10
The source of this uncorrected OCR text may be viewed as a digital facsimile at: 
http://fax.libs.uga.edu/ 



M» 
W 
«Ρ jo 

 \ 

HISTOKICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 

MANUSCRIPTS 

OF THE 

EARL OF EGMONT 

DIAEY 

OF 

VISCOUNT PERCIVAL 
AFTERWARDS FIRST EAEL OF EGMONT. 

r 

VOL. I. 1730—1733. 

to ¡IßatUamcnt fcg ©ommanli of ?É?ÍSÍ 

LONDON : 

PUBLISHED BY BIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFÏIOH. 
To be purchased through any Boolsseller or directly from 
HJÍ. STA.TIONEBY ΟΪΒΙΟΒ at the following addresses : 
IMPERIAL HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, Vf.OS, and 
28, ABINQDON STREET, LONDON, S.W.I ; 
37, PETER STKEET, MANCHESTER ; 
1, Si- ANDREW'S CRESCENT, CARDIFF ; 
28, FORTH STREET, EDKBURQH ; 
or from E. POKSONBY, LTD:, lie, GRAÏTON STREET, DUBLIN·. 

[Cd, 8264.] 

1920. 
Price 2s, 

G] 

LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA 

 DA5O1 
B 3 i™ 
v.l 

OCTI8-47 

Ν. E. 

CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION 
DIARY - 

PAGE 
ν 

Wt. 24409- 1600, 2/20. H-T. 

LIBRARIES 

 \ 

\ 

\ 

& 

a>ii 

ó--"il 

This Volume has been edited and passed through the 
press, on behalf of the Historical Manuscripts Commissioners, 
by Mr. R. A. ROBERTS, one of their number. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The preliminary report on the manuscripts of the Earl of 
Egmont, printed in the Appendix to the Seventh Report of the 
Historical MSS. Commissioners, specifies : " Twelve folio 
volumes of Diaries, 1729-30, Jan. 8, to 174-, Aug. 30," with 
the remark, "They seem to be interesting." This they 
prove to be, and are, moreover, exceedingly valuable as a 
mirror of the times from many points of view, and particularly 
from that of the Parliamentary historian. 

The first four of these vellum-bound folios furnish the 
material for the present volume. The others will probably 
yield sufficient for two more volumes of similar size and 

quality. 

The diarist, whose small handwriting closely covers the 
pages Of the folios, each of which is carefully indexed at the end, 
at the time when the diary was begun, had been first Baron, 
then Viscount Percival in the peerage of Ireland for a period 
of fifteen years, and three years later, while the diary Vas 
still in progress, he was advanced in the same peerage to the 
dignity of an Earl by the title of Earl of Egmont, in the county 

of Cork. 

In 1730, when the diary starts, Lord Percival had passed 
middle-age. From earliest manhood he had been con 
versant with public affairs, and was intimately acquainted 
with the leading public men. He was a member of the 
House of Commons of Great Britain, sitting, in conjunction 
with his brother-in-law, Sir Philip Parker, for the borough of 
Harwich : a supporter of Sir Robert Walpole, with a bias 
towards independence ; and a favourite in Court circles. 
Furthermore, he had long attained to fixed principles ; was 
Protestant, pious and philanthropic ; musical in his tastes, 
and himself something of a musician ; married, to his own great 
comfort and content ; father of a family of three children living, 
who were approaching manhood and womanhood ; in easy 
circumstances ; conscious of his own dignity, and well pleased 
with himself and the conditions of his ufe. He said with evident 
truth, when he put forward discreetly in the proper quarters a 
request for advancement to the rank of an Earl, that he did it, 
not on his own account, for he had no ambition, nor could 
be the better for any further title, but because he thought 
it an obligation on him as a parent, now that his children were 
grown up, to study their benefit and advancement in the 
world, and because he surmised that, having an adequate 
estate, if he were an Earl, his children would marry the better. 
He obtained this step in the Irish peerage without any 

 Vi 

difficulty, after a handsome testimonial from Sir Robert 
Walpole to his desert and his disinterestedness and his zeal 
for his Sovereign and his Sovereign's consort, the quietly but 
supremely influential Queen Caroline. 

The diary is a punctilious work founded · on personal 
knowledge, laboriously entered up with details of events, 
speeches, conversations, reflections, and the like, both public 
and private and personal. The entries were made either 
day by day or, possibly, on the days when he " stayed at 
home," or during the evenings which he " spent in his study " 
—in any case quite near to the events chronicled, when 
impressions were fresh in his mind. There are periods in the 
year which are lightly passed over or omitted altogether, 
chiefly those of the summer holiday months spent at his 
country house at Charlton, or on visits to Bath. But when 
residing in town, as was his habit for the greater part of the 
year, and especially during the sessions of Parliament, his 
diligence and assiduity as a diarist are most remarkable. 
For there is here no hastily traced shorthand, but everything 
written out in longhand, except for a few abbreviations of fre 
quently recurring words. Some of it was also done at least 
twice over, for copies of lengthy letters are occasionally entered 
which set out in detail Parliamentary speeches and proceedings 
for the information of his friend Dr. Marmaduke Coghill in 
Ireland. One may remark, incidentally, that he expresses a 
decided opinion as to the necessity of copying all letters and 
the benefit arising from the practice. 

The habit of the diary he appears to have acquired at an 
early age. While still a boy of fifteen at school at Westminster, 
writing to thank Sir Robert Southwell, his guardian, for 
certain books, he adds : " I shall employ one of them in 
keeping a diary."* Between his fifteenth year, therefore, 
and his forty-seventh year, when this series begins, there 
may well have been other volumes of diaries which have 
either not escaped destruction or have not yet come to light. 
There certainly are letters, accounts of travels, dissertations, 
which will afford material for future reports. In the mean 
while, these twelve books of diaries may stand by themselves, 
complete so far as they extend. 

The second volume of the Historical MSS. Commission's 
Report upon the Egmont Manuscripts affords some material 
for the early years of Percival's biography. The third 
baronet, Sir John Percival, dying in 1686, left a family 
of young children. The eldest boy, Edward, who succeeded 
him as fourth baronet, died in 1691, in his ninth year. The 
second son was the diarist who, when he thus succeeded to 
the baronetcy, was of the tender age of eight. He was educated 
at Mr. De Moeurs' school and at Westminster. His schoolboy 
letters afford glimpses of the character he developed in manhood. 

* Report on Egmont MSS., Vol. II, p. 190. 

Vll 

His schoolwork is his " business," apart from which he " spent 
as little time as he could," and when he had " nothing at all to 
take him from hie book he would, with all diligence, overcome 
it, that he might the sooner go to Oxford, the place of his 
desire." This- is the boy's own portrait of himself ; and, 
later on, from time to time, as we shall see, he is ready and 
willing to add other strokes to the picture and to fill up details 
of his character and aspirations. 

In November, 1699—when sixteen years of age—he became 
" an University man." The day after the ceremonies con 
nected with this important step in life, he gave a treat to all 
the College—as was incumbent on all newcomers—" but now 
that this is over, treats are also over with me," he says.* 
Even at this early period he has views of his own on education. 
" I think what you tell me of the young Earl proceeded from 
his too strict education, which was of ill consequence to some 
at Westminster when I was there." He is. also a critic— 
" Mr. Prior's New Year's gift to the King ... is in my 
opinion finely writ, and there are many flights in it that are 
very charming." A little later, but even then not above 
20 years old, he shows that he has opinions of his own as to 
the construction of a play, and can state them by way of 
advice.·)· He was not much of a sportsman, though he thought 
pretty well of himself in this particular also. " " I have 
increased my skill though not my affection for shooting, for 
I know how to confine this sort of recreation, and prefer those 
which are more solid." His tutor helps in the limning of 
his portrait as a University man : " The greatest occasions 
of Sir John's expenses has been his love of music, which has 
engaged him to have more entertainments at his chambers 
than otherwise he would have had, and . . . though this has 
proved expensive, yet I think it has excused himself from 
drinking more than the greatest part of other conversation 
would have done." 

His school career and three terms at Oxford were, it ap 
pears, considered to have endowed him with " that stock 
of school and University learning . . . more than sufficiently 
furnished to the use it was designed," and " in order to lay 
a good foundation for the conduct of his whole life," it was 
arranged that he should now set out on his travels to " survey 
England." He took the best possible advice beforehand, and 
the plans of routes and the forecasts of what he was to see, 
west and east, make interesting and instructive reading, though 
they need only be thus casually referred to here.J 

In September of the same year he crossed the border into 
Scotland. He himself describes§ his experiences there, which 
were of a particularly unsavoury character, and deterred him 

* Egmont MSS., Vol. II, p. 191. 

t Ibid, p. 212. 

j Ibid, pp. 193-206. 

§ Ibid, p. 206. 

 \ 

ê 

X· 

M 

viii 

from proceeding as far as Edinburgh, according to intention. 
In the following year he is found pursuing his education as 
a man of the world by frequenting " the Court of Bequests 
and Coffee-houses."* This resort to Coffee houses and his 
interest in the conversation rife there were continued in later 
life, during the period of this diary, as is more particularly 
noticed later on in this Introduction. 

No youth could ever have been spoon-fed with more or 
better advice by his elders. An example of this is furnishedf 
by the dissertation for his benefit of his guardian, Sir Robert 
Southwell—a very Polonius—on the way to obtain " fit 
interest in Ireland," and the methods he must pursue there. 
And one cannot but come to the conclusion that young 
Percival was of the sort to take advice of this kind and to 
profit by it. 

When barely more than twenty years old, he commenced 
his Parliamentary career as member for Cork County in the 
Irish Parliament. " It is with much pleasure that the friends 
to Ireland do observe your Parliamentary proceedings "— 
writes a correspondent at the very beginning of his career ;% 
" it is courageous, and with prudent conduct, the violation 
of your natural liberties vigorously observed, and with so 
much mildness and submission that your greatest enemies 
are softened at it." 

In the course of the years immediately following he made 
the Grand Tour on the Continent, which included a stay of 
some duration at Rome. Here he made the acquaintance 
of artists, was the object of some adulation, and cultivated 
his taste in painting, and took part in musical performances. 
On his departure for England, he left behind him commissions 
to be executed : " retraites " to be painted ; busts and 
statues to be bought and sent after him to England. One 
of those with whom he associated and towards whom he 
stood as patron there was James Gibbs, the architect, designer 
of the church of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, in London, and 
the Senate House and the quadrangle of King's College in 
Cambridge. Gibbs says of him : " I believe there will come 
to Rome very few that will leave such a notable character 
behind them as your worthy person has done. . . . When 
you went away, I am sorry I did not go along with you, though 
it had been to carry a livery in your service. . . . The reason 
why I did not beg of you to take me along with you was that 
I might stay some short time longer to perfectionnate myself 
in this most miserable business of architecture."§ Gibbs, 
however, found a more serviceable patron in the Earl of Mar.|| 
A letter of Percival's when still a young man of 24, reporting 
at some length a debate which he had heard in the House of 

* Egmont AfSS., Vol. II, p. 207. 
• t Und, p. 208. 
t Ibid, p. 218. 
§ Ibid, p. 217. 
lj Ibid, p. 235. 

Lords,* exhibits early indications of his powers of concentrated 
attention and almost verbal memory—or perhaps, assiduous 
note-taking—of which the diary later on in life affords so 
continuous a series of examples. 

The severer interests of his life, and his inclination towards 
religious and philosophical studies and enquiries are evidenced 
by his life-long friendship and correspondence with 
Dr. Berkeley, and his musical tastes in his lighter moods 
by his lettersf to h*8 female relatives. 

Percival married in 1710, when 27 years of age, Catherine, 
the elder daughter of Sir Philip Parker à Morley, of Erwarten, 
Suffolk, and thus fully satisfied his desire for domestic hap 
piness, and entered upon a long period of it. On marriage 
he had previously pondered much, and in his own marriage, 
even before he had met the wife of his choice, he took quite 
a poignant interest. Two years before this event happened 
he had written to a female relative : " You have often heard 
me say that in a complete wife there are six things desirable, 
viz., good nature, beauty, sense, breeding, birth and fortune." 
He acknowledged that it was impossible to have all of these 
in any one woman, so he put fortune last and family fifth in 
order of necessity. " If these two cannot be had, then the 
other four must join to make a man happy—good nature, 
or a husband has no peace at home ; beauty, or he has no 
delight ; sense, or his affairs go to wreck ; and breeding, or 
the whole world reflects on his choice." At this time, although 
the suitable mate had not appeared upon the scene, he had 
gone so far as to make up his mind not to pick one in Ireland. 

To Dr. Berkeley he also opens his mind on this subject in 
an allegory : " Marriage is a voluntary confinement, which 
I desire to make as agreeable as possible, the rather because 
it is a confinement for life. I therefore would have my room 
well pitched and very clean, not one that had been lain in 
before, but fresh, new and fashionable. ... So much for the 
walls. As to the furniture . . ."$—proceeding to labour 
the allegory until, as he says, it fails him, and he drops to the 
plain statement that his wife must not have red hair. This 
was written not many months before his marriage, when, 
however, he was still in the position of not having " found 
a room " to his mind. But soon, his search was rewarded 
and he secured the perfect wife. Experience justified his 
choice. He confides to his diary : " This day I have been 
21 years married, and I acknowledge God's blessing that 
I have lived so many years in full happiness with my dear 
wife." And again, on the following 20th of June : " This 
day I have been married twenty-two years, and I bless God 
that I have lived so long with the best wife, the best Christian, 
the best mother, and the best mistress to her servants living ; 

* Egmont JVf&S., Vol. II, p. 2ΛΚ "i < V* » 

t Ibid, p. 240, Percival to Elizabeth Southwell. 

Î Ibid, p. 241. 

 \ 

f C 

· o« 

\ 
\ 

/ 

and that not only the world thinks so, but that I am myself 
sensible of it."* 

With respect to the subject matter of the Diary, in order 
to obtain a proper view of its value and interest, it should 
be perused continuously from the first page to the last. It 
would, indeed, be an easy task to pick out and marshal in 
this introduction a series of extracts of exceptional interest. 
But to do that is neither necessary nor expedient. It would 
be mere repetition of matter better read in its place in the 
pages that follow. But there are some remarks of a general 
character, and a few extracts, that may be useful and not 
out of place in an introductory sketch. 

The four years of the portion of the Diary contained in 
the present volume, 1730-1733, were early years in the reign 
of King George II, during which Sir Robert Walpole was 
firmly established in power. Sir Robert and his brother 
Horace—or, as he is named sometimes, but not often, Horatio 
—are therefore, as might be expected, prominent and frequent 
figures in the scenes set for the reader. In addition, in the 
political arena, appear time and again Speaker Onslow, the 
two Pulteneys, Wyndham, Shippen, Pelham, Jekyll, Master 
of the Rolls, Sandys, Dodington, Lord Morpeth, and other 
of the Parliamentary protagonists. Bolingbroke passes as 
a mere shadow, casually mentioned half a dozen times. Swift, 
to one's surprise, is wholly absent, and so, it may be said here, 
are his friends Pope and Gay. Lord Wilmington, formerly 
Speaker as Spencer Compton, often appears, and very 
occasionally Lord Hervey, whose own " Memoirs " have 
brilliantly illuminated the same times and done so much to 
fix and colour modern ideas and conceptions of their character 
and hue. 

The chief historical value of the Diary will without doubt 
lie in its full report at first hand of proceedings and debates, 
hitherto gathered from very inadequate sources, in that 
House of Parliament of which Lord Percival was a mem 
ber, the British House of Commons. He himself spoke 
but seldom, but he was an excellent listener, assiduous 
in attendance, not often withdrawing until debate had come 
to an end and he had recorded his vote. Occasionally, in 
matters which personally interested him, he showed himself 
also active "in the lobby." Hence, in respect OÍ the first 
Parliament of George II, we have in this volume a continuous 
record from the opening of the third Session. There are, 
it may be pointed out, some hundred and thirty occasions 
on which debates are more or less fully reported, about 
which Cobbett's Parliamentary History is altogether silent. 
In other instances, Cobbett reports one chief speaker only, 
while Percival at least summarises most of those who took 

* Diary, pp. 194, 281. 

xi 

part, and sometimes does more. Compare, for example, 
pages 3-6 of this work, giving the speeches on the Address on 
January 13th, 1729-30, with the meagre summary of Sir John 
Hind Cotton's speech only that appears in Cobbett. Place side 
by side, indeed, the respective accounts of the whole of the 
third and fourth Sessions of this Parliament, and it will at 
once be apparent what an addition to the knowledge of its 
proceedings is made by the present work. 

The principal matters that occupied the attention of i- 
Parliament during the period were the Loans to Foreign 
Princes, the Pension Bill, the number of the land forces, and 
the effort to reduce the Hessian troops in British pay, the 
revival of the Salt Duty, the Sale of the Derwentwater Estates 
and the investigations of the operations of the Charitable 
Corporation, resulting in the expulsion of prominent members 
of the House of Commons, the rumoured repair of the forti 
fications of Dunkirk contrary to the terms of the Treaty of 
Seville, and the Excise scheme of Sir Robert Walpole, which 
not even his compelling influence was able to carry through. 
Here is then a precursor of Hansard, which must be held to 
be of very great value to the student of Parliamentary history 
and alscfof Parliamentary procedure. For example, as regards 
the latter there is the debate on the question whether 
papers called for should be produced in original or copies of 
them only, and again, the question of the introduction of the 
King's name into debate. A point of interest is the explana 
tion how it came about that the Speaker first extended to 
ladies the privilege of admission to the gallery of the House 
to hear the speeches.* 

In any political memoirs of the period under review, the 
principal, the commanding figure cannot fail to be Sir Robert 
Walpole. It is so here. At the same time, outside Parliament, 
it is the brother Horace who is prominent ; it is through him ' 
that approaches to the great Minister are made : it is he 
chiefly who negotiates, who holds conversations, who " sounds " 
people whom it is necessary to conciliate or cajole or in the last 
resort compel. During the first three years of the period 
of the Diary, Lord Percival's relations with the Walpoles 
were extremely cordial. He was a firm supporter of the 
Minister, though at times showing signs of independence 
and discrimination. The Walpoles took pains to obtain 
his support and to be on good terms with him : they all three 
dined with one another, and there was considerable social 
intercourse besides. But Lord Percival never surrendered 
his independence. He relates that when the King's first 
Parliament was about to be summoned, he waited on his 
Majesty and told him, to use his own words, " that though 
loving my ease I never yet would be in Parliament, yet having 
observed in all reigns that the first that was summoned was 

* p. 269. 

 \ 

\ 

\ 

> 

XU 

always most troublesome to the Prince, I was resolved to 
stand, that I might contribute my poor services to the settle 
ment of his affairs."* Hence he was no creature of the 
Walpole Administration. When there was talk of a Bill 
against placemen and pensioners sitting in the House of 
Commons, Percival informed Horace Walpole that he would 
show he was no pensioner by voting for the Bill as far as related 
to them, though, he added, as to the other part concerning 
placemen " I shall be for allowing them."| This resolve he 
carried out, " flatly refusing to be against " the Pension Bill 
when it was later on introduced, notwithstanding persuasive 
influences brought to bear upon him by Sir Robert Walpole, 
and an intimation that the King was " much set against " 
it.J He expected, he said, in reply to this argument, that 
the King would conclude from his action now " that the 
zeal I have professed and shown on other occasions proceeds 
- from a principle."§ Quite early in the period, he indulges 
himself with the following mordant criticism of the famous 
Minister :— 

Sir Robert Walpole . . . found there are certain occasions 
where he cannot carry points ; it is this meanness of his (the prostitu 
tion of the character of a first Minister in assisting and strenuously 
supporting the defence of dunghill worms, let their cause be ever so 
unjust, against men of honour, birth, and fortune, and that in person 
too), that gains him so much ill-will ; formerly, when the first Minister 
appeared in any matter, he did it with gravity, and the honour and 
service of the Crown appeared to be concerned, but Sir Robert, like 
the alters of refuge in old times, is the asylum of little unworthy 
wretches who, submitting to dirty work, endear themselves to him, 
and get his protection first, and then his favour, which as he is first 
Minister, is sure to draw after it the countenance of the Court. In 
the meantime the world who know the insignificancy, to say no worse, 
of these sort of tools, are in indignation to see them preferred and 
cherished beyond men of character and fortune, and set off in a better 
light to the King ; and this with men of small experience, which are 
the bulk of a nation, occasions hard thoughts of the Crown itself, 
whereas in very deed the King can seldom know the merits and character 
of private persons but from the first Minister, who we see has no so 
great regard for any as for theae little pickthanks and scrubs, for whom 
he risks his character, and the character of his high station, in opposition 
to the old gentry of the kingdom, and that in matters of right and wrong, 
in the face of his country, namely, in Parliament. || 

Later, the relations between the Walpoles and himself 
became strained and unhappy. It may have been that he 
was found in general to be too independent. But a starting 
of the breach may possibly be discovered in the action of 
Percival's son, afterwards the second Earl of Egmont, whose 
fame ultimately surpassed that of his father. 

The son showed when a young man great precocity. The 
Prince of Wales spoke of him to his father, from hearsay, 
as " a youth of extraordinary sense and character."^ In 

* p. 20. 
t P- 17. 
t p. 125. 
§ p. 125. 
|| p. 85. 
H p. 160. 

xm 

1730 he " surprised " his father with the discovery that he 
was the author of two political pamphlets, with regard to 
the authorship of which he imposed secrecy upon his father, 
whose comment is that " he need not be ashamed of them, 
and few children at nineteen years old would have done so 
well."* Percival took proper means to introduce his son 
at the Courts of both the King and the Prince of Wales. In 
1731, when he would be twenty years of age, he was despatched 
to Ireland with a view of getting into Parliament there, a 
design which was accomplished before the end of the year, 
and towards the close of his first Session there, in the spring 
of 1732, Percival was gratified by the report brought over 
by a fellow member that his son was " in great esteem with 
the members for his application to public business, and his 
speaking in the House."t In April the son returned to Eng 
land, and was welcomed with parental affection and fervour, 
the more so as by a fortunate accident of detention on account 
of business he had escaped sailing in a ship that on its voyage 
was cast away. As it happened, he suffered no harm on 
his journey a few days later other than having to spend two 
days and three nights at sea between Dublin and Park Gate. 
Up to this point we have the picture of an exceedingly gratified 
and pleased parent. But a few days afterwards, when Percival 
"passed an evening at home," and went over the accounts 
from Ireland, and learnt to his dismay that the young man 
had spent nearly 2,000i. during his stay in that " cheap 
country," he received a " lesson for the future, never to trust 
the discretion of young men when left to themselves, let 
them promise ever so fairly." The remarks he addressed 
to his son are not reported, but he confides to his DiaryJ :— 

I immediately put him to an allowance of 300Z. a year to begin at 
Ladyday last, which is enough for him, his man, and his horse (living 
with me), for all reasonable and handsome expenses. The forfeiture 
of his character by the ill company he must have kept to squander 
so much money away in that cheap country, and my disappointment 
in him, who I proposed to confide in and trust all things to, as my 
second self, has sunk deep and preys on ray spirits, and grieves me 
more than the loss of the money, but, what is worst of all, he shows 
little sense of his crime, makes no declaration of future amendment, 
takes no thought to reconcile himself to ray good opinion. 

God prevent him in all his doings and further him with continual 
help. Amen. 

This, however, by the way. Young Percival appears to 
have been soon forgiven, and now the point is reached when, 
as has been said, we get the first hint of difficulties between Sir 
Robert Walpole and Lord Percival. 

It will be remembered that Lord Percival states that he 
himself had entered the British Parliament on account of 
special considerations which had induced him thus to express 
his loyalty to the King and to aid his service. That done, 

* p. 92. 
t p. 242. 
Í p. 259. 

 yj 

\ 

\ 

\ 

Í 

ó* 

•il 

XIV 

he proposed now to retire from Parliament when its life came 
to an end and to put his son in his place as member for Harwich. 
And for a time this design seemed to have every prospect 
of success. The great Minister apparently accepted the 
arrangement with approval. In pursuance of this object, 
young Percival was " made free of the Corporation." Lord 
and Lady Percival and a cousin accompanied him down to 
Harwich for the ceremony.* The party were met by the 
Mayor and several of the Corporation nine miles from the 
town, and the next day Lord Percival gave the Corporation 
a dinner " at Peck, the postmaster's." " I found the 
Corporation very steadfast to me and very cheerful," he 
relates, and all was well, merry and bright. But not for long. 
Soon there were troublesome and very vexatious happenings 
at Harwich itself, which culminated in the defeat of 
Lord Percival's candidate for the mayoralty, and caused him 
excessive annoyance and vexation of spirit, and was ominous 
of what would happen in the political field. The recital of 
these matters and other local Harwich politics and proceedings 
fills many pages of the Diary, but need not be specified in detail 
here. Ultimately (though this event does not come within 
the purview of the present volume) the younger Percival 
was not elected to represent the town in the next Parliament. 
How much this result and the events that led up to it were 
due to the action of Sir Robert Walpole and his brother it 
is impossible to say, but there is no doubt that Lord Percival 
believed that they had acted very badly and crookedly in the 
business, and the breach in consequence became so marked 
that the Diary records this incident :— 

As I was coming out of Court, Sir Robert Walpole came in, and in 
a familiar, kind sort of way asking me how I did, offered me his hand, 
but I drew back mine, and in a respectful, cool, way said only to him, 
" Your humble servant, sir."f 

Earlier in the year, some episodes in which Sir Robert 
Walpole and young Percival were the actors are related, 
which though to all appearances satisfactorily ended, may 
well have betokened that the Walpoles were uneasy under 
the independent bearing of the father and more than doubtful 
of the future loyalty of the son if he should succeed his father 
in Parliament, f 

Both Horace and Sir Robert, even after matters had reached 
the pass which such an incident as that recorded above 
emphasised, made some personal efforts to induce friendlier 
feeh'ngs, but Lord Percival's mind still rankled from the 
memory of the " ill usage " which he believed himself to have 
suffered at their hands, particularly in the proceedings which 
resulted in the defeat of " his Mayor." The most favourable 
situation reached as recorded in this volume, is contained in 
the entry, " So with civility we parted." 

