to cover greater 
auers, which the Emperor has in view, actuating the Court of 

o 

 22 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 2-3 

Prussia, over which he has got an ascendant, in what manner he 
pleases, but that the army we have procured in readiness against 
their attempts prevents that cowardly King from stirring ; that 
all our allies are sensible it is no electorate quarrel, but a more 
general intention against the peace of Europe, and therefore Spain, 
France and Holland, Denmark and Sweden all declared that if 
Hanover should be attacked by Prussia, they would make it a 
common cause and defend that State ; in a word, that the only 
means to bring the Emperor to peaceable thoughts was to be 
able to resist him by land. At parting, I said, with a serious face, 
" Mr. Walpole, remember that Philipson must be out." He said 
all should be done that could be. I replied, " Do you promise 
it?" "I never promise," said he, "till a thing be done." I 
replied, " Then there's no occasion for promising ; but do you 
promise to do what you can in it ?" He replied that he did very 
heartily. 

My conclusion, when he was gone, was, that if they can keep 
Philipson in they still will do it ; that they will dismiss him, if at 
all, very late, to keep a rod as it were over my brother and me, 
imagining we shall be influenced in our voting during the session 
by it. That possibly they will suspend doing anything till my 
Lord Carteret comes over, and then lay the fault on him that he is 
not turned out. Lastly, that by pretending a great difficulty to 
compass his turning out, we are to think they have fully satisfied 
us, and done so much that we must not be eager in my brother 
Dering's affair. In the meantime, I can discover by all these 
transactions what suggestions have been instilled into the King 
against my brother Parker and me, and particularly that we 
have been aiming to make Harwich an independent borough, 
and concealed from him the bitter usage we have received, as well 
as the vile character of Philipson, which being made known to his 
Majesty, cannot but draw reflection on his Ministers, that they 
have so long kept in an enemy to the present family, to prejudice 
the interest and consequently cool the zeal of two men who are 
the most attached to the King's interest of any in the kingdom 
and that without any motive of interest, place, or pension. 

Tuesday, 3 February.—This morning the Earl of Grantham 
came to see me, and asked me if Sir Robert Walpole had spoke 
to me yesterday at the House. I answered, I did not see him, 
but he had spoke to Sir Philip Parker, and taken notice that his 
Lordship had mentioned to him the Harwich affair, and that 
he told Sir Philip in a laughing way if he had any interest, Philipson 
should be out. " Yes," said Lord Grantham to me, " I told 
Sir Robert that morning at Court that it was a shame two such 
zealous men and who asked nothing, should be put to pain in 
their borough by the Government's officer, and that he should 
be kept in who was so known a disaffected man " ; to which 
Sir Robert replied that he knew Philipson was so, and though 
it was not his business, he should be out. My Lord thereupon 
called the Duke of Newcastle up to be witness to what Sir Robert said. 
Sir Robert repeated he should be out, and my brother and I made as 
easy as possible there. The Duke of Newcastle said to him, he was 
glad to hear him say so, for he was certainly a Jacobite. " Pray," said 
Lord Grantham, "will you assure Sir Philip and my Lord Percival 
of it to-day at the House, for they are both very angry, and 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

23 

1729-30. 

1729-30. 

Sir Philip outrageous ; you take the way, else, to lose your Mends." 
That, Sir Robert promised, he would speak to us, and now you 
tell me he did speak to Sir Philip, which I am very glad of. I 
answered I had great obligations to his Lordship for entering so 
into our affairs, and I doubted not Sir Robert's intentions at 
present, but should hope to see it done, and that soon, because 
when my Lord Carteret comes over, who protects Carteret the 
Post Master, who protects Philipson, they may decline meddling 
in it, and lay the fault on my Lord Carteret. He replied, they 
would not let it go so far, nor would my Lord Carteret's interest 
keep him in, for the Court knew my Lord Carteret to be a false 
man and no depending on him,- I then told my Lord, that my 
brother and T were more uneasy for the apprehension that we 
had been misrepresented to the King and Queen, than for the 
trouble we had at Harwich, for the keeping in place such a fellow 
as Philipson to give us trouble there was so scandalous with respect 
to ourselves, and so much against the King's interest, that it could 
not be justified but by strong arguments that must be levelled 
against my brother and me to the prejudice of our character, and 
we were very unfortunate in that having testified more zeal than 
any for his Majesty's Government and person, because we sought no 
pension or employment, we should be repaid with an ill opinion of 
us. My Lord replied there was nothing of that ; he could assure me 
that he had heard the King say he took me for one of the honestest 
and most zealous subjects in his kingdom, and that the Queen had 
told him she thought me one of the best men, and the King had 
said the same of Sir Philip. I answered it made us both very 
happy to hear this, as I should soon inform my brother, but I had 
still another reason to suspect their good opinion of me, though 
now it is cleared up, and that was my brother Dering's not 
succeeding to some place about the Prince after the Queen's gracious 
audiences to me when I applied in his behalf. That she then said 
she knew Mr. Dering, and that everybody spoke well of him, 
and she was obliged to me for recommending so proper a man as 
I characterised him to her son ; that she would put him into her 
ust, and do what she could with the King to obtain my request. 
1 told his Lordship I made a second application, and had the same 
gracious encouragement to expect good event, but nothing was 
come of it, which made me sure, seeing besides how much the 
ranee desired it too, that some objections had been raised against 
the person who recommended him. But after what his Lordship 
now told me, I should revive my hopes, and, as the Scripture says, 
possess my soul in patience. My Lord said he knew the Prince 
Hv every ^y more and more to have Mr. Dering about him, 
? that the Queen must have a good opinion of him, for he never 
Heard her hint anything to the contrary, and last summer he was 
t rA at •^ensmg.ton into rooms that nobody else was, to play 
cards etc. I desired my Lord when fit opportunities offered 
,οτορ a word to the Queen in his favour, which he readily promised. 
«ai returning to what I said about ill impressions given the 
& or Queen, he assured me Sir Robert Walpole never gave 
had ^ Í ne had u from both their mouths ; that the Queen 
«« told him Sir Robert never had given her an ill character of 
' and that the Kine one day> holding a scandalous 
, said he wondered how Sir Robert should gain 