* p. 280.———————————————————— 

t>. 461. 
Í'PÍ>: 376-379. 

XV 

Percival's relations with the Royal Family during these 
four years were extremely cordial. He was a constant 
attendant at Court, and he and his wife and children were 
the objects of special notice from the King and Queen and the 
Prince of Wales, on which he repeatedly congratulates himself, 
and with regard to which in one instance, at the end of the 
year, he sets down seriatim the " obligations " received from 
the Court within the preceding twelve months.* His cousin, 
Mary Dering, was " dresser " to the Princess Royal, and by 
means of this channel also was he brought into contact with 
the intimate side of the Court. The Queen often singled 
him out for conversation, and the subjects they talked about 
and what each said are set down in some detail. The Queen 
took a personal interest in his protege and frequent guest, 
Dr. François de Courayer (whose name is consistently written 
in the Diary " Couraye " or " Couraye "), whom she pensioned 
and employed in the work of translation. 

Entries similar to the following are numerous and concern 
Sunday occupations : " Then I went to the King's Court, 
and carried the sword." This was on the progress to the 
chapel. The King's occasional polite speeches to him are duly 
set down. 

His relations with the Prince of Wales were likewise 
intimate, and his attendances at the separate Court frequent, 
but he often shook a shocked head over the Prince's pro 
ceedings, proceedings that sadly grieved his lordship and 
operated to "the just scandal of all sober and religious 
folks." Of this young man of twenty-four, destined, as 
was then supposed, to succeed in due course to the Crown of 
England, he pens this " character "— 

He has no reigning passion : if it be, it is to pass the evening with 
six or seven others over a glass of wine and hear them talk of a variety 
of things ; but he does not drink. He loves play, and plays to win, 
that he may supply his pleasures and generosity, which last are great, 
but so ill placed, that he often wants wherewith to do a well-placed 
kindness, by giving to unworthy objects. He has had several mistresses, 
and now keeps one, an apothecary's daughter of Kingston ; but is 
not nice in his choice, and talks more of feats this'way than he acts. 
He can talk gravely according to his company, but is sometimes more 
childish than becomes his age. He thinks he knows business, but 
attends to none ; likes to be flattered. He is good-natured, and if 
he meets with a good Ministry, may satisfy his people ; he is extremely 
dutiful to his parents, who do not return it in love, and seem to neglect 
him by letting him do as he will ; but they keep him short of money. 

Another subject directly connected with the Royal Family, 
on which he has much to say, relates to the personal 
characteristics and illness of the Prince of Orange when he came 
to England in 1733 for his marriage with the Princess Royal. 

Thackeray, in his Lectures on the "Four Georges," with 
reference to the period of this Diary, or at any rate to the 
second King's reign as a whole, exclaims rhetorically, " What 
could Walpole tell him [the King] about his Lords and 

* y. 120. 

 \ 

\ 

v 

% 

\ 

_ 

ΪΙΛ 

Ό * II 

XVI 

Commons but that they were all venal ? "—and again, 
"Wandering through that city of the dead, that dreadfully 
selfish time, through those godless intrigues and feasts, through 
those crowds, pushing and eager and struggling—rouged 
and lying and fawning—I have wanted some one to be friends 
with. I have said to friends conversant with that history : 
Show me some good person about that Court ; find me among 
those selfish courtiers, those dissolute gay people, some one 
being whom I can love and regard." 

It is possible that if the famous writer had been acquainted 
with the characteristics of Lord Percival as disclosed by 
his Diary, he might have found the " good person about the 
Court " whom in the Memoirs of Lord Hervey, the Letters 
of Horace Walpole, and Cox's Life of Sir Robert Walpole, he 
failed to discover. For here was a courtier who was not a 
libertine, and a man who, whatever of consideration he 
thought to be due to his position—not lightly esteemed 
by himself—was certainly not venal. The Diary also mirrors 
the religious tone of mind and practice and the philanthropic 
activities of Percival and his associates, "the sober and 
religious folk," who were even then and there pursuing the even 
tenor of the moral and respectable life, though their personalities 
and deeds naturally do not figure in the salacious memoirs of the 
period. There is in the Diary abundant evidence that there were 
men of earnest purpose who were not callous to the diseases of 
the body politic (witness the enquiry into the state of the 
King's Bench Prison), and who were striving to bring about 
better conditions among their less fortunate fellow country 
men. Percival was one of them, and actively associated in 
these projects with men of like intention, of whom James 
Edward Oglethorpe, the Colonist of Georgia, and Captain 
Thomas Coram may be named as typical. In the enter 
prise of the colonisation of Georgia, Lord Percival took 
an active and leading part, holding it to be a " noble, charitable, 
disinterested and profitable design to the nation," on which 
the " blessing of God " might fitly be invoked. The informa 
tion which the Diary gives of the proceedings of the Georgia 
Society will be of the utmost value and interest to the students 
of early American history. 

In religion Percival was intensely Protestant, and perhaps 
something of a formalist. No Sunday passed without 
observance of the duties of prayers and sermon, and often 
of " communicating " also, and if public worship was not 
possible or convenient, there were invariably "prayers and 
sermon " at home. In connexion with the observances of 
religion, the following extract is of interest as stating views 
which were to be held more aggressively and influentially 
a century later :— 

We have often heard of sermon hunters, but seldom of communion 
hunters. This gentleman makes it his practice to take communion every 
Sunday at some church or other, if lying within a convenient distance, 

XVll 

which uncommon zeal I was at a loss to account for (knowing that 
however Oxford inspired him with warmth for the Church, it did not 
with warmth for religious devotion), but this day I learned the reason 
of his assiduity, for discoursing him of many things, among the rest 
he told me that hearing sermons, though fitting, is the least of a 
Christian's duty, when they meet for public worship, but that the 
eseential part is communicating ; that the ancient Christians never 
assembled without doing it, and thought their service otherwise imper 
fect. He added that commemorating the death of our Lord is not 
the principal business when we communicate, but the offering up the 
elements to God, a doctrine he said our Church should have retained, 
and that when we reformed we went too far. 

With regard to sermons, Percival occasionally reports the 
text and the exposition of it by the preacher in the pulpit. 
Of any class of men, his hardest and most cynical sayings 
are perhaps reserved for the clergy. The treatment of his 
friend, Dr. Berkeley, by his brother ecclesiastics evoked 
Percival's bitterest comment. As to his relations with 
Berkeley, nothing more than a reference is needed here in 
view of Dr. Rand's volume, Berkeley and Percival, published 
in 1914.* 

There is a very interesting aspect of Lord Percival's social 
life which is described in the following passage, and which 
is very fully illustrated in the Diary :— 

Thursday, 19.—I spend every day two hours in the evening at the 
Coffee House, with pleasure and improvement, especially in such public 
places as the Bath and Tunbridge, because of the great resort of gentle 
men thither for their health or amusement, out of whom a few who 
are of the same turn of conversation (after the ceremonies at making 
acquaintance are over) naturally select one another out and form a sort 
of society ; when the season is over, if we think it's worth the while, we 
preserve the acquaintance, if not, there is no harm done, no offence 
is taken. The ease with which gentlemen converse, and the variety 
of their respective knowledge and experience is equally pleasing and 
instructive. The set I met constantly with since this last arrival at 
Bath were the Speaker of the House of Commons, Dr. Gilbert, Dean of 
Exeter, Dr. Carleton, a physician, Mr. Glanvil, member of the House 
of Commons, and Mr. John Temple. The three former are gone, and 
their room is supplied by Mr. Joy, son to a late director of the South 
Sea ; but one who reads much and had " University education, 
Mr. Peregrine Bartue, a gentleman of estate in Suffolk or Sussex, Mr. La 
Mot, chaplain to the Duke of Mountague, who was my schoolfellow at 
Mr. Demeurs, and is now beneficed in Northamptonshire, and 
Sir Justinian Isham, knight of the shire for that county. 

A critic of a famous novelist once objected that while some 
of his characters were said to talk brilliantly, the reader had 
to be satisfied with the statement: there was little or no 
evidence or confirmation to be found in the works them 
selves. In this Diary we are not put off with any mere 
general statement ; the subjects of conversation and what 
each speaker contributed to it are faithfully set down. The 
assembled company frequently discoursed on some high 
themes, but they also told some good stories. Examples 
of such conversations are to be had on pages 106-7 and 108- 
13. But these are not the only examples of a procedure 

and Percival< by Benjamin Rand. Cambridge University Press, 

E 6 

Wt. 24408. 

 \ 

\ 

\ 

1 .-4 

V 

\ 

\ 

ν 

xvm 

satisfying to the reader, which later on in the century was 
used to such effect by the prince of biographers, Boswell. 
A subject of one of the stories told, of which there are many 
about all sorts of people and personages, is Addison,* excessively 
jealous of his reputation, so shy that if a single stranger chanced 
to be of the company he never opened his mouth. Another 
subject of more than one tale is " that monster, the King of 
Prussia." It may be added that the Diary, though not in 
any marked degree, is occasionally enlivened with tales spiced 
with a modicum of scandal. 

Music played a large part in the pleasure and interest of 
Percival's life. He himself was an instrumentalist, and his 
daughters' voices were carefully trained by the best masters. 
During the winter he gave private concerts at his own house. 
The company who assembled to hear and the performers, 
both amateur and professional, and the instruments they 
handled, are recorded, but not, it is to be regretted, the works 
they performed nor the music sung. He himself was a con 
stant attendant at the opera and a hearer of the oratorios 
and operas of " the more famous Hendel from Hanover, a 
man of the vastest genius and skill in music that perhaps 
has lived since Orpheus."| Several of the famous musicians 
of the period in England are referred to. A short account 
is given of Buononcini and his career.f His lordship's opinion 
of the proper earnings of a musician, sympathetic as he must 
have been, are somewhat tinged however with a sense of the 
profession's comparative social inferiority. A salary of five 
hundred pounds a year was " a sum which no musician ever 
had before from any prince, nor ought to have." It is but 
fair to say that the italics are not Percival's. 

Percival's interest in and connexion with Ireland must 
not be allowed to pass without notice. He held large property 
in Ireland, transactions in which are set down in the Diary ; 
he had been in earlier life a member of the Irish Parh'ament, 
and he was now an Irish peer. Apart from private concerns, 
in public matters he stood stiffly for Irish privileges, and 
worked energetically and constantly for Irish interests. It 
is in connexion with the Wool Bill, which affected Ireland 
seriously, that there is most evidence of his activity as a 
lobbyist, and he was the head and front of the movement for 
the defence and promotion of the rights and privileges of the 
Irish peers and peeresses when the programme was being 
arranged for the ceremonial to be observed at the marriage 
of the Prince of Orange to the Princess Boyal of England. 
Many pages of the later part of this portion of the Diary are 
devoted to this matter. 

In conclusion it remains only to add that the Diary 
is printed complete : that there are no omissions, even of 

* p. 105. 
t P- 12. 
t p. 201. 

XIX 

rsonal business. The sole alteration consists in the 
of the spelling of the words and the extension 

Index at the end of the last 
volume rfThe printed Diary. R ^ ROBERTS 

June, 1916. 

 \ 

\ 

DIARY OF THE 

FIKST VISCOUNT PEKCIVAL, 

SUBSEQUENTLY 

FIRST EARL OF EGMONT. 

1730. 

Thursday, 8 January 17fg.—This day I came with my family to 
town, and dined at my brother Dering's. I passed the evening 
at my cousin Southwell's, where there was music and a great 
deal of company, Duchess of Norfolk, Lady Gaze, Lady Isabella 
Scot, Earl of Cholmly, Duke of Dorset, and other company ol 
both sexes. The same day my cousin Mary Dering, daughter to 
my uncle Robert Dering, was made dresser to Princess Koyal, 
and kissed her hand, which is looked on as a distinction none m 
that place having been allowed that honour before. Her allowance 
is fifty pounds a year, with all things found her, and the first ol 
the other dressers that dies, she comes into a share of the clothes 
that are left off. IT. u 4. 

I found the town of different sentiments as to the Peace, but 
a pamphlet put out a few days after, entitled " Remarks upon the 
Articles of Peace," brought many to approve of the Peace. 

Friday, 9.—I put on my'public mourning for the death ol the 
Princess of Anspach, sister-in-law to the Queen. We dress without 
buttons, but in white gloves, shamy shoes and weepers, and the 
ladies in crape hoods, which is looked on as strange by a great many, 
who wonder we should mourn as deep almost as for the Royal family, 
she not being any way related to the Crown. I went the same day 
to see my brother Percival, laid up with the gout, Bishop Uayton, 
young cousin Southwell and his lady, and the two Schutz s. 
Brother Dering dined with me ; passed the evening at home. 

Saturday, 10.—I went to see the Speaker and the fcarl ol 
Grantham ; dined and passed the evening at home. 

Sunday, 11.—Prayers and sermon at home. Lord Lusnam 
[Lewisham]· came to see me. Mr. Clerk dined with me after ntteen 
or sixteen years' absence and an intimate friendship, which is 
cementing anew. Brother Dering also dined with me. I passed 
the evening at home. 

* The name is so spelt in the enrolment of the patent of creation of 
Viscount, and, previously, as Tiaron. Lord Percival appears to sign 
invariably, " Percival." -**1 

Wt. 24408. 

 vi V" 

I 

\ 

\ 

/ 

\ 

\ 

té DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 12-13 

Monday, 12.—I went to see brother Percival, Capel Moore, Cousin 
Ned Southwell, the Lord Wilmington and Lord Bathurst. Dined at 
home with Dr. Couraye. Mr. Taylor came and talked over my 
affairs in Ireland. He told me Sir Emanuel Moore had bought 
the interest of my tenant in Doundeady (of which lease there are 
not three years to come), in hopes of having a lease thereof at 
the expiration of the present. I said to him I was not pleased 
at his doing it without my knowledge, and was more displeased 
, when he informed me that upon the back of the old lease there 
v is expressed but fifty pounds as given for the purchase of the 
old tenant's interest, whereas Sir Emanuel paid him one hundred 
and fifty-seven pounds. This is done that I may believe the 
farm is worth less than in reality it is, by seeing so small a con 
sideration given for the purchase. 

I went in the evening to see my brother Parker and his wife, 
and then returned home, notwithstanding I had a letter to meet 
some Parliament men at the Duke of Newcastle's to hear the 
King's Speech read to us, and the heads of an address of thanks 
prepared for the Commons, but I look on such meetings as a 
precluding the judgment, which for honour sake at least ought 
^ to have the appearance of being determined by the debates of 
the House. I heard afterwards there were about one hundred 
and fifty members present. 

Tuesday, 13 January.—This day the King came to the House of 
v/ Lords, and opened the Session with a very excellent speech. He 
acquainted us he had, in perfect union and concert with his allies, 
concluded an absolute peace with the Crown of Spain, built on the 
foundation and agreeable to the intentions of former treaties, without 
any alterations but such as rendered more effectual what had been 
engaged to be performed in the Quadruple Alliance. He hoped, 
if opposition should be given thereto, that the Parliament will 
support and assist him in the execution of his stipulations. He 
assured us he had the immediate interests of these kingdoms in 
view, which he preferred to the hazard of all other events, by 
which he hinted at the danger his Hanover dominions were in 
from the Emperor's resentments in case he should not comply 
with this Peace. He told us care was'taken of restitution to the 
merchants for the Spanish unlawful seizure of their ships and 
effects, a free and uninterrupted trade renewed with them, all 
rights belonging to him solemnly re-established and guaranteed, 
and not one concession made to the prejudice of him or his 
subjects ; that he had given immediate orders for the reduction 
of a great number of his land forces, and for laying up a great 
part of his fleet, which will make a considerable saving in the 
current expenses of this year, and doubted not but we should 
grant such supplies as shall be most effectual for the public service ; 
mentioned his regard for the Sinking Fund, and left it to our 
consideration whether part of it might not be applied to the ease 
of poor artificers and manufacturers, by which he hinted at taking 
off the duty upon soap and candles, which makes part of the 
Sinking Fund. He concluded with recommending a perfect 
unity among ourselves, such as may entirely defeat the hopes of 
our enemies, both at home and abroad, desiring the affection of 
his people may be the strength of his government as their interest had 
always been the rule of his actions and the object of his wishes. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PJERCIVAL. 3 

1729-30. 

This speech being reported by the Speaker, and the title of the 
Peace read, and heads of a Bill offered, according to custom, for 
opening the session, Lord Fitzwilliam made a motion for an 
address of thanks to his Majesty for his most gracious speech, 
and after cursorily mentioning some particulars of the adminis 
tration in the late years, which he justified, he took notice of the 
opposition given the King's measures by a few discontented and 
factious people at home, by which he glanced at Will. Pulteney 
and his party. He concluded with very long heads of address, 
which tallied with the particulars of the King's Speech, and pro 
posed the Peace should be voted just, honourable and advantageous. 
He did not perform so well as Mr. Andrews, who seconded him 
in as studied but a more fluent speech. 

Will. Pulteney opened the debate, complaining of the late 
method of answering every part of the King's Speech in our 
addresses of thanks, before we had considered what was fit to 
promise, and whether the things done deserved thanks or not. 
Said that he believed as to the Peace, in general it was as good 
a one as the Ministry could get, but that if he had time given 
him he would undertake to show it neither just, honourable, nor 
advantageous, but on the contrary unjust, dishonourable and 
disadvantageous ; that the strong assurances proposed to be 
given in the heads of the address of thanks were such, and so 
generally expressed, that they might subject us to expenses or 
actions neither honourable nor advantageous to the nation ; 
that we promised things that possibly we should not be able to 
make good. The particulars of the Peace are not yet authoritatively 
known, nor read to the House, and perhaps there are still 
unrevealed some secret articles that may be of pernicious con 
sequence to the kingdom if complied with, which he desired the 
House might be made acquainted with ; he said he could not see 
the merchants had any security that their losses should be reim 
bursed. He saw commissioners were to be appointed on both 
sides to adjust that matter, but he foresaw they would do nothing 
for our merchants, but the kingdom would be the worse even 
for that Commission, for the Commissioners on our side must have 
salary, and there must be a Secretary, which with cooking up 
accidental expenses of an office, paper, messengers etc., would 
put us to the expense of perhaps twelve thousand pounds, which 
nobody would be the better for but the favourites who were to 
enjoy these new employments. That it was dishonourable to 
allow these Commissioners should sit at Madrid and not bring the 
discussion of that matter at London ; that he did not understand 
this way of disposing of a million or two people to be slaves to a 
Prince at the agreement of the contracting Powers, and that there 
is a powerful confederacy formed in Italy in conjunction with the 
Emperor to prevent our settlement of Don Carlos in Tuscany, 
-Parma and Placentia, which must occasion a war to which no 
man can judge the end. That he knew no right any prince can 
nave over subjects but by mutual compact and stipulation with 
tnem, which conditions if broken on the King's part is the for- 
teiture of his title ; that this was ever his principle and that of a 
aenomination (meaning the Whigs). However, some have departed 
irom it, that this forcing Don Carlos on those States is therefore 
unjust, and this treaty on that account unjust. That he knew 

 të» 

s- 

\ 

1 DIABY OF THE 

Jan. 13 

not who were the disaffected persons pointed at in the King's 
Speech, or in the address proposed, that himself had all the honour 
and zeal for his Majesty possible, but he would support as far as 
he could the interest and honour of his country ; he thought the 
honour and interest of the King and country were united, and 
what hurt the one was equally prejudicial to the other, and 
concluded with moving that after thanking his Majesty for his 
indefatigable care of his people, we should give him general 
assurances of supporting him in all his just and advantageous 
measures for the good of his people, but not enter into particular 
engagements till we had duly considered both his Speech and the 
Peace, and therefore moved the latter part of the heads of the 
address as moved for might be laid aside, and some more general 
promises put in their place. 

Mr. Horace Walpole answered him, and spoke an hour. He 
justified the conditions of the Peace in every article ; took notice 
of the great difficulties that had been surmounted ; of the sincerity of 
Prance through the whole transaction ; of the great care taken 
of the merchants, their demands, and their future interests : said 
that there was no reason to imagine the Emperor will actually 
commence a war, because he has not the least pretence for it, for 
this peace differs not in any material article from the Quadruple 
Alliance, except that instead of six thousands neutral troops sent 
to secure the succession of Don Carlos in Italy, they now are to be 
Spaniards, but these Spaniards are not to interfere with the civil 
liberty of the States whose towns they are to garrison, but on the 
contrary are to take an oath to the Princes reigning ; they are only 
to secure the succession when the present possessors die, and 
this can give no offence to the Emperor, who had before granted 
to Don Carlos and remitted to him his claim over these States as 
Fiefs of the Empire, but it was thought necessary these troops 
should be natural Spaniards, because the Emperor delayed four 
years the perfecting the concession he had agreed to make, and 
that gave a jealousy that he intended to recede from it seeing 
it came so hard from him. He said that Gibraltar is as effectually 
secured to us as if the Spaniards had by a particular article 
renounced it, seeing by a former treaty they had given it up, and 
that all former treaties are by this Peace confirmed and ratified 
anew, and the mutual guarantee runs for securing the respective 
dominions, States and lands of the contracting Powers, under one 
of which heads Gibraltar must by all the world be understood 
to be guaranteed to us, and especially under the word "terre " or 
land. That as to any secret articles not communicated to the 
world, of which Mr. Pulteney expressed a jealousy, nobody could 
doubt that there must be some for the securing the things agreed 
on, but he averred they were such as were agreeable to the articles 

Eublished, and honourable to the nation, if otherwise he desired 
e might be looked on as the vilest of men. He defied the best 
civilian to call a peace unjust which only obliges the execution of 
what the Emperor had in a formal manner yielded to, and which 
secured to an immediate successor the right that belonged to him, 
and no reasonable man could say the peace is not advantageous 
which provides for restitution of all the legal demands our 
merchants can make out ; which puts an end to the lingering and 
consumptive way we were in, and which prevents a war with that 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEKCIVAL. 5 

kingdom of all others with whom it is the interest of England 

t0ínisAesubstance of what passed in this day's debate, which 
lasted from three o'clock till eleven. The other speakers were 
wfran^Pnlteney, Mr. Barnard, member for the City.Shippc», 
Sir' William Windham, Sir Joseph Jekyl, Master of the Rolls, 
CÏptafo Vernon, Mr. Vyner, Waller and Wyndham : these were 
aSt the address ; those who spoke for it were Pelham, Secretary 
at War, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr. Danvers and Sir Edmond Bacon 
Daniel Pulteney said that in Cromwell's time the Dutch were 
obliged on a like occasion to deposit a sum of money for security 
that they would make good the losses of our merchants incurred 
bv their depredations, and that within six weeks time, and that 
if the Commissioners could not then agree, they were to be locked 
up like our English juries, without meat or drink, whereas here is 
by the present treaty three years given. Barnard said the 
merchants' compensation was not to be adjusted under three 
years, but Don Carlos to be put into immediate possession, and 
this done the Spaniards would laugh at us to talk of reparation 
when their turn was served; and Mr. Wyndham desired the 
Ministry would say whether our address bound us down to assist 
the King in defence of his Hanover dominions in case the Emperor 
or King of Prussia should attack them; if they would allow 
the sense of the House to be that we do not intend to engage the 
kingdom in any expense on that account, he would vote tor the 
address, otherwise he must oppose it, but no reply was made to 
him, and he accordingly voted with the minority. It was indeed 
very prudent not to explain on that head, because the apprehemson 
of England's concerning herself in defence of Hanover m case 
that Electorate should be attacked contributes much to the keeping 
Prussia from hostilities. Perhaps you will judge by this relation 
that the debate was not managed on either side with that skill, 
eloquence, and argument as on former occasions ; it was my 
judgment, and that of others, that not one of the speakers was 
this day equal to himself, which I attribute to the evident reason 
ableness of supporting this address, the question whether two 
and two make four admitting neither art, nor wit, either to prove 
or to contend against, and 'tis equally plain that the Peace is 
just, honourable and advantageous : the first as it secures to a 
Prince his undeniable right, the seeond as it puts the interest 
of no contending Power in compromise, secures to ourselves our 
own possessions and provides for ample satisfaction to our 
merchants ; the third that it unites such Powers as are able to 
keep the balance of Europe, and restores the most beneficial 
branch of our trade to the same condition it was in, in the best 
of times, and gives way for the reduction of our Fleet and Army. 
And whereas it was said in the debate that by the wording of the 
heads of the Address we seem to approve not only of the Peace, 
but of the course of the Ministry's proceedings in the prosecution 
of it, Sir Edmond Bacon replied well, that if the Peace was a 
good one their services deserved our notice, but whether they 
have acted well or ill, the Address did not hinder an enquiry into 
their behaviour, which, if bad, why are they not impeached? 
This would be a conduct becoming a House of Commons, but 
to rail continually at them as we see some members every day 

 φ 

\ 

\ 

•ff 

$ 

& 

.f 

\ 

\ 

O DIAKS OF THE 

Jan. 13-20 

to do, and thereby spirit up craftsmen and libellers to expose 
both them and Majesty itself in print to the unjust censure 
of the people, and not go further, was unworthy the character of 
any who have the honour to sit in this House, and what he thought 
the dignity of it could not suffer. The conclusion was that 
two hundred and sixty-two voted for the Address, and one hundred 
and twenty-nine against it. 

I understand there is a design to take some further course 
with respect to wool and yarn run from Ireland to France. What 
that course is I know not yet, nor what can be done effectually 
to prevent it, unless by a free importation of wool and yarn hither. 
I discoursed the late and present Speakers about it, but don't 
find that anything is yet resolved on, at least it is not imparted 
to them. In general my Lord Wilmington told me that nothing 
could effect it but giving due encouragement, and as to our yarn 
he thought that has it already by being under very little or no 
duty. The Speaker told me that doubtless when this matter 
comes to be considered, the encouragement of the yarn will be 
proportionable to that of the raw wool. I also discoursed Joshua 
Gee, who has made trade his study these twenty years, and lately 
printed a very good book upon it ; and he assured me England 
must have our yarn, because there is not enough in this kingdom 
to supply the weaver. 

I ought to ask your pardon for troubling you with so empty 
an account of what I know of this matter, for whatever is designed 
must doubtless be fully communicated to my Lord Lieutenant 
and the Commissioners of the Revenue, who will have the principal 
share in conducting a thing of so great concern to both kingdoms. 

I am, Sir. 

To Dr. Coghill, 

Commissioner of the Revenue and 
Privy Counsellor.* 

Wednesday, 14 January.—I went this day to the House, 
when the Address was brought us and approved, and ordered 
to be presented to-morrow. Only two gentlemen opposed it, 
Mr. Williams and Mr. Bramston, but there was no division, 
only a number gave a loud " No," that it might appear the Address 
did not pass nem. con. I brought Colonel Middleton home to 
dinner, and Mr. Taylor, my steward, dined also with me. I passed 
the evening at home. 

Thursday, 15.—This morning Richmond, a Harwich voter, 
came to see me, and brought with him one Mr. Smith, who has 
concerns in Harwich. 

I went out and visited young cousin Southwell and Mr. Horace 
Walpole, who were abroad, the Duke of Grafton, who was at 
home, my brother Parker, who I likewise found, the Duke of 
Dorset, and Sir John Evelyn, who were both abroad. I then 
went to the House, and attended the Address to Court. The 
Earl of Grantham, Mr. Francis Clerk, and brother Dering dined 
with me. I passed the evening at home. 

I was given this day a libel in print against Sir Robert Walpole, 
dropped in St. James' Park the fifth of this month, when the 
Queen was walking there, and taken notice of by her, to whom 
one of her attendants showed it. 

* See p. 24 infra. 

FIBST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. / 

1729-30 

" A Hue and Cry after a Coachman." 

Lond., 5 Jan., 1729. 

" Whereas a coachman, who for his unparallelled and consummate 
impudence, has for many years past gone by the name of " Brazen 
Face," about fifty years of age, full bodied, brown complexion, 
five feet ten inches high or thereabouts, hath lost a tooth in fore 
part of his upper jaw ; dirty hands, light fingered, a heavy slouching, 
clumsy, waddling gait, an affected toss with his head, a supercilious, 
sneering, grinning look, of a malicious, vindictive, sanguinary 
nature, a saucy, insulting, overbearing, imperious behaviour in 
prosperity, a poor, low, mean, wretched, abject spirit in adversity, 
of a perfidious, impious, atheistical principle, remarkably addicted 
to lying, an ignorant, forward, positive, unexperienced, headstrong, 
blundering driver, despised, contemned and hated by all his master's 
faithful servants, generally wears a livery trimmed with a blue, 
garters below knee, formerly served a widow lady of the first rank, 
till he was dismissed her service for selling her corn and hay, for 
which he was committed and lay several months in prison, and 
till her death could not get into service again (but wandered about 
in the scorn and contempt of every one that knew him), but upon 
her demise procured himself to be chosen postillion, and after 
wards coachman in the service of his late mistress's successor, 
who was a perfect stranger to all his scandalous, base, wicked and 
corrupt practices ; has plunged, bewildered and overset his present 
master, imposed on and deceived his mistress, and plundered, 
robbed and stripped the whole family, which is exceeding numerous. 
" If any person or persons will seize and apprehend the said 
coachman, and bring him to the axe and block upon Tower Hill, 
or to the gibbet and halter in Tyburn Road, so that he may 
be brought to justice, and dealt with as he deserves, such person 
or persons shall be nobly rewarded, and eminently distinguished by 

all the family. 

"N.B.—If the said coachman is not apprehended by the 
13th instant, he shall be more particularly described, with his name, 
commonly called his Christian name, and his sirname at length." 

Friday, 16 January.—I visited this morning Lord Forbes, 
Lord Lusam [Lewisham], cousin John Finch, Sir Thomas Hanmer, 
Dr. Couraye, cousin Southwell, senior, and brother Dering. 
Secretary Scroop, and his nephew Mr. Fane, Sir John Evelyn and 
his son, Mr. Walker, and brother Dering dined with me. 

Saturday, 17.—I was seized with a feverish cold, which con 
fined me ; but brother and sister Percival, Mr. Donellan, and 
Bishop Clayton and his lady dined with me. 

Sunday, 18, Monday, 19, Tuesday, 20.—I saw no company, 
by reason of my disorder, brother Parker and Mr. Schutz and 
Mr. Taylor excepted. 

The Queen, who is an encourager of learned men as far as 

countenance goes, has caused the picture of the late Doctor Samuel 

vu f***01" of St- James's, to be set up in Kensington Palace, 

with this inscription to his honour, composed by Dr. Hoadly, 

Bishop of Salisbury :— . 

" Samuel Clark, D.D., 

« T " Rector of St. James's, Westminster. 
„ ^ !°me Parts of useful knowledge and critical learning, perhaps 
witnout an equal ; in all united, certainly without a superior. 

 ' ν χ 

"><1, 

AVo· 

i f-V 

\fp. 

» V&ÏI i 

NO. 

V 

% 

% 

* ^ 1 

>VÍ 

^ 4 

Λ ¿? 

.<> 

/ 

4y 

^ x^ 

f^y^ 

[ς/χΔ 

/i/S » 

UU<fl 

\^\>^ 

1 4 χ: 

τ ^* 

: \ 

\ 

<P 

«Γ 

ΐ. 0 

S í 
/í < 

. >· ê . 

Λ, 

' / 
/ 

• $ /g 
A?/3¿ 

/y** 

f*^í*¿fw 

IdíC IP 

V^V^ xaH 

^^5 

Λ" 

-Λ 

f^- 

A ΐ 

* €Λ 

'/í ^ 

*TC· 4r 

• Λ Ó 

£ 

A 

:-/ 1 

$ 

: ^ 
Λ*& 

**** 

» s ;î 

" s À 

Ό-' II 

I 

I 

II 

! 

3 DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 20-23 

' In his works, the best defender of Religion ; in his practice, the 
' greatest ornament of it. In his conversation, communicative 
'and in an uncommon manner instructive. In his Preaching 
' and writing, strong, clear, and calm. In his life, high in the 
' esteem of the great, the good, and the wise. In his death. 
' lamented by every friend to truth, to virtue, and liberty. 

" He died May the 7th, 1729, in the 54th year of his age." 
He was doubtless a very great man, and besides his learning, 
no man had a more metaphysical head, nor clearer way of expressing 
himself. I believe, too, that he was a lover and searcher after 
truth, but whether he found it in his notions of our Saviour's 
divinity, which he published in his book called the Scripture 
doctrine of the Trinity, and several anonymous pamphlets, is a 
thing disputed, and almost universally denied by our clergy, 
who in Queen Anne's time attacked him in Convocation, and 
engaged him to sign a promise that he would for the future be 
silent on that head. It. was the great interest of Bishop Smaldridge 
among his brethren which at that time saved him from some 
formidable censure, on condition of the promise above mentioned, 
which the Bishop afterwards complained to me was not performed 
by him. Bishop Goodwin, of Ireland, told me no man was more 
of Dr. Clarke's notion in these matters than Smaldridge, but that 
being one of the heads of the High Church party, he would never 
discover his opinion. The famous Dr. Whitby, likewise, at his death 
left a large pamphlet, wherein he declared himself to be of the 
same mind with the seminarians, and recants the excellent writings 
he had published before in favour of the established and orthodox, 
belief Dr. Clark, on the death of Sir Isaac Newton, applied 
for the post of Warden of the Mint, and obtained the nomination 
to it, which hurt his character, and was certainly a very unbecoming 
office for a clergyman, especially of one whose character was so 
established, and who had already one thousand pounds coming 
in, but he presently saw his error, and resigned his pursuit. When 
I heard the Doctor had asked that employment, I called to mind 
a passage of old Bishop Latimer in his sermon preached at 
St. Paul's Church, 18th January, 1548, where, complaining of the 
prelates of his time, that some were occupied in king's matters, 
some ambassadors, some of the Privy Council, some to furnish 
the Court, some lords of parliament, some Presidents and some 
Comptrollers of Mints, " Well, well (says he), is this their duty ? 
Is this their office ? Is this their calling ? Should we have 
ministers of the Church to be Comptrollers of the Mints ? Is this 
a meet office for a priest that hath cure of souls ? Is this his 
charge ? I would fain know who comptrolleth the devil at home 
in his parish while he comptrolleth the Mint. If the Apostles 
might not leave the office of preaching to the deacons, shall one 
leave it for minting ? I cannot tell you, but the saying is that 
since priests have been minters, money hath been worse than it 
was before." 

This being the Prince's birthday, it was kept with great 
respect, on the town's side, who appeared at Court in crowds 
as great as has been seen on the King or Queen's days ; but it was 
remarked that neither the King or Queen were out of mourning. 
The order was no body should appear in new clothes. There was 
a ball at night, and my daughter danced. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. D 

1729-30. 

Wednesday, 21 January.—Stayed at home on account of my cold. 
Mr. St. Lenger and Mr. Taylor came. We talked over the dispute 
between Mr. St. Lengerand me concerning Crone and Croft's dispute 
of Aires, my passing fine and recovery, and my title to Liscarrol 
Manor. Things passed gentlemanlike among us in conversation. 
Dr. Couraye dined with me in the evening. Old Frazer came 
to see me, and told me that it was he who procured Woolston 
(who stands condemned for writing against our Saviour's miracles) 
not to have sentence pass so speedily as otherwise it would have 
done upon him, because Woolston had given him hopes that he 
would in court recant his writings, which, when it came to the 
point, he would not, for which said Frazer, I have done with him 
for a vile fellow. 

Thursday, 22.—To-day Lord Wilmington and brother Percival 
came to see me. I asked him if it be true that the Prince's patent 
and investiture of the Principality of Wales must pass the 
Parliament ? He said he saw no occasion for it. Whether his 
servants who are members must be re-elected ? He said he thought 
not, for though they are paid by the King, yet they are not the 
King's servants, but the Prince's. Whether since the judicature 
is taken from the Lords of Ireland by Act of Parliament passed 
in England, the House of Lords of Ireland have a right to receive 
impeachments there, or to try one of their members who should 
kill a man in that kingdom ? He said he thought they had. 
I stayed all day at home on account of my cold. 
Friday, 23.—Mr. Taylor, Lord Bathurst, Cousin le Grand came 
to see me. The two Mr. Schutz's and their ladies dined with me, 
Letter came from Harwich that old Mr. Godfrey, one of our electors, 
died Tuesday last. He had a second or third gunner's place, 
worth twenty pounds, which I desired cousin Southwell to write 
to the Duke of Argyle, being Master of the Ordnance, to confer 
on Francis Pulham, one of my electors. This day the House of 
Commons had a division whether the consideration of Greenwich 
Hospital should be now referred to a separate Committee, which 
the Court would have be considered in a Committee of the whole 
House as usual, and carried the question accordingly, two hundred 
and thirty-nine, against one hundred and twenty. Mr. Sands 
made the motion, and Shippen, with Will. Pulteney supported 
it. Sir Robert Walpole opposed it. Shippen saying it was good 
to rub ministers, for it made them the brighter. Sir Robert 
answered, if so, he must be the brightest Minister that ever was. 
Pulteney replied he knew nothing was the brighter for rubbing 
but pewter and brass, alluding to Sir Robert's nickname of 

Brazen Face,"—ribaldry unfit for the House. Sir Robert I 
made a speech an hour long in his justification from the immense , 
nches it was pretended he had got, but said envy made it greater | 
than it was, and that he had not got it by dirty ways, concluding 
that he wondered he was not accused in a Parliamentary way if / 
guilty of the things laid to his charge ; to which Pulteney replied, 
everybody knew the reason, meaning the number of members 
under the Government's influence. 

I learned to-day that the Prince was affronted at the masquerade 
last ruesday night ; a gentleman made up to him and called him 
apusive names, upon which the Prince collared him and gave 
mm a box on the ear ; the other stole away, and is not known. 

 10 DIABY OF THE 

Jan. 24-28 

These masquerades are the corruption of our youth and a scandal 
to the nation, and it were to be wished the King would not 
encourage them. The Bishops have addressed in a body against 
them, and exposed them in their sermons, but all to no purpose. 

Saturday, 24 January.—Bishop of Killalla, Mr. John Temple, 
and Mr. Clerke came to see me. Stayed at home the whole day. 
Dr. Couraye dined with me. 

Sunday, 25.—Stayed at home the whole day, except in the 
evening I went for an hour to my sister Bering's. Sir Thomas 
Hanmer came to see me. 

Monday, 26.—This morning Mr. Capel Moore came to see me, 
and made me smile at a story touching my Lord Lovel (Mr. Cook 
of Norfolk that was made a Baron when this King came to the 
Crown). My Lord, coming up to town against the meeting of 
Parliament, told the Earl of Chesterfield that now he was come 
he did not know how to vote. " Why, with the Court, to be sure,' 
replied the Earl. " Aye, but," said Lovel, " the Court is so divided 
that I don't know which way it leans. There are," said he, " in 
it a country party, a Spanish party, and a French party." " If 
you are under a difficulty," replied the Earl, "go to Sir Robert 
Walpole ; he will direct you." Says Lovel, " If I vote with the 
Court, I expect to be paid for it." " How paid ?" said Chesterfield. 
" Why," the other replied, " I have an estate sufficient for an 
Earl or a Viscount at least, and I shall expect to be made one of 
them." " That," replied Chesterfield, " is impossible ; it is asking 
a thing the King cannot do." Lovel replied, " He did not under 
stand him, that the King had made him a Baron two year ago, 
and might make him a Viscount if he pleased, for he was the 
fountain of honour and nothing tied up his hands. To say therefore 
that it was impossible implied something he did not comprehend, 
and he must insist to know his lordship's meaning." " Why, if you 
will have it," replied the Earl, " it is a maxim of our law that the 
Kinç can do no wrong." Which said, he left my Lord Lovel 
to digest it as well as he could. 

It is inconceivable how much the town resents the King's 
usage of the Prince with respect to money matters ; the enemies 
of the Government are. loud against it, because they are glad 
of any handle to make a noise, and the friends are deeply concerned 
for the reflection it draws on the King, and the injury it does to 
the Prince, both in health, credit and temper, for his necessity 
may turn him. from being the most generous and best inclined 
man in the world to be of a sordid temper, and to abandon himself 
to pleasure to stifle his concern. The fault is laid at Sir Robert 
Walpole's door, who is said to encourage the King in his parsi 
monious temper, by which he preserves his Majesty's favour, 
and gains the disposal of all places, which he only bestows on his 
creatures. 

I learned that this day there was a debate in the Commons 
House till four o'clock on a motion of Lord Morpeth's, that his 
Majesty should be addressed to lay before the House all the papers 
relating to the negotiations of his Majesty in whatever parts of 
Europe, or to that effect. The Court party put the previous 
question, whether my lord's motion should be put or no, and 
carried it as they would have it, two hundred against one hundred 
and seven. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

11 

Tuesday 27 January.-The Lords this day took into considera 
tion the Treaty of Seville, and my Lord Bathurst moved that 
STfifch article of the Quadruple Alliance might be read, winch 
done he proposed the following question to tins effect, 
"Ulic> r , ,v rr4. „ TTi t n 

L«_M.1V) ·"-·«-' £— — j- --- - •-ν/υ.« ·· --"ς, ~L —— — —- — 

that'the agreement in the Treaty of Seville to secure the succession 
of Don Carlos to the Duchy of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, 
with Spanish troops, is a manifest violation of the fifth article of 
the Quadruple Alliance, tends to involve this nation in a dangerous 
and expensive war, and to destroy the balance of power in Europe ; 
he was answered by my Lord Townsend, after which several 
lords, but my Lord Bingley best of all, who, to the surprise of 
the Tories, now first abandoned them, and argued in favour of 
the Peace. The Court carried it, eighty-six against thirty-one. 
My Lord Buckley came to see me and ask my favour to be 
present in the House when Mr. Bodvile's petition against 
Mr. Williams Winne is to be debated. 

The reports against the Queen that spread about the town 
are scandalous, and it makes one melancholy to see the industry 
of the disaffected to poison the minds of the lower rank of people. 
The servants everywhere have it that the Queen intends to cause 
a Bill to be brought in to reduce servants' wages to thirty shillings, 
and that women servants shall wear a sort of shoulder knot of the 
colour of the footmen's livery belonging to such family. Also the 
shop keepers are told that the Queen will have the citizens' wives 
to wear a rose or a badge to distinguish them from the gentry and 
nobility. 

Wednesday, 28.—To-day Dr. Bedford, minister of Hoxton, 
came to see me, to complain of the scandal the playhouses give, 
by the blasphemous and obscene plays they act, also of the 
scandalous practice of the Ordinaries of Newgate and other prisons 
in obliging the prisoners to auricular confession, or declaring 
them damned if they refuse, which is only to extort from them 
an account of their lives, that they may afterwards publish the 
same to fill their printed papers and get a penny. 

This ^ day the House of Commons had in consideration the 
maintaining for this year seventeen thousand land troops. 
Mr. Pelham, Secretary at War, made the motion, and among 
other reasons for keeping that number, said it was his observation 
of a long time that whenever there was a small number of men 
rebellions were hatched. Mr. Pulteney answered that he hoped 

VI iîlg had n°* lost in tne afíections of nis people, and Shippen 
said that at this rate he saw no prospect of being free from a 
government by a standing army; that he hoped the German 
°°Τ™utlon of ruling by an army was not to be introduced here, 
and that m England a King who should propose to govern by an 
army was a tyrant. This bold and audacious speech struck the 
iiouse mute, till Sir William Young got up and said such things 
were not proper to be heard, and were intolerable, that the House 
ougnt to make him explain himself, not but that he believed the 
nouse understood his meaning. Shippen said something to 
extenuate his expression, but not to much satisfaction. Sir Robert 
vvaipole said what was proper, and concluded that it was believed 
tnere would have been a long debate, but what Shippen had said 
to +£ Snocked gentlemen that he could find nothing wiser than go 
me question immediately. On the division, there were 

 'If 

12 DIAKY OF THE 

Jan. 28-29 

two hundred and forty-six for keeping seventeen thousand men 
and one hundred and twenty-one against it. When this was 
over, Sir Joseph Jekyl spoke in a manner to renew the debate 
which was over, upon which Sir Robert said it was entirely 
irregular, and that however he could excuse gentlemen's differing 
on other occasions, yet he wondered after such a speech as Shippen 
had made, how there could be a man that would vote where 
Shippen did. Sir William Wyndham answered that whal 
Mr. Shippen meant was best known to himself, and he would nol 
suppose he had an unjustifiable meaning, but he was sorry to 
see that gentlemen were to be reflected on for acting in the House 
as their opinions and judgments lead them, that for his own part 
he was so shocked with Mr. Pelham's declarations of the necessity 
of a standing army, that that made him divide against the question 
and he had intended to speak to several matters which those 
expressions prevented him from pursuing. Oglethorp on this 
,/ occasion voted for the Court, though a very obstinate Tory, and 
gave for reason that he believed we should go into a war with the 
Emperor, and therefore thought it necessary to have an army, 
and he had rather see an army of Englishmen than foreigners 
among us. This account my son brought me home, who added 
that the Speaker (for this was a Committee) spoke exceeding 
well, finding fault with Mr. Pelham's expression and reason for 
keeping a standing army, but excusing him as being assured it 
was but a slip that fell from him, who was known, as were his 
ancestors, to have been ever strenuous defenders of the liberties 
of the country. He said he would sacrifice his life before he would 
concur in keeping up a formidable army by way of rule and maxim 
as necessary to our government, but thought, considering how 
affairs stand at present in Europe, that the question proposed 
ought to pass. 

Thursday, 29 January.—This morning was the first I ventured 
to go abroad on. I visited Mr. Horace Walpole, Lord Grantham, 
Sir Edmond Bacon, Mr. Southwell and Mr. Oglethorp. I then, 
went to the House, where my Lord Morpeth made a long motion, 
which may be seen in the votes ; the purpose was to address the 
King to reduce the army more than he has done as soon as his 
Majesty sees it's fitting and safe. He introduced his motion by 
taking notice of what passed yesterday in the House, namely, that 
Pelham, Secretary at War, had dropped an expression as if a 
standing army would be always necessary, and though he explained 
his meaning to be otherwise, to the satisfaction of the House, 
yet there were many strangers in the gallery, who might go away 
with a notion that the House was in opinion for a standing army, 
and therefore he proposed his motion, that the country might see 
what was the sense of Parliament on that head. Mr. Pelham 
got up and complained of the irregularity and unkindness of that 
motion, to say no worse of it ; that as long as he had sat in 
Parliament he had never observed that matters passed a foregoing 
day were overhauled and debated the following, that he had 
explained himself sufficiently the day before, and thought it very 
hard a mistake or slip of his, which he had corrected, should be 
made a ground to address the King. 

Mr. Sands, Daniel Pulteney, and Sir William Wyndham sup 
ported the motion, Sir Robert Walpole, General Ross, Sir Edmond 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

13 

1729-30. 

Bacon, Mr. Clayton, Mr. Oglethorp and the Solicitor General 
opposed it. Sir Robert said the motion must be meant particularly 
against Pelham, or against the King, the former was very 
unparliamentary in taking notice of debates already over, and of 
a slip which a gentleman immediately corrected himself in ; the 
latter was a very unworthy treatment of the King, who had already 
made a great reducement of the army, and should he make a 
greater by this motion if an address followed, he would lose the 
merit of such reduction, and it would appear to the world as if the 
Parliament suspected his intentions, and had forced him to it. 
That if the Parliament thought proper to recall debates that 
were past, he would make a motion upon a member's speech, which 
was the most affronting and most insolent that ever came out of 
a member's mouth : he meant what Shippen had said the day 
before. Sir William Wyndham said he did not see the connection 
between yesterday's resolution and this motion : we then voted 
seventeen thousand men. It is now moved that the King should 
be desired to disband them only when his affairs permitted ; that 
this was not unbecoming a British Parliament, but advising the 
King to do what would engage to him the hearts of his subjects ; 
that 'tis true these troops are given but from year to year, but 
so was the land tax, which is now become hereditary ; he ended 
with excusing my Lord Morpeth from having any design to reflect 
on Mr. Pelham. 