 24 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 3-4 

personal enemies, who was nobody's enemy ; for I tell you, said 
he, my Lord, he never in his life spoke ill of any one man to me, 
and it is the only quarrel I have with him, that he will not tell me 
who are my enemies. My Lord added that when he told 
Sir Robert this, Sir Robert answered, " His Majesty does me 
justice in this, for I am no man's enemy, nor would have any 
man mine, and never did in my life speak ill to the King of any one 
man to hurt him." 

Mr. Clerk dined with me, and in the evening I went to the Royal 
Society, being summoned to a Council, and was sworn in, it being 
the first time of my appearance there since I was chose. We there 
resolved, nem. cont., that for the future all members who had 
been so long of the Society as to have paid twenty pounds in the 
whole, should for the future be excused their annual payments 
of fifty-two shillings per annum, and their bonds be delivered 
up, and that all who are in arrears should upon payment of a 
certain sum be for ever acquitted, and lastly, that future members 
should be admitted on condition only of paying down at once a 
sum of twenty-three pounds, or a sum near it, for I have forgotten 
what it is exactly. Our reason was that very few at this day will 
discharge their arrears or pay on, and we judged it the only way 
to support the Society to take the resolution above mentioned. 

Wednesday, 4 February.—This morning came on a debate 
in the House of Commons, of which I shall in a few days 
send the following account to Doctor Coghill*, in Ireland, com 
missioner of the Customs there, and Privy Counsellor :— 

Sir, 

On. Wednesday, 3rd inst., came on a very serious debate upon 
continuing in British pay for one year longer the twelve thousand 
Hessian troops. It began by a dispute whether this should be 
considered in the House or in a Committee ; for when Mr. Pelham, 
Secretary of War, gave in the estimate of these troops, and moved 
the House to go into a Committee according to custom to consider 
of it, Mr. Daniel Pulteney strongly opposed it, alleging that 
the continuing these troops is so great a charge to Great Britain, 
and so unnecessary to her service and security, so evidently designed 
for the defence alone of the Hanover dominions, and so certain an 
entail upon these nations of a standing army for interest which 
Great Britain has no concern to support, that the House ought 
to receive the motion with contempt and disdain, and reject it' 
without a debate ; or if it must be debated, it were better to do 
it in the House, than in a Committee, as we should be the sooner 
rid of it ; but he could not imagine one gentleman would defend 
it who had any regard to the honour and interest of his country in 
general, or to the sense of those he represented, and he should look on 
any such to be betrayers of their liberties and enemies to the public. 

Mr. Pelham said that it appeared very strange to him that the 
constant custom of considering supplies in a Committee should be 
broke into ; that he would not make answer to that gentleman 
and enter into the merits of his motion until the same was referred 
to the Committee ; in the meantime he hoped the House would not 
think it was for want of arguments to show the reasonableness of 
entertaining the Hessians, which he could prove to be not only 
fit but necessary. 

* See p. G, supra. 

FIBST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

25 

1729—30. 

Sir William Lumly Sanderson made a warm speech for debating 
this matter in the House, and, as if it had been already agreed 
to inveighed against the Peace, the measures taken of late years, 
and the incapacity of our Ministers. He was answered by my 
Lord Malpas, and Sir William Young, who insisted on going into 
a Committee, till when he reserved what he had moro to say in 
defence of the Hessian troops. Sir Wilfrid Lawson replied, that 
by the backwardness of gentlemen to consider this matter in the 
House, and by their not producing any arguments for maintaining 
these Hessians, he concluded they were sensible of their disability 
to produce any ; he added that as this was a motion of the last 
and utmost consequence to the honour, interest, and liberties 
of the nation, it was probable gentlemen might grow into great 
warmth, and therefore he was desirous it might be debated in the 
House, where the Speaker, who knew better than any man the 
orders and rules of decency of their proceedings, and also knew 
as well how to keep gentlemen to them, would prevent any 
irregularities that might arise. He said it was plain to him, that 
these Hessians are kept up singly to defend Hanover, and not 
for any service intended to, or any collateral good that could 
accrue to Great Britain. That this being the case, we ought to 
consider how much the doing it impaired his Majesty's 
Parliamentary title to the Crown, which he took to be his only 
title, and that this title is a compact or contract made with this 
nation, one part of which contract is that Great Britain shall not 
be obliged to enter into wars for defence of his Majesty's German 
dominions ; that if this be