Mr. Oglethorp said the same reason that moved him to vote 
yesterday with the majority for seventeen thousand men, obliged 
him to be against this motion, for he was against any further 
reduction of troops while things stand as they do in Europe. The 
Solicitor General showed that my Lord Morpeth opened his motion 
by taking notice of Mr. Pelham's slip, and grounded it on nothing 
else ; that Mr. Pelham had. explained himself to the satisfaction of 
the House, which ought to satisfy them, otherwise the liberty of 
speech was gone ; that the motion could have no possible good 
attending it, but on the contrary contained an absurdity, to say 
no worse of it. For when we gave yesterday the seventeen thousand 
men,^ we gave it to the King, as trusting in his frugal care for the 
public, and that with good reason, his Majesty having shown that 
before the Parliament he had already begun to reduce five thousand 
men, but by this motion we should seem to recall what we had 
done, to repent we gave so many men this year, and to put his 
Majesty in mind that he must disband more. He was confident 
ne would do it as soon as affairs permitted, of which he was the 
judge ; but by this step, the Parliament would have all the honour 
ol a new reduction, the King none, which was not the method 
Γ ^Sj love of his subJects to him. Lord Morpeth was desired 
no withdraw his motion, but did not offer to do it, so the question 
was put and flung out without a division. My Lord Morpeth, 
nowever, had all he aimed at, which was to have it appear in the 
u Ministry, who are known to have the majority 
ι, e Wlth them> were for no further reduction of troops 
gù ever so reasonable, but for governing by a standing army. 
thfi « -uraye and Coz- Moll Bering dined with me. I stayed 
ont l Γ"1! °me- l am informed the pamphlet which came 
out yesterday, entitled « The Treaty of Seville," considered is writ 
»y my Lord Bolingbrooke 

ff s· " 

il 

 14 DIARY OP THE 

Jan. 30-31 

Friday, 30 January.—This morning my brother Parker came 
to see me, and expressed his fear from some letters he received 
last post from Harwich, that the Mayor, Alderman Newell, would 
be treacherous, notwithstanding all his promises, and watch an 
opportunity to call a hall in order for choosing Fuller, the master 
of a packet (set up by the Post Office interest), at the time when 
our friends should be absent, and soon after he was gone, James 
Clements writ me that suddenly on Tuesday last the Mayor had 
at eleven o'clock warned the twenty-four to meet at three that 
evening to choose a member to fill up their company. That we 
had then in town but nine who call themselves our friends, three 
of whom would not declare their minds, so that but six could be 
depended upon, and that Philipson's party for Fuller were likewise 
six ; whereupon our six friends thought fit to send for Captain 
Fuller, who giving them promises and satisfaction such as was 
expected, that if they would choose him he would join with them 
without any regard to his old friends upon all occasions, they 
agreed to be for him, and so he was chose without any opposition. 
Fools to believe a captain of a packet will forsake the Post Office, 
his master's interest, or the friends he always was engaged to. 
I went afterwards to Court, where the Earl of Grantham telling 
me that the King and Queen had both very lately expressed a 
very good and kind opinion of me, I replied they did me too much 
honour in words, but were doing me all the injury they could ; 
he asked me with surprise what I meant ; I told him that nobody 
had harder treatment than my brother Parker and I, who though 
zealous friends to the King, were undermined in our borough 
by the Government's own officer, who professedly opposed my 
brother's· friends there, and if they did not leave our interest to 
vote for such as he set up against our friends, he starved them, 
by not suffering the poor people to work for the packets, or to 
supply them with beer, or bread. That we are every day at a 
new election fighting up hill, and if we were the most disaffected 
in the world could not be worse used ; that my brother Parker's 
patience was quite worn out, and that I could not see how in 
honour he or I under such usage could continue our zeal. II 
struck my Lord, and he suddenly left me, but returning ten minutes' 
after, said he had been doing me service, which I should know 
by and by, desiring I would stay. I did design it. Soon after he 
returned and told me he had spoke to the Duke of Newcastle and 
to Horace Walpole, who both said they knew Philipson to be a 
Jacobite, and Horace added that he wondered the fellow was not 
out before. I replied he might wonder, and so did everybody 
else, that a man put in by my Lord Bolingbrook, and against 
whom my brother Parker had given into Mr. Walpole's hands a 
year ago informations upon oath of Jacobite expressions and actions 
should be so long kept in. My Lord said we should have satis 
faction in it very soon, but begged me to be assured that it was 
not Sir Robert Walpole's fault he was not turned out before, 
but lay at another door. I told him I did not care at whose door 
it lay, whether the Post Office or Lord Townsend, but was obliged 
to his Lordship for taking the thing so right as he had done. That 
the Post Office was indeed our enemy, because they had a mind 
a friend of their own should be chosen in my place, and had 
declared they would never forgive my brother for putting me upon 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

15 

Standing. Soon after the King came out, and after a few words 
«TToken to the Duke of St. Albans, he passed by all the great lords 
that should have been spoke to first, and crossed the room to the 
far side where I stood, and asked me some questions about 
Charlton and my not being well since I came to town. This not 
beine his course at any time, and the first time he had spoken 
to me this twelvemonth, I perceived my Lord Grantham had 
done more than he told me, and spoken of this affair to the King 
himself · and I was the more confirmed in it, that as soon as his 
Maiesty'left speaking to me, he passed by all the Court on either 
side of me, to walk up to the Duke of Newcastle, who stood at 
the end of' the chamber, and whispered him, to which the Duke 
made low bows, as if he had taken some direction that he was 
ordered to follow, and I suppose the King then told him that he 
would have Philipson displaced. The Queen also, who had not 
spoken to me these nine months, came up and asked after my 
wife ; so I find the ill impression that must have been made of 
me to the Court by Mr. Carteret's means, were by my 
Lord Grantham's means dispelled by his acquainting their 
Majesties of the unjust usage we have received. 

By a letter my brother Parker received this day from Pulham, 
I find there were sixteen of the twenty-four in town when the 
Mayor summoned the Court to the election, and that they were 
eight against eight, and that Thomas Peck and William Richmond, 
our pretended friends, were resolved to go for Philipson's man, 
Captain Fuller, wherefore our real friends, not having time to 
consider of a proper person to set up, and not being able to carry 
it if they had, made a virtue of necessity, and closed in with 
Fuller. 

In the evening, I went to my sister Percival to hear Signor Fabri, 
who sings the tenor in our Opera, perform, and I engaged him to 
teach my daughter at three guineas for ten times. 

Saturday, 31 January.—I went to see brother Parker, and 
acquainted him with what passed yesterday, and we agreed to 
go together to Court this morning ; from thence I went to see 
Mr. Lumly, Major Naison, my tenant in Denmark Street, 
Mr. Bagnell, Mr. Duncomb, Lord Buckley, Lord Palmerston, 
Lord Bathurst, Mr. St. Lenger, and Mr. John Temple. From 
thence I went to Court, where the King again spoke to me, a great 
novelty. My Lord Grantham spoke again to me touching my 
borough; and said the Duke of Newcastle and Horace Walpole 
both said Philipson should be turned out, and that he would speak 
to Sir Robert Walpole. I replied, I did not perceive much good 
in his speaking, for Sir Robert had often said he should be out 
before, but nothing came of it ; that I would trouble myself no 
more about the matter, but should not forget the hardness of the 
usage. He told me he believed it was my Lord Carteret sustained 
mm. I said it was more than I knew, but sustained he was to the 
tinng out my patience ; that my brother Parker had still greater 
reason to be offended, for no man in England had deserved better 
of this Government, and no man was treated worse. That his 
ment even exceeded that of any other man's. That in Queen Anne's 
^me' wnile yet a young man, and not come to his fortune, he 
stood lor the county of Suffolk against two Tories, Sir Thomas 
ttanmer andrer Robert Davers, and though he lost it, yet showed 

1 

 16 DIARY OF THE 

Jan. 31-Feb. 2 

so great interest in his county that he polled two thousand single 
votes. That when the first plot against the late King broke out, 
he presented an association in the defence of the Hanover suc 
cession, signed by the well affected of his county, which their 
representatives in Parliament, nor even their Lord Lieutenant of 
the county, my Lord Cornwallis, through fear of the times, durst 
not do ; that he presented also an association from the town of 
Harwich, even while my Lord Bolingbrook was recorder there ; 
that afterwards he got that Lord turned out, and my Lord Orford 
chosen recorder in his room ; that ever since he was in Parliament 
he stuck to his principle, and never opposed the Court in anything 
except in the Peerage Bill, which he voted against for this King's 
• sake, against whom it was levelled, the Act for repealing my 
Lord Bollingbrook's attainder, which he believes the Court now 
thinks he was right in doing, and in the late Bill to prevent bribery 
and corruption, which as a lover of his country he was obliged to 
do ; that his zeal in .all was so remarkable that he has been accused 
of being a pensioner, for people could not imagine how otherwise 
a gentleman could be so zealous and steady for a Government 
under whom he never enjoyed nor sought for a place. That all 
the reward for his zeal and incredible expense for the service of 
his country, and the Hanover succession, and in modelling Harwich, 
a Jacobite town, to become honest and loyal, has been a constant 
endeavour of the Government to undermine his natural interest 
in his own borough, by keeping in a professed Jacobite to nose 
and encounter him there, and encouraging him to corrupt 
Sir Philip's friends, or starve them by denying them the serving 
the packets with bread, beer, candles, or working for their ships. 
He asked me again why I did not complain to the King. I answered, 
the King would have enough to do if he was to be troubled with 
things of this nature, and I chose to let the matter work itself, 
being sure the King would sooner or later be sensible of the wrong 
done us. In the mean time I was sensibly touched to know that 
both my brother and I had been misrepresented to his Majesty. 
My Lord left me upon it, and when the King and Queen came 
out to the circle, the King, as I have said, spoke to me. I saw 
him, before he approached, speak earnestly to Mr. Walpole, and 
then look at me, from whence I conclude he reiterated his pleasure 
that Philipson should be out. 

My wife went also to Court, and both King and Queen spoke 
to her. Mr. Taylor dined with me, and afterwards I went to 
the Opera. 

I was told to-day that the King, jesting with the Duke his son, 
and asking him which he had rather be, a king or a queen, he 
replied : " Sir, I never yet tried ; let me be one of them a month,, 
and I'll tell you." And yesterday the Queen, chiding him for 
asking eagerly for his dinner, it being the thirtieth of January, 
on which he ought to fast, it being the anniversary day of cutting 
off King Charles's head, she asked him whether he thought it 
was right in the people to have done it, to which he replied he 
could not tell what was his crime till he read his history. These 
are very early marks of quickness and parts in a child not nine 
years old. 

Sunday, 1 February.—To-day I had prayers and sermon 
at home, then went to Court. Dr. Couraye dined with me, 

FIBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL 

17 

1729-30. 

and in the evening I went to see my brother Dering, who is 

ill again. 

Monday, 2.—To-day I returned the visits of Mr. Botmar and 
the Duke of Dorset, and called on Mr. Oglethorpe and Sir John 
Evelyn, found none but Mr. Botmar. Went to the House, where 
I found my brother Parker, who told me he had a long conference 
in the House with Horace Walpole, who asked him whether he was 
still uneasy in his borough. Sir Philip answered " Yes," and 
supposed he was always to be so. " Why so," said Walpole, 
" I thought Philipson had been out long ago ? " " No," said 
Sir Philip, " and I suppose is not to be." " What would content 
you ? " said t'other, " will his being out do it ? " " Nay," said 
Sir Philip, " I am like one reduced to despair, and they who despair 
hope nothing nor expect. I design to trouble myself no more 
about it, but sit down with the loss of two or three thousand 
pounds in supporting the Whig interest from a child, and never 
having any regard shown to my honesty and services." " Your 
services are known," said Walpole, " to everybody." " Yes," 
said Sir Philip, " so well that everybody says I have a pension ; 
but they talk of a Bill to be brought in against, placemen and 
pensioners sitting in the House, and I shall show I am no pensioner 
by voting for the Bill as far as relates to them ; though as to the 
other part concerning placemen, I shall be for allowing them." 
" But why should you regard," said Walpole, " what the world 
says ? Don't you see pamphlets come out every day asserting 
things against persons that are five in six of them false ?" " Yes," 
said Sir Philip, " but they are not so universally believed." 
Walpole : " I can assure you Sir Robert Walpole wishes that 
Philipson out as much as you, and he will be out." " So he ought 
long ago," said Sir Philip, " for the honour of Suffolk and Norfolk, 
and it is the Ministry's business to look to that. I am astonished 
it was not done when I complained last year, and as to my personal 
usage I have been opposed in my borough ever since I stood there 
by that servant of the Ministry who ruins my friends as much 
as he can by starving them, not suffering them to bake, brew, 
or work for the packets, or else winning them from me by these 
ways and by threats. A man who you know is a Jacobite, and 
whom all the Ministry acknowledged to be so, and yet they keep 
him in to nose me." Mr. Walpole was much distasted every 
time Sir Philip brought the Ministry in, and said it was not the 
Ministry's business, that Sir Robert Walpole knew nothing of the 
matter, but I desire to know what will content you ? My brother, 
wtio was aware that he had a mind to make the turning the fellow 
out a personal friendship to Sir Philip, and to pin him down to 
actoowledge it as so great a work that he ought to remain satisfied 
with it, and not ask any further favours, told him that he had 
great many things to require ; being contented in this of his 
Borough was one out of zeal for the Government, as well as in 
justice to the usage he had received, and that another was the 
sorn>J|0metlling for his kroner Dering, for whom he had long 
in th &- Vel? SmaU augmentation to the place he had already 
Sir TR\Wlne license office, but could never obtain it, though 
to τΓ ÍÍ had Promised it over and over again. " I speak this 
" YOU, Mr. Walpole," said he, " as one I think my friend and 
n°nest gentleman." " And so is my brother Walpole," said 
Wt. 24408. Fg 

 A 

^ 

18 DI AB Y OF THE 

Feb. 2 

he. " I hope and believe so too," said Sir Philip, " but still he has 
done nothing for my brother." " Why, what would you have 
for him ? " said Walpole. " Nay," said my brother, " you know 
what would content him, and was formerly so kind to enter into 
his concerns, believing him an honest, and sensible, and deserving 
man." "Yes," said Walpole, "so he is, and I wish him very 
well." They parted at last, and Walpole said he should be con 
tented. What will come of this fine conference, is to be expected, 
but we both concluded Philipson will be out, and that the Ministry 
are like to be hard set this session. Sir Philip observed that 
Walpole, however, did not part very well pleased with him. 

After dinner my brother Parker came to tell me that as he left 
the House, Sir Robert Walpole took hold of him and said my 
Lord Grantham had spoke to him about his uneasiness with relation 
to his borough, and desired to know what would content him, 
whether turning Philipson out would do it. My brother replied 
gravely, that he knew a great while ago that he was uneasy, and 
that turning Philipson out would content him if his successor 
were a friend. " Well," said Sir Robert, smiling, " if I have any 
interest he shall be out." My brother smiled in return, and left 
him. 

At night Horace Walpole came to see me, and soon fell on the 
point of my brother Parker's dissatisfaction, that . Mr. Dering 
had nothing done for him. " Now," said he, "I am sure it is 
not Sir Robert Walpole's fault, he is no enemy of his, but I have 
always heard him speak handsomely of him ; but people mistake 
if they think Ministries can do all they are desired. The Court 
itself will often dispose of their own places, and I don't know 
what he would have." I replied, since he was pleased to mention 
my brother's dissatisfaction, I would speak to him on that head, 
and that I might do it freely, too, having always entertained a great 
value and respect for him, and flattered myself that he was very 
much my friend ; my brother, I replied, does think he has reason 
to resent and so do I too ; I think we both have been extremely 
ill-used, and Shippen could not have been worse. Mr. Walpole 
stopped me short, and, with a great discontent, said this is very 
hard, this is indeed very hard, and was going on. " Sir," said I, " I 
possibly may have spoken too harshly, but my meaning is no more 
than to express my own vexation in terms that may touch you." 
" Vexation," said Mr. Walpole, " who is it vexes you ? I am 
sure Sir Robert Walpole is as true to his country's good, and has 
as clean hands, and has got his money as honestly as any man 
whatever." " Sir," said I, " I deny it not. I have a very great 
respect for Sir Robert. I believe him the ablest minister in the 
kingdom. I believe that he endeavours the good of his country ; 
I believe the riches he has got are fairly got, and he is the best 
friend in the world where he takes ; but the thing which has got 
him so many enemies are the personal disobligations he has done 
to private persons." " Enemies !" said Walpole, " I know of 
none he has made." I smiled at that and said, " Why, I am dis 
obliged, and you see my brother Parker is so, and why ? Because 
Sir Robert had not kept his word with us." " Word ! " said 
Walpole/' he never promised Mr. Dering, that I know of." " Sir," 
said I, " he promised both my brother Parker and me, and 
surely there never was a more modest request. Et was only to 

FEBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

19 

1729-30. 

give our own brother, a man of acknowledged merit, some small 
addition to his present place, after a long service, and a faithful 
and zealous one, in an employment, which by his particular 
care was recovered from disorder, and much improved in the value 
arising from that office to the Exchequer ; that my brother is as old 
a servant as any whatever to this family, for he was put into the 
wine license by the late King's own hand, at his first arrival in 
England, and had great reason to expect some advancement in 
so long a time, especially when two members of Parliament so 
zealous for the Government as my brother and I, put all our 
merits and the regard the Court should be pleased to show them, 
upon some small advance to this man, whose own services, merit, 
and capacity, entitled him to expect it even though he had not 
been our brother. That everybody knew Sir Robert Walpole 
does everything, and can do everything, by daily advancing persons 
to better things than we ask, who have neither family, fortune, 
nor merit to recommend them, at least not merit apparent to the 
world. That for our parts we are not unreasonable. We know 
some things Ministers cannot do, others they ought not to do ; 
but we know other things they will not do, though they can, and 
our request was of this latter sort. It is said, what would 
Mr. Dering have ? I answered, when I spoke for him last year 
to yourself and Sir Robert, the same question was asked me ; 
and then imagining we were ourselves to look out, we pitched on 
several things ; but what was the answer, this cannot be done, 
this is a place for a lord, or this is promised already, or this cannot 
possibly be done, without giving us a reason why. We therefore 
concluded it to no purpose to name, but thought it more respectful 
to leave it to the Ministry to consider his case, and find out some 
thing themselves. The year is run out, and we are as far to seek 
as ever, while in the meantime our brother eats his capital. This 
Sir," said I, " Sir Philip and I take for ill usage, and I must say 
we have both reason to insist that the Ministry, or if you please, 
Sir(Robert, use us ill." 

Now to come to their usage of us with respect to Harwich. 
Give me leave to tell you all our story from the beginning." He 
seemed unwilling to hear me on that chapter, and, interrupting 
me, said he was of opinion Philipson should be out, and that 
o}T Robert is so too, though it is something extraordinary to 
dismiss an officer that has served so long. I replied I thought 
it more extraordinary he should have been allowed to serve so 
|°ng> the character of the man being so long and so notoriously 
Known to himself, to Sir Robert, and to Lord Townsend ; he 
said it was true, but since the Ministry had continued him so 
10ng, past things were forgot, and if he be out, we must look 
upon it as purely to oblige Sir Philip and me. I replied that as 
r as his being out would ease us of pain in our borough, we would 
own an obligation done us, but I could not admit that our 
οηΛ^ · Was a11 the reason for removing him, for the Ministry 
mit ι m ]ustice to the King and to themselves have turned him 
IW n« ag°- He said the Ministry could not do it, that the 
Γ, Vftce would not suffer it, and when Parliament begun things 
wfmM !UCh a situation that it could not be, that Mr. Carteret 
in ™Λ ιSuffer itj and there was no reason to turn out Mr. Carteret 
oraer to turn out Philipson. " WeU, Sir," said I, " you must 

a 

 fililí ff 

20 

DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 2 

hear the whole process of my usage, and then you will judge whether 
the Ministry have used me well ; I leave to speak of my brother 
Barker's particular merits and particular ill-usage in a borough 
where he has a natural interest, but shall speak only of my 
own. 

" When the Parliament was to be summoned, I waited on the 
King, and told him that though loving my ease, I never yet 
would be in Parliament, yet having observed in all reigns that 
the first that was summoned was always most troublesome to the 
Prince, I was resolved to stand, that I might contribute my poor 
services to the settlement of his affairs. The King took it extremely 
kind and thanked me ; asked me where it was ? I replied at 
Harwich, where my brother had a natural interest, and would 
give me his to join my own ; that his Majesty had servants there 
that had votes, and if his Majesty would not suffer them to be 
against me, I should meet with no opposition, and be at no expense. 
The King replied, they should be at my service, and said he would 
speak to Sir Robert' Walpole to order Carteret that the Post Office 
should be for me. Upon this security I went down, but how was 
the King's orders obeyed ? I was kept there two months and a 
half under a constant declaration that the Government servants 
were to be against me, and Philipson, the Commissary of the 
Packets, averred that I had not the Government's interest, and 
even named another person who was to come and oppose me on 
the Government's account, which was Admiral Cavendish, 
Carteret's son-in-law. At the same time that this was given out 
against me, Mr. Heath was sent for down by the Commissary 
Philipson to oppose my brother Parker, and Heath declared 
Sir Robert Walpole sent him down. This astonished our voters, 
and made them shy of promising us, and gave occasion to vast, 
expense in treating etc., for the people were glad of this misundei · 
standing, because it made us spend our money. That I was kept 
two months at this rate, drinking and eating, in a manner not 
natural to me, which ended in a sickness I never yet wore off, 
and in a fever my brother Parker and my wife got there, wherein 
the lives of both were. despaired of. I thought this monstrous 
usage. I knew the King's intentions, but found no effect from 
them. Who was it stood in my way ? It was the Ministry. I 
wrote to Sir Robert a strong but studied letter upon it, yet nothing 
was done to ease me, and it was not till the very day before the 
election, that when I could be worried no longer, the Post Office 
thought fit to give their directions to Philipson, and then the 
Government's servants declared themselves. But after I was 
chosen, it might be thought my troubles were at an end ; not 
at all ; ever since, our friends are treated in the hardest manner 
imaginable. The town is poor, and the people subsist by serving 
the packets with beer, bread, candles, and working for the packet 
boats. In these matters none of our friends are suffered to do 
anything till they forsake us to range themselves on Philipson's 
side ; then they may be employed, but otherwise are let to starve. 
What is this but ruining my brother's interest and mine there, 
and who can we attribute this to but the Ministry ? Carteret 
indeed, is the first occasion, because he told me himself he never 
would forgive my brother's inviting me to stand there ; but 
Carteret could do nothing if the Ministry did not suffer it. Now," 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

21 

1729-30. 

said I, " I leave you to judge whether I have not reason to say that 
my brother Parker and I are ill used." Mr. Walpole replied he 
was sorry I had met with such trouble ; he was sure his brother 
had no design to give me any ; that, indeed, I was not known to him, 
but that himself had acquainted him with my character, and that 
nobody was more attached to the Government than I was. I 
desired I might interrupt him there to express to him, my acknow 
ledgment for doing me that justice, and to tell him that I was 
sensible of a constant friendship from himself. He went on and 
said that in all my story, he did not see that I had any reason 
to accuse the Ministry of using me ill, but that it was Mr. Carteret 
who had given me the trouble, who he knew did long oppose my 
being chosen, because he had lus son-in-law Cavendish, whom he 
wished to bring in, and therefore would not yield up the point 
till he could not help it ; but that even Carteret was not so entirely 
to be blamed for that opposition, because Harwich is a Government 
borough, where time out of mind one of the members has ever 
been aplace man, as in reason it should be, seeing the town depends 
upon the Government, and though Mr. Carteret had acted on this 
laist occasion with a particular view to his own family, yet in the 
general, the supporting the Government's interest and nomina 
tion of one member there, was a right thing. That for my sake 
this maxim was laid aside, and therefore I ought to think I had 
a favour done me, and endeavours should not be used to make 
Harwich an independent borough. I interrupted him, and said, 
I knew nobody desired it should be so, that Sir Philip had acted 
nothing but in his own defence ; at which he shook his head and 
said, " Well," after which he stopped. Then, going on, he said, 
" As to Heath's going down, it was no wonder. He had formerly 
been chosen there, and had some friends there ; nor was it to be 
wondered he should say things to gain him, more, but he was positive 
Sir Robert did not send him." I told him I knew very well he lied 
in saying he did, but no orders coming down, he was left to serve 
himself with Sir Robert's name. Mr. Walpole replied these were 
things that would happen every where, and that in the end I found 
the Government did serve me. I answered, I was sorry to see 
he did not think I had reason to complain, but I should still say 
I was very ill used. We then turned the discourse to public 
matters, and talked over the Peace and the affair of the Hessian 
troops, and he gave me sufficient reason why they ought to be 
continued till the Emperor comes to agreement and a thorough 
peace be established, namely, that they are not kept as the 
malcontents pretend to defend the Hanover dominions, but really 
to fulfil our engagements with the Dutch, who having nobody 
f <?fr. ut tj16 Emperor, would not in reason accede to the Treaty 
ot Seville, till they were sure they should be defended from the 
Mnror's attacks by land ; that unless a formidable army covered 
°.n the side of Germany, they would in case of an attack 
rf? to accommodate themselves with the Emperor, and 
e obliged against their wills to quit our alliance, a thing to 
oe prevented by all means. That it is nothing but a good army 
{n i*ermany that prevents the Emperor and the King of Prussia 
m commencing war, and that the quarrel between Prussia and 
m ?5)Ver f°r a truss of hay is only a pretence to cover greater 
auers, which the Emperor has in view, actuating the Court of 

o 

 22 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 2-3 

Prussia, over which he has got an ascendant, in what manner he 
pleases, but that the army we have procured in readiness against 
their attempts prevents that cowardly King from stirring ; that 
all our allies are sensible it is no electorate quarrel, but a more 
general intention against the peace of Europe, and therefore Spain, 
France and Holland, Denmark and Sweden all declared that if 
Hanover should be attacked by Prussia, they would make it a 
common cause and defend that State ; in a word, that the only 
means to bring the Emperor to peaceable thoughts was to be 
able to resist him by land. At parting, I said, with a serious face, 
" Mr. Walpole, remember that Philipson must be out." He said 
all should be done that could be. I replied, " Do you promise 
it?" "I never promise," said he, "till a thing be done." I 
replied, " Then there's no occasion for promising ; but do you 
promise to do what you can in it ?" He replied that he did very 
heartily. 

My conclusion, when he was gone, was, that if they can keep 
Philipson in they still will do it ; that they will dismiss him, if at 
all, very late, to keep a rod as it were over my brother and me, 
imagining we shall be influenced in our voting during the session 
by it. That possibly they will suspend doing anything till my 
Lord Carteret comes over, and then lay the fault on him that he is 
not turned out. Lastly, that by pretending a great difficulty to 
compass his turning out, we are to think they have fully satisfied 
us, and done so much that we must not be eager in my brother 
Dering's affair. In the meantime, I can discover by all these 
transactions what suggestions have been instilled into the King 
against my brother Parker and me, and particularly that we 
have been aiming to make Harwich an independent borough, 
and concealed from him the bitter usage we have received, as well 
as the vile character of Philipson, which being made known to his 
Majesty, cannot but draw reflection on his Ministers, that they 
have so long kept in an enemy to the present family, to prejudice 
the interest and consequently cool the zeal of two men who are 
the most attached to the King's interest of any in the kingdom 
and that without any motive of interest, place, or pension. 

Tuesday, 3 February.—This morning the Earl of Grantham 
came to see me, and asked me if Sir Robert Walpole had spoke 
to me yesterday at the House. I answered, I did not see him, 
but he had spoke to Sir Philip Parker, and taken notice that his 
Lordship had mentioned to him the Harwich affair, and that 
he told Sir Philip in a laughing way if he had any interest, Philipson 
should be out. " Yes," said Lord Grantham to me, " I told 
Sir Robert that morning at Court that it was a shame two such 
zealous men and who asked nothing, should be put to pain in 
their borough by the Government's officer, and that he should 
be kept in who was so known a disaffected man " ; to which 
Sir Robert replied that he knew Philipson was so, and though 
it was not his business, he should be out. My Lord thereupon 
called the Duke of Newcastle up to be witness to what Sir Robert said. 
Sir Robert repeated he should be out, and my brother and I made as 
easy as possible there. The Duke of Newcastle said to him, he was 
glad to hear him say so, for he was certainly a Jacobite. " Pray," said 
Lord Grantham, "will you assure Sir Philip and my Lord Percival 
of it to-day at the House, for they are both very angry, and 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

23 

1729-30. 

1729-30. 

Sir Philip outrageous ; you take the way, else, to lose your Mends." 
That, Sir Robert promised, he would speak to us, and now you 
tell me he did speak to Sir Philip, which I am very glad of. I 
answered I had great obligations to his Lordship for entering so 
into our affairs, and I doubted not Sir Robert's intentions at 
present, but should hope to see it done, and that soon, because 
when my Lord Carteret comes over, who protects Carteret the 
Post Master, who protects Philipson, they may decline meddling 
in it, and lay the fault on my Lord Carteret. He replied, they 
would not let it go so far, nor would my Lord Carteret's interest 
keep him in, for the Court knew my Lord Carteret to be a false 
man and no depending on him,- I then told my Lord, that my 
brother and T were more uneasy for the apprehension that we 
had been misrepresented to the King and Queen, than for the 
trouble we had at Harwich, for the keeping in place such a fellow 
as Philipson to give us trouble there was so scandalous with respect 
to ourselves, and so much against the King's interest, that it could 
not be justified but by strong arguments that must be levelled 
against my brother and me to the prejudice of our character, and 
we were very unfortunate in that having testified more zeal than 
any for his Majesty's Government and person, because we sought no 
pension or employment, we should be repaid with an ill opinion of 
us. My Lord replied there was nothing of that ; he could assure me 
that he had heard the King say he took me for one of the honestest 
and most zealous subjects in his kingdom, and that the Queen had 
told him she thought me one of the best men, and the King had 
said the same of Sir Philip. I answered it made us both very 
happy to hear this, as I should soon inform my brother, but I had 
still another reason to suspect their good opinion of me, though 
now it is cleared up, and that was my brother Dering's not 
succeeding to some place about the Prince after the Queen's gracious 
audiences to me when I applied in his behalf. That she then said 
she knew Mr. Dering, and that everybody spoke well of him, 
and she was obliged to me for recommending so proper a man as 
I characterised him to her son ; that she would put him into her 
ust, and do what she could with the King to obtain my request. 
1 told his Lordship I made a second application, and had the same 
gracious encouragement to expect good event, but nothing was 
come of it, which made me sure, seeing besides how much the 
ranee desired it too, that some objections had been raised against 
the person who recommended him. But after what his Lordship 
now told me, I should revive my hopes, and, as the Scripture says, 
possess my soul in patience. My Lord said he knew the Prince 
Hv every ^y more and more to have Mr. Dering about him, 
? that the Queen must have a good opinion of him, for he never 
Heard her hint anything to the contrary, and last summer he was 
t rA at •^ensmg.ton into rooms that nobody else was, to play 
cards etc. I desired my Lord when fit opportunities offered 
,οτορ a word to the Queen in his favour, which he readily promised. 
«ai returning to what I said about ill impressions given the 
& or Queen, he assured me Sir Robert Walpole never gave 
had ^ Í ne had u from both their mouths ; that the Queen 
«« told him Sir Robert never had given her an ill character of 
' and that the Kine one day> holding a scandalous 
, said he wondered how Sir Robert should gain 

 24 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 3-4 

personal enemies, who was nobody's enemy ; for I tell you, said 
he, my Lord, he never in his life spoke ill of any one man to me, 
and it is the only quarrel I have with him, that he will not tell me 
who are my enemies. My Lord added that when he told 
Sir Robert this, Sir Robert answered, " His Majesty does me 
justice in this, for I am no man's enemy, nor would have any 
man mine, and never did in my life speak ill to the King of any one 
man to hurt him." 

Mr. Clerk dined with me, and in the evening I went to the Royal 
Society, being summoned to a Council, and was sworn in, it being 
the first time of my appearance there since I was chose. We there 
resolved, nem. cont., that for the future all members who had 
been so long of the Society as to have paid twenty pounds in the 
whole, should for the future be excused their annual payments 
of fifty-two shillings per annum, and their bonds be delivered 
up, and that all who are in arrears should upon payment of a 
certain sum be for ever acquitted, and lastly, that future members 
should be admitted on condition only of paying down at once a 
sum of twenty-three pounds, or a sum near it, for I have forgotten 
what it is exactly. Our reason was that very few at this day will 
discharge their arrears or pay on, and we judged it the only way 
to support the Society to take the resolution above mentioned. 

Wednesday, 4 February.—This morning came on a debate 
in the House of Commons, of which I shall in a few days 
send the following account to Doctor Coghill*, in Ireland, com 
missioner of the Customs there, and Privy Counsellor :— 

Sir, 

On. Wednesday, 3rd inst., came on a very serious debate upon 
continuing in British pay for one year longer the twelve thousand 
Hessian troops. It began by a dispute whether this should be 
considered in the House or in a Committee ; for when Mr. Pelham, 
Secretary of War, gave in the estimate of these troops, and moved 
the House to go into a Committee according to custom to consider 
of it, Mr. Daniel Pulteney strongly opposed it, alleging that 
the continuing these troops is so great a charge to Great Britain, 
and so unnecessary to her service and security, so evidently designed 
for the defence alone of the Hanover dominions, and so certain an 
entail upon these nations of a standing army for interest which 
Great Britain has no concern to support, that the House ought 
to receive the motion with contempt and disdain, and reject it' 
without a debate ; or if it must be debated, it were better to do 
it in the House, than in a Committee, as we should be the sooner 
rid of it ; but he could not imagine one gentleman would defend 
it who had any regard to the honour and interest of his country in 
general, or to the sense of those he represented, and he should look on 
any such to be betrayers of their liberties and enemies to the public. 

Mr. Pelham said that it appeared very strange to him that the 
constant custom of considering supplies in a Committee should be 
broke into ; that he would not make answer to that gentleman 
and enter into the merits of his motion until the same was referred 
to the Committee ; in the meantime he hoped the House would not 
think it was for want of arguments to show the reasonableness of 
entertaining the Hessians, which he could prove to be not only 
fit but necessary. 

* See p. G, supra. 

FIBST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

25 

1729—30. 

Sir William Lumly Sanderson made a warm speech for debating 
this matter in the House, and, as if it had been already agreed 
to inveighed against the Peace, the measures taken of late years, 
and the incapacity of our Ministers. He was answered by my 
Lord Malpas, and Sir William Young, who insisted on going into 
a Committee, till when he reserved what he had moro to say in 
defence of the Hessian troops. Sir Wilfrid Lawson replied, that 
by the backwardness of gentlemen to consider this matter in the 
House, and by their not producing any arguments for maintaining 
these Hessians, he concluded they were sensible of their disability 
to produce any ; he added that as this was a motion of the last 
and utmost consequence to the honour, interest, and liberties 
of the nation, it was probable gentlemen might grow into great 
warmth, and therefore he was desirous it might be debated in the 
House, where the Speaker, who knew better than any man the 
orders and rules of decency of their proceedings, and also knew 
as well how to keep gentlemen to them, would prevent any 
irregularities that might arise. He said it was plain to him, that 
these Hessians are kept up singly to defend Hanover, and not 
for any service intended to, or any collateral good that could 
accrue to Great Britain. That this being the case, we ought to 
consider how much the doing it impaired his Majesty's 
Parliamentary title to the Crown, which he took to be his only 
title, and that this title is a compact or contract made with this 
nation, one part of which contract is that Great Britain shall not 
be obliged to enter into wars for defence of his Majesty's German 
dominions ; that if this be broke into on his side, his subjects 
are absolved of their obligations. That this is the sense the nation 
will put upon it, and therefore for the sake of his Majesty and 
his family, he hoped the House would not support the measures 
of a Ministry which had so fatal a consequence. That it were 
to be wished when the Act of Succession passed provision had 
been made to oblige his late Majesty to renounce Hanover to 
some other Prince, that had he or any little Prince of Germany 
been offered the Crowns of Great Britain and Ireland on that 
foot, there is no doubt but they would have accepted them with 
thanks, and not have refused so good a bargain, for the sake of a 
mean, unworthy territory. 

Sir Robert Walpole replied he was sorry to see so ill a return 
made his Majesty for his great care in concluding a Peace which 
we had so lately thanked him for in the terms of just, honourable, 
and advantageous, and which we have promised to support, 
That it is visible his Majesty had calculated this Peace entirely 
and solely with a view to the interest of Great Britain, to her 
honour, peace and trade, in so much that he had exposed his own 
territories to a possibility of being invaded for our sakes. That 
he never in his life saw so irregular a proceeding, as to consider 
supplies in the House before they passed the Committee ; but 
seeing other gentlemen made so ill a use of his desire to keep to 
farliamentary methods, as to pretend that nothing could be said 
uilavour of the Hessians, he would consent that the House should 
debate it now. 

Secretary Pelham then declared he would acquiesce in it, and 
that the true design of the Hessian troops was never to 
Hanover, but to guard one part of Europe from the 

 /3 

^ : 

26 DIABY OF THE 

Feb. 4 

ambitious views of another. That it being justly doubtful whether 
the Emperor would accede to the Treaty of Seville, from the back 
wardness he has hitherto shown, the troops he is marching, the 
alliance he has formed with Prussia, Saxony, Muscovy, and other 
lesser States of Germany, it was not only a prudent but a necessary 
measure to be prepared against any attempt he should incline 
to make not merely against his Majesty's Electorate dominions 
but against any of the Powers engaged in alliance with 
us to maintain the Treaty of Seville. That the Emperor 
knows well if he could oblige the Dutch to withdraw from our 
alliance, he should then dissolve the whole confederacy, and that 
it would be in his power so to do, if that State lay open to his 
attacks. That they therefore wisely stipulated an army should 
be formed in Germany, ready to cover them, and resist an invasion, 
and on that condition acceded to the Seville Treaty, wherein they 
have no advantages allowed them by Spain comparable with 
what Great Britain has obtained. That with the help of these 
Hessians, such an army is formed, as will in all probability prevent 
the Emperor from going to war, but it is certain on the other 
hand, if there be not a sufficient army, he will be tempted to invade 
the States, who in such case must desert us, and then there's an 
end of all we have been doing. That it is no less certain the main 
tenance of the Hessians is a charge, but for the reasons given it 
is a prudent and necessary one, and we are not to think we deal 
more hardly by ourselves, than our allies do by themselves, for 
we are the only power which yet has reduced their forces ; that the 
Spaniards augment theirs, the French maintain theirs, and the 
Dutch who on occasion of the Hanover Treaty raised twenty-four 
thousand men in addition to what they had before, still keep them on 
foot ; that so little do all our allies look on this to be an electorate 
quarrel, that as soon as the King of Prussia, influenced entirely 
by the Vienna Councils, threatened to invade Hanover, France, 
Holland, Denmark and Sweden declared to that Prince that they 
looked on such an attempt as a cause wherein they were all con 
cerned, not as a design to right himself in such trivial matters as 
listing a dozen soldiers, or carrying away a load of hay, but that 
his purpose was under that pretence to disturb the tranquility of 
Europe, and particularly to fall upon Holland. As to what had 
been said of the Act of Succession being impaired by keeping 
up these troops one year longer, he could not see how it was 
impaired more now than when in former years the same was done, 
and this argument against them never urged, and everybody knows 
that foreign armies taken into pay for a particular purpose is the 
most usual thing in the world, and had ever been done when there 
was occasion, not only by foreign States, but by our proceeding 
Kings. 

He was answered by Mr. Watkyii Williams Wynne, who spoke 
popularly, but not much to the argument, and by Mr. Oglethorpe, 
who had spoke and voted for approving the Peace, but now proposed 
the sending over twelve thousand English and Irish troops in 
lieu of the Hessians, who he was sure would behave themselves 
as bravely as any Germans whatever, or if they were raw men, 
might garrison the Dutch towns, while as many Dutch might be 
drawn out to supply the place of the Hessians. That by this 
means those raw men would learn their trade in the best school of 

FIEST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

27 

1729-30. 

discipline, and might introduce the use of English manufactures 
there to the great advantage of our trade, at least they would be 
cheaper to us, in wearing our own cloth, hats, stockings, etc. ; 
besides that, he had observed in looking over the estimate of the 
Hessians, there is an officer to five private men, which must greatly 
enhance the reckoning. 

Mr. Dodington made a very handsome and strong speech for 
the Hessians, and reduced the debate to the three only points 
before us, whether we should make good our stipulations with our 
allies, perfect the work already approved, and keep our word to 
the King, as contained in our address, that we would stand by 
and support him against all insults and indignities that should be 
offered him. He showed the Peace of Seville was a variation only 
not a violation of the Hanover Treaty, since it only provided 
for the surer execution of what the Emperor had before yielded 
to and which he afterwards seemed backward to execute ; but 
nothing new was required of the Emperor or agreed upon between the 
contracting Powers to his prejudice. 

Mr. Morris, son to the Admiral, expressed himself much against 
the Peace itself, and the measure of supporting it by Hessian 
troops. He said he looked upon it as maintaining a standing 
army for the service of Hanover, contrary to the Act of Succession, 
by which the King enjoys his Crown. That a constant annual 
drain of two hundred and forty-one thousand pounds, which 
must be in specie, for we have no trade to those parts, would be 
sensibly felt in the general balance of our commerce, and distress 
our manufacturers, by the diminution of our circulating cash. 
That we ought to be very careful of laying unnecessary burthens 
upon our fellow subjects, especially in such dangerous points 
as these, because we find precedents grow upon us, and that we 
never get rid of any weight when once laid upon us. 

Lord Hervey answered him in a long and studied speech, which 
did him. a great deal of honour, and the more, that he made it seem 
extemporary, by replying to particular objections and arguments 
m the course they had been urged, some of which perhaps had 
never entered his imagination. 

Mr. George Heathcot, for whose sake the whole power of the 
Ministry was exerted to give him admittance in the House to the 
exclusion of Mr. Fox, who was generally supposed to have 
™e fairer right, made a very urgent and bold speech against the 
iiessians. He said the keeping them at our expense was a breach 
oi the contract made with this family, and doubted whether it 
would not throw us into a state of nature. That the English nation 

ave ^ still the same sturdy temper their ancestors showed on 
occasions as small as this ; small as it appears to some, though 
hntl·* ^e 8reatest consequence that ever came under debate, 
DO™ to the King and to the kingdom. That our history shows 
ofV^1011 has more tllan once eased themselves of the burthen 
readF Jh° kept n0t tlleir contract> tllat tlle peop.le will still be 
ar y Vpr0 *ke same if not kept under by a standing overgrown 
assied · ^-in£s °f Great Britain have by law their bounds 
when fv!' wki°k *key cannot pass, no more than the people theirs : 
the tlle Pe°Ple have a right to ease themselves. Richard 
not tff^· found ** so> an(i examples are our tutors. That the 
«sending Hanover at the expense of England is stipulated 

 28 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 4 

in the contract made with, this family, and is one of those bounds 
our Kings cannot pass. That -we ought to be precious of the 
liberties handed down to us by that great man of immortal memory, 
King William. 

Mr. Barnard, member for London, said he was against the 
address of thanks, not only because he did not approve the Peace, 
but because he foresaw the Hessian troops would be kept up on 
pretence of rendering the Peace a general one. That we were 
then told it was an absolute one, and that the Emperor would 
come into it, but now we are told the contrary. That he could 
not be convinced by anything he had heard, that these troops were 
for any other use than to defend Hanover from the resentment 
of Prussia, for as to the Emperor, he believed he was not able to 
attack the Dutch, neither was he willing, having no sort of quarrel 
with them, as Prussia had with Hanover. He was not able without 
the consent of Prussia, whose territories he must pass to come 
at them, and Princes don't love their neighbours' armies should 
tread their ground, though ever so good friends, and though 
Prussia might possibly attempt upon Hanover, yet he could never 
believe it would be on account of the Seville Treaty, wherein that 
Prince had no concern for the issue, as he had a great one not to 
disoblige Great Britain, because he has now a relation to it ; that 
he is besides a Protestant Prince, and brother to our King, and 
therefore he did not believe he would molest even Hanover itself, 
though his resentment should be just, which is yet doubtful to 
him. 

Mr. Winnington expressed himself very well pleased with the 
zeal which gentlemen showed for their country, and said if these 
troops were to be kept up merely to protect the Hanover dominions, 
he believed not one man would be for them, but he could not 
help thinking they were necessary on a more general account, 
and then enlarged on the reasons given by the Court side before. 
He concluded with an observation on that article of the Act of 
Settlement relating to the Hanover dominions, that it ends 
with these words—" except with consent of Parliament." If, 
therefore, added he, the Parliament should consent directly and 
explicitly to defend the Hanover dominions for the sake of that 
electorate alone, it could not be called a breach of the Act of 
Succession, much less setting the people free from their obligations, 
which was a strange doctrine. 

Lord Morpeth spoke after him in his usual manner, and Shippen 
next, who said nothing new, or indeed to the particular purpose, 
but inveighed against the ministry on popular and general topics, 
as is his custom. 

Colonel Bladen said this matter had received so long a discussion, 
that he would not recapitulate the arguments on either side, but 
only express his own thoughts that these troops were not designed 
for the service of Hanover, but of the common cause, and particu 
larly to make good our engagements to the Dutch, which could 
not be done so cheap by sending troops of our own. That gentlemeti 
of the other side had agreed the Peace was as good as could be 
expected, considering our circumstances, and the House had 
already judged it in itself a very good one ; that being so, it was 
inconsistent to do a thing that would render it ineffectual ; that 
we had justly blamed a former Ministry for abandoning their allies, 

FIKST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

29 

1729-30. 

and particularly the Dutch, to the mercy of the French, as a breach 
of faith, and for us to leave them now at the mercy of the Emperor, 
after they had acceded to a Peace wherein not they but we have 
all the advantage, would be equally barbarous and impolitic, 
for the consequence would be they would quit us, and then the 
Emperor would have more heart to refuse his accession, and the 
charges which now fall on the Dutch would in case of a war fall 
on Great Britain ; so that he looked on the maintaining these 
Hessians to be a saving to the nation. That Hanover as a 
Protestant State, deserved at least our affection, and that it would 
be unjust and barbarous not to protect them from a danger we 
ourselves have drawn them into, and which for our sake alone 
they have incurred. That the Peace was never said to be universal, 
but only absolute with respect to Spain ; that he could not but 
observe that the Peace of Seville was lately represented of no 
advantage to us, since the Emperor was so very terrible, that 
he could alone withstand all the allies together and defeat our 
schemes, but now the Hessian troops are proposed, he is represented 
so insignificant that we need not take any measures to resist him. 
This, he thought, was talking very inconsistently. 

It is needless to trouble you with the contents of every gentle 
man's speech, they being only repetitions of what was said before, 
for the argument was near exhausted. Mr. Thomas Windham, 
who had two places given him, and was brought into the House 
by Sir Robert Walpole, distinguished himself by the sharpness 
and freedom with which he spoke against the Hessians and the 
Ministry. He said, as an Englishman, he could not vote for them, 
nor could show his zeal for his Majesty better than by appearing 
warm in this affair. That his Majesty held his Crown by the 
Act of Succession, and this was an infringement of it, and con 
sequently of his title ; that twelve thousand Hessians were a standing 
army, be they where you will, and the maintaining them would 
never be borne by Englishmen unless kept under by a standing 
army. That the Ministry, our modern treaty mongers, and jack- 
lanthorns had thrown everything into confusion ; that if we 
must furnish twelve thousand men in Germany, why not send 
them from England and Ireland ? What occasion for eighteen 
thousand seven hundred men at home to parade it about and 
powder their hair, unless it be to terrify the subject into slavery ? 
Is not Great Britain safe at present, now that the only Powers 
which can disturb us, are, as we are told, our best friends, France 
and Spain ? Can there be a better opportunity to employ our 
soldiers than this of sending them to Germany ; and will not that 
show there is no design upon otir liberties ? On the contrary, 
have we not reason to suspect there are bad designs if they be left 
here at a time when they may be tiseful abroad and save a great 
expense to the nation ? The nation is poor, and though loyal, 
discontented. They can bear no more, and will be convinced 
how fit it were to ease them of their burthens, and their fears, by 
sending part of our English troops abroad. Our soldiers and 
officers are brave men, they, too, must be uneasy to be let rust at 
home when they might be useful abroad ; it is a reflection on 
their courage, there is a duty to our King and another to our 
country, he must ever prefer the last to the first ; the King is 
the greatest man in the world when he goes hand in hand with 

 30 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 4-5 

his Parliament ; but if their interests are to be considered separately, 
he thought it much safer the King should be under the influence 
of his Parliament, than the Parliament under that of their King, 
the rather, that to be under the King's influence is to be slaves of 
a Ministry. He concluded that he had been misled by the opinion 
he had of men, but had found such incapacity and insincerity in 
them, that he would for the future judge for himself, as every 
honest man must for the future do, if he will discharge his duty 
to those he represents, and preserve his country from slavery, 
which though not to be apprehended under his present Majesty, 
for whom he was ready to sacrifice his life and fortune, and who, 
he is satisfied, means well but is misled,-may be feared from his 
successor. He wished there never had been such a place as 
Hanover, the Ministers of which Court had too great an influence 
over our counsels in the late reign, and possibly may have some 
in this. One gentleman having said it was irregular to debate 
on the Hessians at all, since the motion ought to have been first 
made for continuing these troops before the Estimate was given 
in, otherwise the House would take no cognisance of it, Sir Philip 
York denied that an irregular method had been followed, and 
alleged that as this was a demand for money, it ought to arise 
from the King, not from the House ; that accordingly the King 
had demanded it, by giving the Estimate in as a consequence of 
the treaties laid before the House, this being an engagement 
which by those treaties his Majesty had entered into, that it was 
certainly both unusual and inconvenient to debate this matter 
first in the House, because it could not be so thoroughly examined, 
for want of that liberty of speech which is allowed in a Committee. 
He then spoke to the subject itself. 

I can't recollect any more of this debate, except that Sir Archer 
Crofts, in his zeal, said that he would be for maintaining the 
Hessians, though the defence of Hanover should be alone the 
reason, because the King had done so much for us that we cannot 
do enough for him, and besides, that it is a Protestant State, that 
we see the Protestants abroad in all places oppressed, and that 
he wished there were more States of our religion under his Majesty 
than he is already possessed of. 

Mr. Verney, the Welsh judge, though of the same side, said he 
could not agree with Sir Archer, that if Hanover alone was concerned 
the Hessians should be maintained ; that if Hanover should 
accidentally be brought into question on account of the measures 
taken by his Majesty for the sake of England, that indeed altered 
the case ; but he did not take the thing even in this light, for he 
judged that the Emperor's view is to dissipate our confederacy, 
and for this reason must vote for the Hessians. He gave his 
reasons why he preferred them to English troops, and said among 
other things, that gentlemen who are so justly averse to a standing 
army, should consider whether an army of foreigners paid only 
yearly, and remaining in the midst of Germany, was not safer 
for Great Britain than twelve thousand Englishmen raised for that 
purpose, who, if what gentlemen feared were true, that these 
Hessians are to be entailed upon us, would for the same reason be 
kept for as long a time, and be more unwilling to be dismissed 
than foreigners, and then indeed we should have an effectual 
standing army. It was answered by some member that the 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

31 

1729-30. 

Hessians cannot march to the assistance of the Dutch when 
required, because they must pass through territories devoted to 
the Empire. 

The speakers I have not already mentioned on either side were 
Sir William Stricklaiid, General Ross, and Mr. Cammel, of Wales, 
for the Court, and Lord Morpeth, Mr. Digby, Sir John St. Aubin, 
Harley, Sands, Vernon, Viner, and Counsellor Bootle against it ; 
the last hinted at a design to bring in a Bill to explain and amend 
an old Act by which placemen and pensioners are excluded the 
House. 

Most of the arguments against the Hessians,though populardid not, 
as I could see, belong to the debate,and I was perfectly convinced that 
the question was no more than whether we would sacrifice our peace, 
or take the probable means to secure it. I chose the latter, and 
therefore voted with the majority. The debate, as you see, was 
warm, and it lasted from one till eight, when the question being 
put to refer the motion to a Committee, at first proposed by 
Pelham, and, as was regular, we carried it two hundred and forty- 
eight, against one hundred and sixty-nine, which terminated 
the struggle ; for neither side thought fit to renew the debate, 
and it passed the Committee without a word against it. 

Sir, I am very much obliged to you for the favour of yours ; 
what are the several duties on raw wool and on worsted and 
woollen yarns in England and Ireland, I know not. I think I 
told you Mr. Scroop said that affair must pass the Irish Parliament 
as well as English, and therefore nothing could be done this session. 
There is another design of bringing in a Bill to allow the free 
importation of Irish cattle by repealing the Act passed in 
King Charles the Second's reign that prohibited it. I should be 
glad of your thoughts upon it. 

I am, Sir, &c., 

PEECIVAL. 

To the Rt. Honble. Marmaduke Coghill, Esq., 
In Dublin. 

Thursday, 5 February.—I went to Court, where the King again 
spoke to me, and it was the more remarkable because there was 
a great crowd, many Dukes, Earls, etc. ; and he had spoke to me 
twice successively before, yet I was the first he addressed himself 
to, after my Lord John Russell had been presented to kiss his hand, 
and then he turned to the French Ambassador, and spoke to nobody 
else, but withdrew. I had the pleasure to see Carteret of the 
Post Office present, who stood like a colonel advanced beyond 
the line before all the courtiers, and none but he and the King 
at their ease within the circle. As soon as the King retired, I saw 
him make up to Townsend, which I suppose was to tell his story his 
own way. I did not go to the House, but dined with Mr. Dodingtqn,. 
where were my brother Parker, Mr. Cary, and Mr. Vyner. I found by 
Mr. Dodington's free way of talking that I have not been in the 
wrong in thinking a long time past that the Speaker is forming 
a party in the House of reasonable Tories and discontented Whigs, 
to rise upon the ruins of Sir Robert Walpole. He said that the 
Ministry had used him at Winchelsea as ill in his borough, though 
a Lord of the Treasury, as we complain we are used by them at 
Harwich. He also ridiculed Sir Robert, for having such a passion 
to the House of Commons, because he shined so well in the debates, 

 32 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 5-8 

that he dressed himself out every morning to appear there, as if it 
were to see his mistress. Dodington had been a creature of the 
Earl of Sunderland ; Cary of my Lord Wilmington, and Vyner 
the son of a famous Lord Mayor in King James' reign ; but this 
gentleman denied himself to be a Jacobite, and insisted he was for 
nothing but his country ; he speaks to figures in the House, and 
with spirit, and always divides with the Tories, and does not want 
for sense, nor words in private discourse, in which last he is a little 
redundant, for he swears like a dragoon. 

Friday, 6 February.—This morning Mr. Taylor came and we 
discoursed over affair of my estate, after which I went and visited 
Sir Thomas Hanmer, who was at home ; there I found my wife's 
uncle, Mr. Bromly, who was Secretary of State to Queen Anne, and 
his son ; and soon after came in Mr. Shippen, Mr. Watkyn Williams 
Wynn, and two other gentlemen of the greatest distance from the 
Court. I guessed they came to consult together, and immediately 
withdrew. I afterwards called on my Lord Singly, the Duke of 
Argyle and Sir Edward Knatchbull, who were all abroad. I then 
went to the House, but there was nothing to do except to read 
the land tax, which is this year two shillings in the pound. 

Mr. Taylor and Dr. Couraye dined with me. I stayed the 
evening at home. Cousin Le Grand and Cousin Fortrey called 
upon me. 

Saturday, 7.—This morning I visited Mr. Horace Walpole, 
Major Smith, Brother Percival, Sir Edward Dering, and Cousin 
Southwell, who were all at home, the first excepted. I afterwards 
returned home, and my Lord Singly came to see me, who talking 
among various other things of the French Prophets, as they were 
called (those enthusiasts who some years ago came into England 
and infected some of our own people, and were headed by Fashew of 
Geneva and others), told me how pleasantly they were expelled 
Yorkshire. It seems a band of them came to York City, and 
having taken a room began to preach. Now at their religious 
exercises they used strange convulsive postures, stretching out a 
leg, after that an arm, grinning, shaking the head, and such like, 
as the Quakers did, when first that sect sprung up. An apothecary 
of the town happening to be by at the time, and seeing one of 
those people begin irregular and distorted motions, was surprised, 
imagining the man was suddenly seized with convulsive fits, there 
upon drew out his lancet, and calling one to his assistance, had 
him held, in order to bleed him. The man's enthusiasm increasing 
on him, more help was required, and so he being overpowered by 
dint of strength, was fairly let blood to so great a quantity that 
he came to himself, and his fits passed off, the apothecary declaring 
he must be obliged to let him bleed on till they did so. This 
accident turned these people into so great ridicule, that they could 
not stand the jests that everywhere were made of them, but sneaked 
away, and not only abandoned the city but the county. 

After my Lord had ended his visit, I went to Court, where there 
was a great crowd, the two Houses not sitting this day. Mr. Carteret 
was there likewise, who saw both the King and Queen speak a 
considerable time to me, and the Queen returned to talk to me a 
second time, while nothing was said to him, all which, doubtless, 
mortified him exceedingly. The Queen talked much of 
Doctor Couraye, and praised me for protecting him. I replied 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

33 

1729-30. 

it was her Majesty who was his protector by her generosity to him. 
She replied, not at all, but that she thought him a very honest 
man, and would see him in the summer ; that in the meantime 
she would have me assure him she would take care of him, but, 
I think, said she, he is still a Papist. " True, Madam," said I, 
" but he agrees with us in the great point in difference." " What 
is that ?" said she. " It is," said I, " in the Sacrament of bread 
and wine." " But," said she, " that is nothing, while he owns 
the Pope's infallibility." " Madam," said I, " he owns no 
infallibility either in Pope or Councils." " Why then," said she, 
" does he not declare himself a Protestant ?" " Madam," said I, 
" the wonder is how he is so much a Protestant considering he is 
a monk, but he has a scruple, which I take to be more a point of 
discipline than religion, and that is, he thinks there ought to be 
a visible head of the Christian Church." " We must not own 
that," said she, " in England." " No, Madam," said I, " nor 
does he desire he should have any power here, but he thinks the 
ancient Church always owned such a sort of head ; for the rest 
he does not wish he had such power as to disorder the constitution 
and government of this or any other State." " I think," said 
she, " he has writ in favour of our Ordinations ?" " Yes, Madam," 
said I. " Why," said she, " the Papists do not deny our Ordinations 
to be good." " Madam," said I, " the Church of France has not 
yet formally denied them ; but the generality of their clergy 
deny it." Says she, " when I was in Germany, a Jesuit told me 
our marriages, baptism, and the other sacrament are good for those 
who receive them, but that our clergy were sinful in administering 
them." " Madam," replied I, " Dr. Couraye thinks otherwise 
of our clergy, and therefore has so provoked the clergy of France 
that he must never think of going back." " No," said she, " he 
must not." " He was," said I, " tempted back when last in 
Holland, but he would not venture." " He was in the right of it," 
said she, " he'd pass his time but ill." 

After this, the King came up and said something to me, asked 
le whether I ever went to Charlton in the winter. I answered, 

me 

e wnerner i ever went tu ^iiaLi^^. ^. — — . 

No, my family were always here in this season ; my house is 
cold, and it would be inconvenient to go. " He *ud I was m the 
right hand, especially since I must go through the City ; that a bridge 
at Lambeth would be convenient, and the clamour the, City_ would 
raise against it would soon be over, as it was against the bridge at 

Fulham. , τ ι 

This constant speaking to me is a démonstration that 1 have 
been misrepresented to the King, and that the Court are returned 
to those favourable thoughts it had of me a year ago, and llooK 
upon this gracious regard of me now as proceeding from a desire 
in them that I should perceive their sensibility of having wronged 
me in their opinion. .-, j 

My Lord Grantham took an opportunity to take me aside and 
tell me that Sir Robert Walpole had again desired mm to tell me 
that Philipson should be out, adding that he was a vue fellow. 

Cousin Fortrey dined with me. I passed the evening at home. 

Sunday, 8 February.—Went to St. James's Church, where 
Dr. Territ preached a very good sermon on the distinction 
between moral and positive duties, and shewed the Umstian 
religion did not free men from the former, which have the preference 

Wt. 24408. K 3 

 34 DIABY OF THE 

Feb. 8-10 

over the latter, though both are to a Christian necessary. His 
text was, " These ought you to have done, and not have left the 
other undone." I stayed at home the rest of the day, and 
Dr. Couraye dined with me, who was much pleased with the 
Queen's discourse about him. In the evening Mr. John Temple, 
Mr. St. Hyacinth, and brother Parker came to see me. My brother 
told me he had writ to Harwich that Philipson would be out, that 
our Mends may take heart again. 

Monday, 9.—This morning I visited Mr. Taylor, Mr. St. Lenger, 
and Dr. Territ, which last was at home. Went to the House. 
I met Captain Lucas, of Harwich, who came this morning to 
town, doubtless upon the report that Philipson is to be out, to get 
his employment. After dinner, went to our Music Club. I read 
a sixpenny pamphlet writ in defence of the Ministry, entitled 
" The Treaty of Seville, and the Measures of the last four years, 
impartially considered in a letter to a friend," which ought to put 
a stop to the clamours of people against the Administration. It 
is of a clear style, methodical, and shows that the best steps have 
been taken since the Treaty of Hanover that could be to settle 
Europe. 

Tuesday, 10.—This day the House met upon a motion of 
Sir William Wyndham's to consider of the state of the nation. 
The Speaker acquainted us with the Rule of Parliament, that 
before the House resolved itself into a Committee, gentlemen 
should call for the papers they judged necessary for a foundation 
of their proceedings, that they might be referred to the Committee, 
for that whatever was not so referred could not be made use of. 
This produced a debate, Daniel Pulteney, William Pulteney, 
Mr. Gibbons, Sir William Wyndham, Winnington, and Sir Joseph 
Jekyl alleging that the consideration of the state of the nation 
was so general a thing, and took in so many heads that it was 
impossible to particularize every paper that might be necessary 
to their proceedings, and that the journals which contained them 
were though no record abroad, yet a record to the House, which 
every member had a right to call for and make use of in their 
debates. Secretary Pelham and Sir Robert Walpole replied, 
that the Committee could not use or argue from papers they were 
not possessed of, and therefore gentlemen should now move for 
what they think necessary, but they hoped it was not the intent 
to ask for papers, or recur to the journals that relate to past 
transactions already determined ; that on the conclusion of a session 
the matters which passed that session are over, and not to be 
overhauled, so as to render the papers and journals concerning 
them a foundation of new enquiry and resolutions ; if that were 
so, nothing could receive a final determination, but the most 
important things, and which have long ago been decided, would 
be rendered uncertain, and set into a fluctuating condition. If 
gentlemen would recur to the journals for information only, it 
should not be opposed, but anything they contain ought not to 
be made a foundation in this enquiry on the state of the nation, 
for then a Prorogation would not put an end to a session. 
Mr. William Pulteney said some papers were fit to be called for, 
and accordingly moved for the Treaty of Seville, and the Dutch 
accession, both which were ordered. Then he added that nothing 
was more usual than to make past matters a ground and a foundation 

FIEST VISCOUNT PBECIVAL. 

35 

1729-30 

of future enquiries and resolutions. Were not the Ministry of 
Queen Anne's reign impeached by a subsequent Parliament, though 
the former Parliament had approved their proceedings ? If what 
Sir Robert said was true, there could be no impeaching a bad 
Ministry hereafter; it seemed to him as if some gentlemen were 
apprehensive of an impeachment ; he could assure them he had 
no such thought, and if any one else intended it, he was not in the 
secret. 

The Speaker then desired to explain himself, and said that 
by not using papers uncalled for, he did not mean they might 
not be used as part of gentlemen's speech, and if he was of another 
opinion formerly, he was not ashamed to own his mistake ; but 
they could not be made a foundation of their debates. 

Oglethorp said he did not know but the result of this enquiry 
into the state of the nation might end in an impeachment : what 
can or ought to tie up the hands of a House of Commons ; if 
impeachments are a right that belong to us, we must be allowed 
the means to do it, and they must be the going back to former 
times however sanctified by Parliament. At length it was under 
stood and agreed that the journals should be made up of, as part 
of gentlemen's speeches, for that they were not a bare history of 
facts, but kept for use as well as instruction, but they should not 
be used as a foundation for censuring. And Mr. Edgcomb was 
voted into the chair. 

The House being now resolved into a Committee, Sir William 
Wyndham rose up and said that as he had moved for an enquiry 
into the state of the nation, it was incumbent on him to open 
the debate, by considering the state of our affairs both at home 
and abroad ; that as to home affairs, the proper enquiries would 
be, first, the condition of our trade, and particularly the decay of our 
woollen manufacture, as also the balances against us in our com 
merce with particular nations. Second, the low state of our coinage. 
Third, the management of the public revenue, which has been 
long in the hands of one man without a Parliamentary examination. 
Fourth, the administration of justice and grievances that attend 
the law. As to affairs abroad, our enquiry should be : first, the 
condition of our allies ; second, the state of our alliances ; third, 
our foreign acquisitions, whether secure in Europe and America ; 
fourth, the neglect of our merchants in the stipulations made 
with the States in alliance with us. The honour of the Crown 
insulted by the French, in not sticking to our flag even in our 
ports, and the turning out a lieutenant of our own for firing on 
them to oblige them to it. Fifth, the danger to our plantations 
by the encroachment of the French on the back of them. Sixth, 
the unnecessary embargo on our ships laid in Jamaica, which 
restrained our own subjects from trading, while France got the 
.advantage of the Spanish commerce. But what he thought of 
more immediate consequence than all the rest, and what should 
fare the breast of every Englishman, was a matter he would com 
municate to the House, that fell under his knowledge since the day 
fle made his motion : a discovery that he was under an absolute 
obligation to communicate to the Committee. It is, said he, 
tne restoration of the harbour of Dunkirk. I have in my hand 
811 account that Dunkirk harbour is restoring to its former condition, 
and there are several credible persons, masters of ships, now 

GENERAL LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA 

ATHENS, &EORGIA 

 36 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 10 

waiting at your door to be examined to it. My motion is that you 
will call them in and hear them ; that if you find they make full 
proof of what I have discovered to you, no time may be lost in 
putting a stop to the works that are carrying on. 

Mr. Horace Walpole hereupon got up, and said this was a perfect 
surprise upon him, that though he would not say it was irregular 
to propose a particular subject for debate that had not been first 
mentioned in the House and referred to the Committee, yet he 
must say it was not very usual ; and that it was unkind in 
Sir William not first to have acquainted gentlemen in the 
Administration with this matter, that they might be prepared 
to speak upon it ; that he hoped before these persons at the door 
were examined,, the Committee would allow the Ministry to produce 
the papers they had in their possession, in order for their justifica 
tion from any neglect that might be imputed to them. That as 
this was a sort of accusation upon them, justice required this 
indulgence should be granted ; otherwise it would be hearing a 
cause ex -parte. That several instances had been made by our 
Court to that of France concerning the works carrying on at 
Dunkirk, but he would say no more at present till a proper day 
were assigned to consider this matter ; and therefore moved the 
Committee should not hear the evidences till the day were set. 

Will. Pulteney said what had last been proposed was irregular. 
This matter being opened appeared a proper business for the day ; 
he did not see what use the deferring this to another was of, 
unless to send for Mr. Armstrong, employed in inspecting Dunkirk, 
and oppose the evidence of a man, paid by the Crown, to say 
what the Ministry should dictate, to the information of reputable 
men. He was therefore for calling them in. 

Sir William Wyndham said he supposed our enquiries would not 
end this night, but it was necessary to hear the captains now, 
because they were soon to go to sea, and one of them in three days, 
so that the desiring to put the hearing off could be for no other 
end but to lose their evidence. Sir William said the House should 
have referred the hearing this matter to the Committee, which 
not being done, the Committee was not possessed of it, and therefore 
seconded Mr. Walpole for deferring the matter till papers were 
called for relating to it. It must be observed that neither he, 
nor Walpole, ever spoke so ill and disconcerted, and with less 
weight, and as the restoring of Dunkirk is a thing of the highest 
consequence to the trade and safety of the nation, their opposing 
to receive immediate information concerning the repairs now 
carrying on raised a great indignation in the House. 

Sir Robert Walpole, who observed their error, rose, and said he 
should be for hearing the merchants now, provided no question 
should pass upon it ; for that would be unreasonable till the House 
received the fullest light on both sides. That it was very unfor 
tunate Colonel Armstrong should be sent Wednesday last to 
Dunkirk, the very day that Sir WilHam had his information, other 
wise he would be able to give the House a further light than what 
they ought to content themselves with from these captains. That 
it would be necessary to send for him back, and it would have 
been better to hear the captains and him at one time, but since 
the House were otherwise inclined, he, as he said before, would be 
for hearing them now, provided no resolution should pass. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PBBCIVAL. 37 

1729-30. 

Mr. Perry, member for London, said he was for hearing them now, 
and afterwards addressing the King to lay before the House all 
the proceedings that had been taken by our Court relating to this 

affair. 

Then the captains and master were called in ; they were six or 
seven in number, and agreed exactly in their description of the 
harbours of Dunkirk and Mardyke and the reparations carrying 

on. 

The first captain informed us that in November was twelve 
month the piles drove in to stop the harbour were pulled up, that 
the harbour has been cleansed, and the water that comes into the 
canal of Mardyke can be let out at Dunkirk, to keep that harbour 
clean ; that thirty gun-ships can now go up it, and he saw two 
ships built and launched there of ninety-five foot in the keel and 
four hundred ton ; that at high water there is a depth of eighteen 
or twenty foot, and he saw a ship with twenty-four guns mounted 
sail out with thirteen foot water. Another captain being examined, 
said he sailed in at the dead of the nip two hours before high water, 
and drew nine foot water. Another said he saw abundance of 
soldiers at work, which he knew by their waistcoats and breeches ; 
that formerly there was but one battalion there, now there are two ; 
that he saw them work by moonlight to give less jealousy, or to 
hasten the repairs, and that the Duke of Bouffiers had been lately 
there to quicken the works ; that the jetties are repairing, by filling 
up the spaces between the posts with mud and covering them 
with stone, which was easy for them to do, because the posts of 
these jetties were never pulled up, but only sawed even to a level 
with the water, and were now covering ; that the inhabitants 
declared the harbour was to be restored ; that the rents of houses 
have lately risen considerably, and the number of people much 
increased ; that in a very little time, even in a week, if they go 
on, they may restore the channel and harbour, for they work on 
Sundays, and that they are sure of succeeding in this ; that they 
have neglected Mardyke. That several English have been 
imprisoned or forced out of town, for being too inquisitive about 
these works, and even Colonel Armstrong civilly imprisoned in 
the Governor's house, that he might be prevented from making 
observations, though employed by the Government, as they heard, 
for that very purpose. 

When these people had finished their evidence, which lasted till 
six o'clock, by reason of a multitude of questions put them, and 
particularly by the Court's side, which were many of them captious, 
and answered not at all to their satisfaction, Sir William Wyndham 
rose up, and said he believed the House were satisfied from the 
important discovery now made, and the unanimous agreement 
of the evidence, that the reparations carrying on are a serious 
thing, and that no time should be lost; nevertheless, as.it was 
now very late to begin a debate, and that it had been desired 
not to proceed to a question this night, if other gentlemen were 
of the same opinion, he should be for ending here, and resuming 
the matter another day ; but he hoped it should be speedy, and 
no new matter entered upon till this was determined. Mr. William 
Pulteney, Mr. Sands, Mr. Vernon, and Mr. Oglethorp expressed 
themselves rather desirous to proceed, but yielded to Sir William's 
opinion. Sir Robert Walpole confessed this a very serious matter and 

 38 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 10-12 

said he would have not only this but everything else that had been 
contained in Sir William's speech as heads of enquiry, impartially 
and thoroughly sifted, but he hoped the House would not defer going 
upon the other head till this should be done with, because it would 
occasion a loss of time ; he was so desirous of having everything plainly 
enquired into, that he proposed every other day should be applied 
to that purpose and to begin next Thursday ; that with leave of the 
House, he would propose to-morrow some motions that would 
give satisfaction. The House seemed unwilling to interrupt this 
affair of Dunkirk by new subjects, but at last acquiesced. I should 
not omit that Sir Robert Walpole dropped some words as if it 
might possibly be in vain to expect redress with respect to 
Dunkirk, which made me recollect what a member told me that he 
believed we should find that in the Utrecht Treaty, which 
demolished Dunkirk, there was a separate article to permit the 
French to restore it again, but I knew not how to believe it. 

Wednesday, 11 February.—I did not stir out this day. I 
heard Sir Robert Walpole's motion was made this morning, 
and was only to address the King to lay before the House the 
proceedings and papers relating to Dunkirk. Mr. Gore, the clergy 
man, was to see me : he is my tenant at Knockloghert. He told 
me Canturk is in a very thriving way, and that Purcell, one of 
my tenants there, had an offer of ten thousand pounds credit 
from the merchants of Bristol, on account of the credit his woollen 
yarn is in, which spinning he carries greatly on. He said that 
Mr. Taylor, my steward, and himself, had undertaken to find 
money enough by subscription to build a church there, and that 
the Bishop seemed earnest for it, too, but Mr. Aldworth, of New 
market, opposed it, in apprehension that although it now is desired 
on the foot of a chapel of ease to Newmarket Church, yet hereafter 
it will be made a distinct parish, to the prejudice of the mother 
church, and perhaps Mr. Aldworth might be cooled in this affair 
by Mr. Aldworth's reluctance and opposition, if I did not write to 
his lordship to keep him steady. Gore repeating this twice, gave 
me some jealousy that I was to be drawn into something I might 
not like, the rather that the Bishop, when in England last year, 
was so earnest with me for having a church there, which he said 
he would find a way to support, when built, that he wanted none 
of my quickening, and besides, Mr. Taylor told me his Lordship 
was one who laid hold of everything to carry on a point for the 
church, and had cautioned me to be wary in anything I should 
say or write to his Lordship. 

Brother Dering told me to-day that he was come from Court, 
where the Queen spoke to him, and that my Lord Grantham 
told him the Queen intended to do for him, which shows my 
Lord Grantham had spoke of him to her, as he promised me he 
would. All this is a confirmation that the Court is returned to a 
good opinion of me, and that I have had enemies who misrepre 
sented me to their Majesties. 

Thursday, 12 February.—Mr. Duncomb came to see me 
and said he had been three hours this morning with Horace 
Walpole. I asked him what he had said about the affair of 
Dunkirk ; he answered, he could not understand what he said, 
but for his own opinion he thought we were in a strange situation, 
that the works carrying on at Dunkirk is directly against the 

FIRST VISCOUNT 

39 

1729-30. 

treaty, and yet we are in no condition to break with France, besides 
that it would ruin our late Peace, which he thought a very good 
one. I said I was as much at a loss as he, but that in doubtful 
cases we ought to choose what looked the fairest ; that the suffering 
to restore Dunkirk is dishonourable and dangerous to the kingdom, 
and therefore it became necessary and is the duty of every member 
to come into addressing the King to make strong instances at the 
Court of France to stop their works. That now the House have 
taken notice of the affair, it becomes us to go honourably through 
it, and as the King will undoubtedly return us a kind answer, that 
he will renew his instances as we desire in our address, so the 
instances he shall make being backed by the united and universal 
sense of the Parliament will have the greater weight. Whether this 
will meet success, I could not foresee, but it seemed the best manner to 
proceed in, and that it would be infinitely more the Ministry's 
advantage to make no opposition to so popular and national a point, 
as the reducing Dunkirk to its first demolished condition, than to 
turn this enquiry into a joke, as they did the other day, and to 
discourage our enquiry into the state of Dunkirk ; that this would 
confirm the jealousy, that we have given Dunkirk up to France as 
an equivalent for her steadiness to our alliance against Spain. He 
replied, we ought to respect the general good of the nation, and 
take into our view the whole compass of affairs, rather than dwell 
strictly on a single particular that, tho' not to be approved, might 
if resented unhinge the whole scheme of our affairs. That if we 
cannot help ourselves in the point of Dunkirk, which he thought 
we could not, we should make the best of it, and not unravel all 
we have been doing ; that perhaps it might satisfy us that Dunkirk 
be left a trading town, provided the forts and citadel be not 
restored, which in such case will leave us at liberty to molest them 
in their harbour as much as they could molest us by their privateers 
in a case of a war with that kingdom ; that this was making the 
best of a bad bargain, and the consequence could not be worse 
than to go into a direct war with France, because in that case the 
forts and fortifications, and harbour, would undoubtedly be restored 
to the condition they were in before the demolition. 

I knew his attachment to the Ministry, and believed it probable 
that Mr. Walpole had sent him to sound me. I therefore spoke my 
mind freely to him, that the opinion of gentlemen independent 
as I am, and at the same time zealous for his Majesty's honour 
and government, might be understood by the Ministry. I told him 
that I thought a vigorous address on this subject would strengthen 
and enforce our King's application at France to stop the works. 
That the Ministry ought for their own interest to concur in it, 
that in so doing they would stave off the load they are under till 
next year, because much time will be spent in our proceedings 
here before the King can write to France, and France will take time 
to return an answer, before which this session will end ; that gaining 
tune is all ; that if the Ministry endeavour to hinder our enquiry, 
to throw cold water on it, or to justify the Court of France, they 
'will become exceedingly unpopular, and lose the few independent 
persons who yet stick by them. That I am one, and I know several 
otters, who in this affair will vote with the other side, in case we 
nnd what was given in evidence at the bar last Tuesday is true, 
because we cannot do otherwise, without exposing our character 

 40 DIARY OF ÏHË 

Feb. 12 

of honest men and lovers of our country. That the majority 
will undoubtedly be on this occasion against the Court, which 
if the Ministry suffer, there is an end of them ; that if the Ministry 
should by the weight of places, pensions, and promises carry a 
division against us, it would certainly be by so small a majority 
as would endanger them (though successful) in the following session. 
That nobody wished them extricated out of this difficulty more 
than myself, who have no mind to displace them for others who 
I do not think so capable, nor honester to their country, and that 
I would give fifty guineas out of my pocket to be excused every 
vote I should be obliged to give against the Ministry, so great was 
my regard for them, and the King's honour, who employs them ; 
but though I had all the attachments in the world for the Court, 
and all the regard possible for the Ministry, yet I had a greater 
person than King or Ministry to serve, and that was God, Who 
speaks to me by my conscience, and commands me to act for the 

food of my country in fulfilling a trust committed to me. That 
was far from laying my finger on small faults, and joining the 
party now against the Court to vex and distress the Ministry, in 
order to displace them right or wrong, and get into their places, 
for I should be very sorry to see them succeed in it ; but a point of 
this importance would oblige me to go against the Court if proper 
and wise measures were not taken to put a good end to it, and I 
heartily wished the information we had received may prove false, 
though I doubted it too true. 

He said we both had the same sentiments in the main, but by 
this unlucky affair, we must expect the Emperor will not declare 
for peace, or yield to the Treaty of Seville, but keep us on in 
suspense, in hopes to see us quarrel with France, in which case 
we must have recourse again to him, and then our Seville Treaty 
is at an end, and our merchants will feel the effect of Spain's 
resentment. 

I replied, I did not apprehend the Emperor can keep us in 
suspense, for Don Carlos is to go to Italy peremptorily in May, 
and the Emperor must then declare himself whether he will yield 
thereto or oppose. He said he saw the members fall every day 
from the Court, and believed at last there would be a majority 
against it, which he thought a perfect fatality, some evil star now 
reigns, nor could he account for it, otherwise than that the Ministry 
have not endeavoured to do popular things in which they were 
much to blame. I answered, they have not yet had time for it, 
but the taking off the duties of soap and candles, intended by them, 
is one very popular thing. 

He answered, he spoke of former years ; that when this King 
succeeded his father, he was inclined to break a great part of the 
standing army, and was so advised by my Lord Wilmington, but 
Sir Robert Walpole told his Majesty he must pursue his father's 
schemes, and that if he broke his army, he broke himself ; that 
when this year the King broke five thousand men, he had better have 
broke but fifteen hundred, by breaking them in corps, than by 
keeping up the corps and reducing only private men. That he 
looked on the Pretender as a phantom, and more soldiers might yet 
be reduced ; that it is incredible the dissatisfaction the country is 
in at the keeping so many, and that for his part he apprehended no 
danger but from a standing army. 

VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

41 

1729-30. 

I answered that I really did not think thirty thousand men, 
our present number, ought to give any jealousy of our liberties, 
considering how they are dispersed in Ireland, Scotland, Gibraltar, 
Port Mahon, and the West Indies. A second unpopular thing, 
he said, was the King's nearness in money matters, and hoarding 
up, while the people are loaded with taxes. A third was the 
several votes of credit of the late years unaccounted for, the forty 
thousand pounds, and the last year's one hundred and fifteen 
thousand pounds demanded and extorted from the Parliament. 
A fourth, was the regulation of not permitting officers to sell or 
buy, which in time of peace prevents rising in the army, and dis 
contents them all from the highest to the lowest. He thought 
it would be a small matter out of the King's pocket if he himself 
would buy the posts of those who are desirous to sell, and dispose 
them gratis to others, by which means he would in some measure 
keep his regulation, and oblige everybody without hurting his 
service. A fifth unpopular thing, was the King's not speaking 
to the country gentry when they come to Court, which tries them, 
and makes them declare they have no business to come there, 
since they are not regarded, and so they betake themselves to 
the discontented party. Lastly, he instanced the neglect the 
Ministry show of the ancient gentry and men of fortune in the 
disposal of employments and favours, which they choose to bestow 
on little and unknown persons, and such whose character and 
principles cannot be so good as those of persons known and dis 
tinguished in their countries. 

I could not but assent to these things, because they are true, 
but I was a little reserved in my answers. We both concluded 
our discourse by agreeing that it was highly reasonable the Ministry 
should be allowed time to answer to the affair of Dunkirk, which 
was an attack upon them, and we agreed to be for putting off the 
further enquiry to what day Sir Robert Walpole should name 
this morning to the House. 

I afterwards called on my brother Parker, and went with him 
to the House, where Sir William Wyndham, in a long speech, 
recapitulated the Dunkirk enquiry, and then desired to know when 
the House might expect the papers addressed for. Sir William 
Strickland answered him, and after reflecting on the Craftsman 
and other seditious papers, proposed the not expecting the papers 
till this day fortnight, and therefore that the House would adjourn 
the debate till then. 

Sir Robert Walpole said he must still say the manner of 
Sir William Wyndham's introducing his motion was unprecedented, 
for though the enquiry into the state of Dunkirk does belong to 
the consideration of the state of the nation, yet being a particular 
matter it ought to have been proposed to the House and referred 
to the consideration of the Committee, which then had been 
possessed of it, but is not regularly so now. That the Committee, 
having moved the House to address the King for all papers and 
transactions relating to Dunkirk since the demolition, took in 
abundance of materials for their information, for all the orders, 
instructions, representations, answers, letters and arguments that 
had passed between the two Courts, and between our own and 
our Ministers and surveyors ever since the year 1713, must be 
copied out, and many translated into English, which might require 

 42 DIARY OP THE 

Feb. 12 

a fortnight's time to lay before us, but besides, Colonel Armstrong, 
who is gone to France, must be recalled, and his return depended 
on accidents of wind and tides, and perhaps sickness ; that he 
desired the state of Dunkirk should be thoroughly examined into, 
and then perhaps it would appear that all that had been given 
in at the bar was not true ; that Colonel Armstrong, an honorable 
man, the chief engineer of England, employed at first in the 
demolition, and ever since made use of to inspect proceedings there, 
was a person of more credit as he had more knowledge than the 
captains who appeared at the bar, and would be able to give a 
juster information to the House. That in the meantime he left 
it with us to judge who were more zealous for enquiring into the 
state of the nation, those who were against proceeding to other 
matters subject to this enquiry, or those who would have nothing 
proceeded on till Armstrong returned ; that he thought the losing 
so much time was really throwing cold water on this solemn enquiry. 
That he was so eager for going to the bottom of the Dunkirk affair, 
that if he stood alone he would himself move for a particular day 
to go upon it, but this day fortnight was proposed, and he joined 
with it ; he really desired information himself, confessing his 
ignorance of the state of Dunkirk, because it was out of his province 
and place ; it belonged to the Secretary of States' Office, and there 
had been several since 1713, one of which (meaning my 
Lord Bolingbroke) might possibly have destroyed some papers 
relating thereto. Mr. Hughes said a captain of a Dover packet 
had told him he was very lately at Dunkirk, and saw no men at 
work there, and no piles drawn up ; that there had indeed lately 
been a sudden torrent of water, which broke down some of the 
piles, which the French did not repair, and that was all. He there 
fore must suspend his judgment till he had better information 
than what was given all on one side at the bar. 

Mr. Daniel Pulteney said this was all to throw cold water on 
the enquiry, and insinuated that Armstrong is yet at Dover only, 
and might be here next Wednesday at furthest ; he said the least 
step taken by the French in restoring Dunkirk was a violation of 
the Treaty ; he reasoned on the demolishing ; justified the manner 
of Sir William Wyndham bringing in his motion, by a case some 
thing parallel but worse, which happened two years ago, when 
Sir Robert Walpole surprised the House with papers he pulled 
out of his pocket, not called for. He concluded we were in a 
deplorable condition, that we dare not do ourselves justice. 

Secretary Pelham said the only thing before us was what day 
to adjourn this enquiry to, that a hasty enquiry was truly throwing 
cold water upon it. His speech was much the same with Sir Robert 
Walpole's. 

Mr. Plummer and Mr. Dundas for giving the Ministry all the 
time they desire, but believe they will never be able to excuse 
France in this matter. 

Will. Pulteney wishes the House would use no delay in so 
important a matter, and thereby show our people, and the kingdom 
of France, what resentment we have at the works carrying on 
at Dunkirk. Papers may be had in a little time. Lord Stair's 
memorial not long, and a few others would suffice. This number 
of papers, instructions, memorials, representations etc., spoke of 
by Sir Robert, is like what we were told last year of wheelbarrows 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 43 
1729-30. 

of papers to be brought in, which ended in two or three papers only ; 
thought we were ripe now to proceed, and whatever evidence 
Armstrong should give, could only be negative ; believed if we defer 
our enquiry the merchants will put us in mind of it. 

Sir R. Walpole desired he might be understood ; he did not 
think, at least he did not know, that transcribing the papers called 
for would require a fortnight, for they were not in his office, nor 
cognisance, but he was told they were a great many ; but why 
he insisted for a fortnight was that Armstrong might have sufficient 
time to come. That he believed Armstrong sailed last Monday 
for Dover, at least the public newspapers said so, which was as 
good authority as Mr. D. Pulteney could have to suggest he is 
still at Dover. Then, dropping some sharp things against the 
Administration in Queen Anne's reign, by which he meant to 
reflect on Sir William Wyndham, as we supposed, Mr. Sands got 
up, and said though he at that time thought with the minority, as 
he does now, yet he would do justice even to an enemy, and there 
fore desired the journal of 13 Reg. Anne might be read to show what 
was the sense of the majority at that time upon a motion relating 
to Dunkirk. He thought the majority at that time, who were 
the Tories, had made a strong address to the Queen to interpose 
for the more effectual performance of the treaty in demolishing 
Dunkirk, which Louis Fourteenth was slow in doing ; but Mr. Sands 
in this overshot himself. Sir William Young, who remembered 
that matter immediately, seconded him, and the journal was read, 
whereby it appeared that when the motion was made by the Whigs 
of that Parliament, who were the minority, for addressing the 
Queen, the Ministry caused the previous question to be put whether 
that motion should be put, and carried it in the negative. This 
silenced Mr. Sands, and made Sir Robert Walpole triumph. 

Mr. Csesar then got up to justify that Parliament, but Sir Edmond 
Bacon appealed to the House whether ever anything was so 
irregular as to bring in proceedings of former Parliaments, and that 
the single point before us was what day to adjourn our enquiry to. 

The Speaker then got up and said with great resentment it was 
not to be borne ; that he sat there to keep the House to orderly 
debating, and he never saw such liberties taken in flying from the 
point before us. He desired gentlemen would confine themselves 
as they ought to do. 

Mr. Oglethorp said he should be for allowing the time desired, 
but hoped nothing should intervene. He believed the enquiry 
would end in an address to his Majesty, and hoped it would be in 
the strongest terms. 

Mr. Shippen then got up, and fell a talking in as irregular manner 
as possible in so much that the Speaker was forced to get up again, 
and in a great passion rebuked him personally, saying he would 
by the grace of God oblige every gentleman to be orderly. 

Sir^ Joseph Jekyl then rose, and highly commended the Speaker. 
He yielded to the putting off our enquiry to the day desired. 

Shippen then got up a second time, and endeavouring to explain 
himself, fell again into the same error, so that the House was obliged 
to silence him. He would have Justified the Queen's Adminis- 

^í?On' whi°h was wholly foreign to our present debate. 
_ Then Captain Vernon got up, and made a passionate speech for 
immediate enquiry and against the time desired for adjournment. 

 nip1,. 

44 DIARY OB' THE 

Feb. 12-13 

He brought in the Pope, the Devil, the Jesuits, the seamen, etc. 
so that the House had not patience to attend to him, though he 
was not taken down. He quite lost his temper, and made himself 
hoarse again. I found it agreed that this debate should be put 
off to this day fortnight, and so returned home to dinner. 

In the evening I went to the Royal Society, and from thence 
to visit Mr. Foster, whose lady I found at home. 

Friday, 13 ^ February.—This morning I visited my Lord Wil- 
mington, who, among other things, told me Sir William Wyndham 
conducted himself in relation to the motion about Dunkirk 
with great art ; that sometime ago, after he had moved to con 
sider the state of the nation, he invited about thirty members 
to dinner to deliberate what points they should fix to attack the 
Ministry upon, but spoke not a word of Dunkirk, judging that some 
who were present, might, though Tories, be tell-tales to Sir Robert 
Walpole, and he was resolved to attack Sir Robert unprepared ; 
by this means, he purposely led Sir Robert to-a wrong scent, whose 
intelligence bringing him nothing touching Dunkirk, he neglected 
to prepare himself against the surprise of that important motion, 
highly pleased with the belief that he should be attacked on points 
he was better able to defend. My Lord Wilmington had this 
from Sir William Wyndham himself, who added that when the 
company were broke up one gentleman remained alone with him 
and proposed the enquiry about Dunkirk ; but Sir William 
immediately suspecting it possible that he might be a secret spy 
to Sir Robert, and that he had proposed this only to sound his 
intention, told him that perhaps before the session was up Dunkirk 
might be mentioned, but there were other important things to 
enquire into first. I mentioned the irregularity of our debates, 
and particularly entering into the merits of majorities and minorities 
of former reigns and administrations, which lengthened our debates, 
to no other purpose than to revive personal animosities, and entertain 
the gallery, while it diverted us from the question before us, and 
vilified the dignity of our proceedings. He said it was quite wrong 
to mention majorities and minorities at all, for what is once carried 
is the Act of the House, and that anciently when a question had 
been carried upon a division, the minority were obliged to go out 
by themselves to show their assent to what the majority had 
carried against them, but this was not in use since he was in 
Parliament. I afterwards went to the House, where Sir Robert 
moved that part of one of the lotteries of the sinking fund might 
be mortgaged to support the current service of the year. I met 
Mr. Oglethorp, who informed me that he had found out a very 
considerable charity, even fifteen thousand pounds, which lay in 
trustees' hands, and was like to have been lost, because the heir of 
the testator being one of the trustees, refused to concur with the 
other two, in any methods for disposing the money, in hopes, as 
they were seventy years old each of them, they would die soon, 
and he should remain only surviving trustee, and then might apply 
it all to his own use. That the two old men were very honest and 
desirous to be discharged of their burthen, and had concurred 
with him to get the money lodged in a Master of Chancery's hands 
till new trustees should be appointed to dispose thereof in a way 
that should be approved of by them in conjunction with the Lord 
Chancellor. That the heir of the testator had opposed this, and 

FIEST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 45 

1729-30. 

there had been a lawsuit thereupon, which Oglethorp had carried 
against the heir, who appealed against the decree ; but my Lord 
Chancellor had confirmed it, and it was a pleasure to him to have 
been able in one year's time to be able at law to settle this affair. 
That the trustees had consented to this on condition that the 
trust should be annexed to some trusteeship already in being, 
and that being informed that I was a trustee for Mr. Dalone's 
legacy, who left about a thousand pounds to conve t negroes, 
he had proposed me and my associates as proper persons to be 
made trustees of this new affair ; that the old gentlemen approved 
of us, and he hoped I would accept it in conjunction with himself, 
and several of our Committee of Gaols, as Mr. Towers, Mr. Hughes, 
Mr. Holland, Major Selwyn, and some other gentlemen of worth, 
as Mr. Sloper and Mr. Veriion, Commissioner of the Excise. I 
told him it was a pleasure to me to hear his great industry in 
recovering and securing so great a charity, and to be joined with 
gentlemen whose worth I knew so well ; that I had indeed been 
thinking to quit the trusteeship of Dalone's legacy, because we 
were but four, and two of them were rendered incapable of serving 
and the third was a person I never saw. That when I accepted 
the trusteeship it was in order to assist Dean Berkley's Bermuda 
scheme, by erecting a Fellowship in his college for instructing 
negroes ; that in so doing the charity would be rendered perpetual, 
whereas to dribble it away in sums of five or ten pounds to 
missioners in the plantations, the money would be lost without 
any effect. He answered, experience had shown that religion will 
not be propagated in the Indies by colleges, besides the Dean had 
quitted the thoughts of Bermuda, to settle at Rhode Island, and 
the Government would never give him the twenty thousand pounds 
promised. I answered the Dean would go to Bermuda, or any 
where the Government should better like, if they would pay him 
the money. He said, the best way for instructing the negroes 
would be by finding out conscientious clergymen in the plantations, 
who would do their endeavours that way without any reward, 
and that the money might, go in sending over religious books for 
the negroes' use. 

He then returned to the new trusteeship, and said that though 
annexed to this of Dalone's, Dalone's legacy might be a matter 
remaining distinct from the scheme he proposed for employing 
the charity he had acquainted me with, and that he designed the 
new tiusteeship should be so drawn that no trustee should be 
answerable for the actions of the rest, but only for what he signed 
to. That he had acquainted the Speaker, and some other con 
siderable persons, with his scheme, who approved it much, and 
there remained only my Lord Chancellor's opinion to be known. 
That he must tell me by the way, the old trustees of the fifteen 
thousand pounds would as yet allow but five thousand pounds 
to be under our management, which sum would answer the scheme ; 
that the scheme is to procure a quantity of acres either from, the 
Government or by gift or purchase in the West Indies, and to 
plant thereon a hundred miserable wretches who being let out of 
gaol.by the last year's Act, are now starving about the town for 
want of employment ; that they should be settled all together by 
way of colony, and be subject to subordinate rulers, who should 
inspect their behaviour and labour under one chief head ; that in 

 46 DIABY OF THE 

Feb. 13-15 

time they with their families would increase so fast as to become 
a security and defence of our possessions against the French and 
Indians of those parts ; that they should be employed in cultivating 
flax and hemp, which being allowed to make into yarn, would be 
returned to England and Ireland, and greatly promote our manu 
factures. All which I approved. He then talked to me of 
restoring the Committee of Gaols, and said it was necessary for 
our reputations, being vilified in the world for proceeding so 
zealously last year, that the same oppressions continue, and the 
judges had acted strangely in commanding Gambier, the new 
Warden of the Fleet, to restore the dungeon there, which Gambier 
had of his own accord pulled down ; that there are several prisons 
remaining to visit, for which we had not time last year, and that 
we have not brought in a bill for regulating all the gaols of England, 
as we were directed by the House last year. I was not very willing 
to revive the Committee, because I knew the ill will the Administra 
tion bore it, and the weight of the judges and Court would be 
against us ; besides, I told him we had already made two good 
Acts, which had removed abundance of grievances, and let out an 
infinite number of miserable persons. That it was strange to me 
that the same oppressions should be continued so when we so 
lately had taken cognisance of them. That, for my own particular, 
my health, which yearly grew worse, did not permit me to do 
my duty with the zeal I could wish, and I must leave it to younger 
men. That if grievances continued on the prisoners, they would 
probably grow worse a year or two hence, and then the House 
would see more reason for reviving the Committee than perhaps 
they now will own ; that it is not necessary to revive the Committee 
for the sake of a new Bill, for we are mäste' s of all the oppressions 
used over the prisoners, and may frame a Bill to prevent all 
remaining abuses upon the knowledge we have already. However, 
I did not actually reject the design. Mr. Hughes, who was by, 
said there was great occasion to revive the Committee, to keep 
the judges in order, who had behaved strangely, and used us 
contemptuously. He showed me a letter that dropped out of 
Bambridge's pocket, and was endorsed by him, wherein he dis 
covered some apprehension of being tried over again, and desired 
advice how witnesses in such case might be bought off, and men 
tioned Sir G. O. [i.e. Sir George Oxendon] as a friend that would be 
useful to him in case of a new trial. Mr. Hughes added he could 
tell me something that would make me stare, and reached even to the 
judges. I did not encourage him to impart it to me, knowing 
his warmth against the judges, and great freeness in these affairs, 
but left that to another opportunity. However, I commended 
his zeal, and that deservedly, for he seemed a very honest and 
conscientious man, though afterwards he appeared to be neither. 
I went from Parliament to Court, where it was confirmed that 
the Czar is dead, and Sir Charles Hotham, who goes Ambassador 
to Berlin in Sutton's place, said the Duchess of Courland was 
proclaimed Empress of Moscovy. 

My brother Bering and Dr. Couraye dined with me. In the 
evening I went to our vocal club, where Mr. Green's " Te Deum " 
and other of his works were performed, and they show him to 
be a great composer, and to tread in the steps of the Italian 
masters. 

FIBST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL 

47 

1729-30. 

Saturday, 14 February.—This day I visited my Lord Gran- 
tham, who gave me new assurances that Philipson should be 
out ; ' he repeated that Sir Robert Walpole had peremptorily 
promised it, and told him he was from the beginning of opinion 
he ought not to have been kept in, but he could not do it 
last year : there was a person who would not let it be. I gathered 
by the discourse that he meant my Lord Townsend. I said I 
believed Sir Robert in earnest, and that it will be done, but it 
comes with an ill grace, and the Italians have a proverb, Chi fa 
prasio fa lene,. I did not quote the Latin maxim, -B¿s dat qui cito 
dat, for feai» his Lordship should not understand it I said the 
Government's interest was promised me at my election, and indeed 
I had it, but when ? Not till the day before the election, and so I 
supposed Mr. Carteret would use me in the same manner now. 
Philipson shall be out, but not till the last moment that he can 
keep that man in ; that is, till the session is over. My Lord replied, 
Mr. Carteret's reign would not be long, but there could no changes 
be till the session is over. I replied, if it was not done before, 
I had little heart to expect it, for the Court would be gone to 
Richmond, Sir Robert into Norfolk, and I perhaps to Bath, and 
there was no need to wait for other changes, for this post was not 
fit for a Parliament man, and required as little ceremony as to 
turn out a penny postman. He replied, it would take perhaps 
some time to find a proper man to fill his place. I answered the 
Post Office would not be at a loss to find a man ; and what would 
they do suppose Philipson should die of an apoplexy? My Lord 
replied, I spoke rightly, and he would not let Sir Robert rest till 
it was done, and would so make this his own affair that he would 
resent it if Sir Robert was not sincere. His Lordship then talked 
of the motion about Dunkirk, which gave me occasion to tell him 
that the repair of that harbour is a serious thing, and a direct 
breach of treaty ; that now the House have taken notice 
of it, we cannot in honour but proceed, and that I believed it would 
end in addressing the King to renew his instances by strong 
representations to the Court of France on this head ; that I was 
sure his Majesty, for his own honour and interest, and to pleasure 
his subjects, was in mind against that infraction, and I believed 
would be pleased that his Parliament should strengthen by their 
weight the efforts he should make to retrieve that affair. I said this, 
because I knew he talks everything to their Majesties, and I was 
willing he should therefore know the sentiments of such as me, 
who are attached to the family, and yet judge this affair to be no 
trifling matter. On the same account I also told him how ill I 
liked the masquerades ; I thought them designed only to carry on 
intrigues, and that an honest man should never disguise himself 
and vizard his face. After dinner I went to the play. 

Sunday, 15 February.—Prayers and sermon at home. Then 
went to Court. Dr. Couraye and brother Dering dined with me. 
Went in the evening to the King's Chapel, and called in at the 
coffee house ; found there Mr. Sloper, who discoursed with me 
on several matters relating to Ireland and England, as the advantage 
it would be to the latter to repeal the prohibition of Irish cattle 
whereby provision would become cheaper, and wages to manu- 
tacturers lower, without which nothing could recover our 
manufactures. He asked my opinion if supposing the afore- 

 48 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 15-16 

mentioned Act of prohibition were repealed, Ireland would send 
their cattle over ; I answered, the grazing lands of Ireland are divided 
into breeding lands and fattiiig ; that some farms are only proper 
to one of these ; that the tenants who only breed will be pleased 
to see a new door open to their profit, by which if they cannot 
get a good price from the tenant who buys his cattle to fat, they 
may sell them into England ; but for that reason the farmers who 
fat will be displeased. That the merchant who now is in possession 
of the whole manufacture of beef will cry out against such a repeal, 
for his trade will be quite lost of slaughtering, salting, barrelling 
up and exporting to the Plantations, at least it will be considerably 
impaired ; for the tenant who fats will be obliged to give more 
for his lean cattle than he did before, otherwise the breeder will 
sell them to England, consequently the merchant must give more 
to the fatter, and of course demand a higher price for his manu 
factured beef, which cannot but be a prejudice to the whole nation, 
inasmuch as less manufactured beef will go out of the kingdom, 
and the return upon the trade, which is the riches of any kingdom, 
be less. That all Ireland except the Northern province, will 
suffer by it, and the city of Cork particularly, for many merchants 
will leave it, and others quit their business, not to mention the 
numbers of people who depend on this trade, as butchers and 
slaughterers, hoopers, masters of vessels, carpenters, salters, etc., 
who for want of employment must quit the country, or starve for 
want of employment. That it is visible by this means the kingdom 
will sink, and grow thinner of useful subjects, and of Protestants, 
whose loss we cannot spare, and all this in the end must sink the 
rents of lands. That this must extremely hurt England too, 
because 'tis visible the riches of Ireland before the twelvemonth 
is out, centres in England, which constantly drains Ireland of all 
the money it gets. He allowed all this. 

We then talked of the Woollen Act, and he said the English 
are come to such a sense of their mistake in prohibiting the manu 
facture of wool in Ireland, that several substantial manufacturers 
of cloth had expressed to him their sorrow for that Act ; that 
they were sensible France never had set up the woollen manu 
facture, nor would be able to carry it on, but for the Irish workmen 
who settled at Abbeville and in other parts of France upon the 
putting down the manufacture of Ireland, and they are of opinion 
nothing can retrieve the manufacture of England but letting 
Ireland return to the making, and freely exporting, their cloths, 
by which means we should be able to undersell the French in other 
countries, and ruin this branch of their trade, which done, England 
would find the benefit. 

I said they reasoned very justly, for the manufacture of Abbeville 
was set up the very year after ours was ruined, and that by the 
Irish weavers who were obliged to leave their country for want 
of business. That till we have a better encouragement for sending 
our wool to England, the Irish will certainly furnish France with 
wool by running it thither though a hundred ships were employed 
to prevent it, because they are under a necessity to do it or starve, 
there being a duty of nineteen pence farthing per stone laid upon 
all that comes from Ireland to England, which is near twenty per 
cent, of the price a stone of wool is sold for in Ireland. That the 
saving this duty on all that is run to France is what enables the 

r 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL 49 

1729-30. 

tenant to pay his rent, but if the bringing their wool to England 
had a proper encouragement, the Irish would certainly prefer 
sending it hither to the supplying France at the hazard of losing 
ship and cargo, the perjury that attends it, and the visible mischief 
that practice is to our mother country We then fell to talking 
of the administration of affairs, and he said he suspected that the 
Ministry had allowed of some secret article whereby the French 
are permitted to restore Dunkirk harbour. Said we are got into 
mire, and must get out as well and as soon as we can. That from 
the day he saw the Hanover Treaty signed, he foretold all the 
mischief that has followed, for it threw us into an alliance with 
a greater power than ourselves, that consequently we are dependent 
on France, and that experience and history has shown how fatal 
it is to any state to be allied to one greater than itself, for it creates 
a dependence and subjection. Moreover, that France has always 
taken advantage of such alliances, to the prejudice of their allies. 
That we should patch up matters the best we can at present, and 
afterwards enquire who brought us into this condition. As to 
Dunkirk, he said we should doubtless address the King in strong 
terms to renew vigorous instances for the stopping, the reparations 
there making. I told him I supposed we should do so, and the 
King would comply with us, that the French Court will answer 
they know nothing of it, but will give orders to stop anything 
that is doing, when at the same time they have already done almost 
all they intended. 

Monday, 16 February. — I stayed all this day at home, 
except that in the evening I called on Cousin le Grand, and went to 
the coffee house. I met at this last place Mr. Spelman, who has 
passed most of his life from a child in Moscovy. He said the new 
declared Empress of Moscovy, Duchess Dowager of Courland, is 
about thirty-seven years old, fat and not disposed to have children, 
she being· but nineteen when married to the deceased Duke of 
Courland, who lived two months with her, but left no child ; that 
she has besides a sickly air. That probably the Senate will think 
of procuring her a husband, and one among themselves, but that 
there is no great choice ; that there are but three great families 
for her to marry into, of which the Nariskin, which Princes are 
of the blood Royal, will probably be chosen. That this lady, 
being daughter to the elder brother of Peter the Great, and not 
the eldest neither, and Peter having left children, it is not improbable 
but that the apprehension of civil disturbances will induce the 
Court of Moscovy to cultivate the friendship of all the Princes of 
Europe capable of hurting the present election, and particularly of 
threat Britain, and if so the late Czar's death, who was nephew 
to the present Emperor of Germany, will have a great influence 
over him to accede to the Peace of Seville. 

I met at the coffee house Sir Robert Clifton, who was just come 
from a meeting of thirty Parliament men, who dined together. 

an unanimously agreed to move to-morrow for reviving the 
Committee of Gaols. Mr. Oglethorp hinted to them some dis 
coveries he had made of great consequence, and which might 
ettect great persons (meaning the judges, I suppose), and told 
them that the prisoners for debt lie under the same inconveniences 
and ill-usage as before the Acts which passed last year for their 
relief. He said a reat man new ersons were there who were n 

Wt. 24408, 

a great many new persons were there, who were not 

 50 ΌΙΑΒΥ OF THE 

Feb. 16-18 

of the last year's Committee, as Sloper, Sir Robert Sutton, 
Lord Tyrconnell, Mr. Heathcote, etc., and that they intend to 
examine into the conduct of the Judges with respect to the 
admission of attorneys. He desired 1 would be at the House 
and meet them to-morrow early there, and at my return home 
I found Mr. Cornwall had called on me to desire the same. Thus I 
am drawn in to be again of the Committee if revived, and seeing 
I am desired, I shall consent to it, though it will engage me much 
trouble, and the more, that I apprehend they will proceed to call 
the judges to account, which will draw upon our backs the power 
of the Ministry, who will certainly protect them. It was opened 
to the gentlemen abovementioned, that it will be proved public 
money was given to support the gaolers we prosecuted. I learned 
when I came home, that there had been a warm debate this 
morning in the House upon a motion of Mr. Sands for leave to 
bring in a Bill against pensioners sitting there. The arguments 
on each side for and against I have not learned, but it seems 
Sir Robert Walpole, Horace Walpole, Pelham, Sir W. Strickland, 
Winnington, and others of the Court side were violently against 
it, but that on the division it was carried by the anti-courtiers 
in favour of the motion by ten, one hundred and forty-four against 
one hundred and thirty-four, to the great mortification of Sir Robert, 
who it is probable may date his fall from this day. Above sixty 
persons who were used to vote with the Court deserted Sir Robert 
on this occasion, some by voting for the motion, others by leaving 
the House, among which last were Sir Robert Sutton, Sir Edward 
Knatchbull, etc. This is the more remarkable in that there were 
not seventy Tories in the House. 

I think it was to-day that the trial between my Lord Abergavenny, 
prosecutor, and Mr. Lyddall, defendant, was judged, and the jury 
brought in ten thousand pounds damages aganist Mr. Lyddall 
for criminal conversation with my Lord's wife, who lately died of 
grief and shame for the discovery. A great many blame my 
Lord for prosecuting the gentleman, since his lady died for that 
fact. 

Tuesday, 17 February.—To-day Mr. Oglethorp moved for reviving 
the Gaol Committees, and my Lord Tyrconnell seconded him. 
I saw the House very full, for now there is expected every day 
some surprise or other on each side. I thought the friends of 
Sir Robert hung down their heads since yesterday's division against 
them, and I am sure the eyes of the anti-ministerians sparkled ; 
they did nothing but congratulate each other as they met, many 
blamed Sir Robert for dividing the House, but some more cunning 
believe he was under a necessity of trying to stop the motion in 
the Lower House, lest if a Bill should be carried up to the House of 
Lords, my Lord Townshend, who is still at variance with him, 
should suffer it to pass the Lords, or if my Lord should stop it 
there, he might show his Majesty that he had superior ability and 
merit to Sir Robert, since Sir Robert could not hinder a Bill in one 
House which himself was able to hinder in another. While I was 
in the House, Sir Robert came and sat by me to tell me that yester 
day he had spoke to the King, and received his orders to turn 
him out ; he said he had done it before, but he was not able ; 
that a great many things were laid to his charge that he was not to 
blame in, and that he could not do everything expected of him. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

51 

1729-30. 

I told him I was obliged to him for the ease he gave me in my 
borough ; that for the King's sake it were to be wished this had 
been sooner done. He asked me if I would recommend anyone 
to his place. I answered " No," but I hoped it would be a friend 
that succeeded ; he replied he thought of one Sansom, who was once 
in the Customs House, and has no relation to Harwich, and whose 
father had been a Commissioner of the Customs. I said it was very 
well, if he gave us no trouble ; he said he would not. He added 
he had already acquainted Mr. Carteret with it, and wanted to 
speak to Mr. Harrison. He asked me if there was anything else 
I would have done. I answered I did not know, but my brother 
Parker might desire to recommend a clerk to Mr. Sansom ; he 
desired his name, and it should be done. He then desired me to 
dine with him to-morrow, and to speak to Sir Philip Parker and 
Mr. East, which I promised. 

When I came home to dinner I writ the purport of our discourse 
to my brother, who came soon after, and declined dining with 
Sir Robert, but desired me to make a handsome excuse ; he said 
he would send to Mr. East, who he believed would decline too. 

My Cousin Fortrey dined with me. 

The accounts from Prussia say that the King has exceedingly 
disobliged his army by the cruel example made upon some of his 
tall Grenadiers, who having conspired to desert, and being dis 
covered, he punished by causing four of the ringleaders to be broke 
on the wheel, after pinching their flesh off with hot irons, a death 
far exceeding what desertion merited, and what the French thought 
severe enough for the murderer of their King Henry the Fourth. 

Wednesday, 18 February.—I this morning visited my 
brother Parker and cousin Southwell, and afterwards went 
to the House, where upon a division we rejected the petition against 
the hawkers and pedlars, one hundred and sixty-nine against 
one hundred and forty-four. Then the petition of the African 
Company was preferred by their Governor, Sir Robert Sutton, 
and backed by Hughes, Sir William Sanderson, Colonel Bladen, 
Sir Charles Wager, Sir William Young, Mr. Danvers and others. 
It was opposed by Barnard, Scroop, Daniel Pulteney, Sir Abraham 
Elton, Earl, Winnington, and others. The arguments for receiving 
the petition and referring it to a Committee were, that it was a 
matter deserved consideration, for if they are not able to support 
their forts and settlements, and England will not give money 
towards it, those forts must fall into the hands of a neighbouring 
otate, Holland, France or Portugal ; that if we lose our property 
there, we shall lose the African trade, which is the most valuable 
one we have ; that if another nation should possess themselves 
of the forts we shall abandon, we must enter into a war to regain 
them, which would cost us a hundred times more than a little 
money, suppose twenty thousand pounds a year, to secure them. 
_ The arguments against receiving the petition were that this 
is only a job to flurry up the actions of the African Company, that 
some may sell out, and draw other unwary persons to buy, which 
may be the ruin of many families. That the Company had broke 
more than once, and are now not worth a shilling ; that there 
is no need of any forts at all there ; those that are, are but only 
wooden ones, and therefore of no defence against an enemy if 
attacked, without the help of our men-of-war, and therefore our 

 62 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 18-19 

fleets will be sufficient security for our trade. That this trade is at 
present, that the separate traders have no burthen upon them, in 
an exceeding flourishing way, but to restore the company to vigour 
is to put them in a power to be hard upon the separate traders. 
That all demands of public money ought to come from the Crown, 
or to have its consent, which method had not been followed. 
Several other plausible things were said on both sides the question. 
At length, upon Sir William Young's motion, the question was put 
for rejecting the petition, which, he said, when over, he would 
move for a day to consider this part of our trade. There was a 
division against rejecting, some thinking it too severe usage of a 
Royal Company, and that it had been better to lay the petition 
on the table ; but the majority were apprehensive such a 
countenance given it would cause a rise in the African Stock and 
render it a bubble to the deceiving unwary people, who would 
imagine the House intended to favour the Company, when they do 
not, and buy to their detriment. Those who went out for rejecting 
were one hundred and thirty-four, we who stayed in were ninety. 

After this I went by invitation to Sir Robert Walpole's to dinner, 

where were my Lady Malpas, his daughter, and two other ladies, 

and Lord Palmerston, Sir John Shelley, Sir Edward Knatchbull 

and Mr. Buttler. After dinner we fell to talking of Dunkirk, and 

I freely declared my opinion, that to address the King in becoming 

terms would be fit, as it would add weight to the representation 

the King should think to make to the Court of France against 

the repairs that have been making at Dunkirk. I said that this 

was my opinion, supposing it made out that the French have 

done anything contrary to the treaty. Sir Robert said nobody 

would be against addressing, but would differ about the manner ; 

that there were some in the House, and those the leaders against 

the Court, who were for breaking the Peace, and flinging us into 

a war with France ; that these would be for using such harsh 

terms as would exasperate France, and that only mild expressions 

should be used. I said that I believed there were such men as 

he described in the House, but all were not so ; that for my own 

particular, I did not like those men, and was so heartily pleased 

with the Peace that I would not be for doing anything to break 

it, but that the repairing Dunkirk after the manner related at the 

bar, was a breach of the Treaty of Utrecht, and we could not in 

honour, and for the kingdom's sake, but take notice of it, and I 

thought the stronger we expressed ourselves the better, because 

I believed it would have the better effect with the Court of France. 

Sir Robert áaid, supposing the French have done what they should 

not, we ought to consider the consequence that resenting it too 

far it might have, that a thing considered singly might deserve 

much to be blamed, but if a greater hurt may come from resenting, 

than there can come a good, then in prudence men ought to tolerate 

the matter. As to the witnesses, he said, five of the seven were 

under prosecution for smuggling and one of them he knew had not 

been there eighteen months at Dunkirk. Lord Palmerston said 

he knew Manoury and another to be great rogues. Both he and 

Sir Edward Knatchbull, together with Lord Malpas, spoke much 

on Sir Robert Walpole's side, Sir John Shelley and Mr. Buttler 

were silent, and I was the only one left to dispute this affair. 

After dinner I returned directly home. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PBRCIVAL. 53 

1729-30. 

Thursday, 19 February. — To-day I went early to the House 
to meet the Gaol Committee, where we agreed to go on 
Saturday morning to visit the King's Bench prison. In the House, 
Sir Robert Walpole brought in a large bundle of papers, being 
copies and extracts of papers relating to Dunkirk. He told us 
that there was all that had passed on that occasion for two years 
past, and that the rest addressed for were copying out as fast as 
possible, but he brought these first that the House might see all the 
diligence that could be has been used to comply with their desires ; 
that at the same time he must acquaint them the rest that are to 
follow are very voluminous, and might not perhaps answer thorough 
expectation, because some were not to be found. Hereupon 
Daniel Pulteney rose up and said he was sorry to hear that any 
papers should be missing that had been addressed for, for possibly 
some of them might be very necessary for their information, and 
that it looked as if the Administration were willing they should 
not be found ; that he observed there were several extracts of 
letters from and to Lord Townshend, Mr. French, Mr. Walpole, 
Colonel Armstrong, and others, but not the answers to any memorial 
sent to the Court of France from ours. 

Mr. William Pulteney said he was surprised the copies of papers 
were only sent us, and not the originals ; that copies might be 
partially made, and he was not contented with extracts ; that on 
former occasions original papers were sent, as in the case of the 
Bishop of Rochester's prosecution ; that he observed some very 
material pieces were wanting, that without the originals the House 
could not proceed to censure the Administration, if they have 
been faulty, and at this rate no grievances can ever be redressed 
for by the law the King can do no wrong, but the Ministers are 
accountable, and if there is no coming at Ministers, as there is not 
unless originals are laid before the House, then farewell our 
Constitution. 

Sir Robert Walpole said as long as he has been in Parliament 
he never knew originals given, that to require them now was a 
reflection on the Ministry, as if they meant to deceive the House, 
that ^as no man could in his private judgment expect they should 
be given, this was only mentioned to possess the town with an 
opinion that the Ministry were afraid to have their transactions 
known, and to raise a popular clamour, which has been a constant 
practice of late time, without reason or foundation, and especially 
in this important point of Dunkirk, which he desired might be 
thoroughly scanned, because he knew the Ministry could well 
defend themselves on that article, having done their duty to the 
utmost, as the House would find if they had patience to the end 
of the enquiry. They would then find matters come out in a very 
different light from what the evidence at the bar had given, whom 
tor credit and integrity he should not put in competition with the 
information Colonel Armstrong and Colonel Lassels would impart, 

A *?tner that some of those evidences were runners of goods, 
and had been under prosecution of the Crown for the value of 
ten thousand pounds. That to suspect the truth and fairness of 
the copies given in, was to cast reflection on himself, who brought 
tnem in, but he took it on his honour that for the time these papers 

comPrellend there is nothing disguised or omitted; 
lonel Armstrong's letters are copied entire, and that for 

 64 DIARY OP THE 

Feb. 19-23 

those originals out of which extracts have only been taken, it was 
unreasonable to demand a sight of them, or entire copies of them, 
because they contained other matters than what relate to Dunkirk, 
which have not been addressed for, or if they had would not have 
been imparted to the House, as containing matters of State. That 
to demand any papers that include transactions before the treaty 
for demolishing Dunkirk is unreasonable, and all our business 
is to enquire what was stipulated on both sides, and how the treaty 
has been observed on the French side ; that he was no ways 
accountable for the papers that are or shall be given in, or that 
are missing, it being an affair that belongs not to his office, but 
that of the Secretary of State, in which there have several presided, 
who at their pleasure when they left the office took away with them 
what papers they thought fit, which being before this enquiry was 
thought of, it should not be imputed to him or to the present 
Administration as a fault or artifice that some papers are missing. 
He wished gentlemen would treat one another with more candour. 
Mr. Bromley then said he had once the honour to be Secretary of 
State, and it was certainly true that Secretaries of State do take 
such papers away with them as the King does not think fit to 
give a discharge for, though he did not himself stand upon it 
when he went out of office, but surrendered them all. He did 
not believe gentlemen would insist upon having the originals of 
those papers, from which extracts were only taken, but he did not 
see the inconveniences in communicating the originals of Armstrong's 
letters, and those to him. 

Mr. Horace Walpole spoke against that, urging the reasons 
that had been used by Sir Robert. Nevertheless Mr. Sands made 
the motion for those originals, and it had come to a division but for 
Mr. Gibbons, who said as it was unparliamentary and therefore 
must have an air of reflection on Sir Robert, he was obliged to 
desire if the motion were not withdrawn, that the previous question 
should be put, that he did not speak to discourage the enquiry 
but he was as far from casting an odium on a Minister without 
just cause as he would be from accusing the meanest servant. 
But to come to such a motion before the House had read any 
of those papers to know if anything was wilfully kept back was 
not a right thing. So Mr. Pulteney declaring he acquiesced, we 
were freed from the trouble of a division. 

Mr. Glanville moved for a Bill to try civil actions finally at the 
Assizes, urging the inconveniences of prolonging suits by bringing 
them up to Westminster, and the opportunities given to rascally 
attorneys to eat up the substance of poor men. He showed the 
kingdom of Ireland had been so wise as to pass such a law as far 
as actions under ten pounds, and had found it so useful that they 
extended it by subsequent law to 201. 

Mr. Thomas Windham seconded him in a studied and long 
speech, wherein he inveighed against the practices of the law, 
and said many things foreign to the Bill. He mentioned the 
abuses committed by attorneys, and their too great credit with 
the judges, and gave an instance of one who demanded to be paid 
a bill immediately, without giving the client time to examine it, 
and advise whether it should be taxed, being exorbitant, that 
the attorney said it was his due, and it should not be taxed, for he 
had acquainted the man with his demand by a letter he writ him. 

ÜBST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 55 

1729-30. 

The client applied to a Lord Chief Justice what he ought to do 
who replied that since the attorney had writ to him for the money, 
the letter gave him a title to it, and he must pay it. Others spoke 
for the motion, none against it, and so leave was given to bring 
in a Bill accordingly. 

Friday, 20 February.—I went to see Mr. Tayler and Parson Gore 
who were at home ; then to the Prince's levée. Afterwards to 
the House, where I found Sir Robert Walpole and Horace in great 
joy at the news which arrived this morning from France : that 
the French King, upon a late representation from our Court, had 
ordered a ship to go to Dunkirk and acquaint the inhabitants 
that all the reparations made there contrary to the Treaty of 
Utrecht for demolishing that port, and contrary to the Triple 
Alliance, must be demolished, and our Court is desired to send 
proper persons to see that the same be effectually done. The 
House went on no business of importance, because the King went 
to Parliament to pass the Land Tax Bill ; in the meantime I went 
to the .Queen's Court, who spoke again favourably to me of 
Dr. Couraye. 

In the evening I had my concert, which will be continued every 
other week, as last winter. Those who came to hear it were 
Sir John Evelyn, Mr. Man, Lord Lusam, Mr. Vultur Cornwall, 
Colonel Blathwayt, Lady Lusam, Lady Mary Finch, Mrs. Nicholas, 
brother Percival's family, Mrs. Forster, Lady Delorain, Lady Singly 
and her daughter, Dr. Couraye, cousin Fortrey, etc. 

Saturday, 21.—To-day Mr. Cornwall called on me early in the 
morning, and we went to the King's Bench in Southwark for the 
first time, to meet the rest of our Committee, and visit this gaol. 
We began by seeing the apartments of the Master, and common 
side, and then examined Mullin, the keeper, as to the property 
of the gaol. We were twenty-one in all that met, viz. : 

Mr. Oglethorp (Chairman), Lord Tyrconnell, Lord Limerick, 
Lord Percival, Sir Robert Clifton, Mr. Huxley, Sir Francis 
Drake, Sir Thomas Aston, Mr. Page, Mr. Henry Peirse, 
Mr. Samuel Ongley, Sir Abraham Elton, Mr. Masters, 
Captain Eyles, Captain Vernon, Major Selwyn, Mr. Thomas 
Lewis, Mr. Moore, Mr. Glanville, Mr. Hucks, junior, 
Mr. Vultur Cornwall. 

Eleven of us dined at Pontach's. In the evening I returned 
straight home. 

Sunday, 22.—I went this morning to the Sacrament at the 
King's Chapel, and carried the Sword. The Prince discoursed me 
much about the Committee of Gaols, my Harwich affairs, my brother 
Parker, and brother Dering. Dr. Couraye, brother and sister 
Dering, and cousin Fortrey dined with me. In the evening went 
to chapel. 

Monday, 23 February.—I went at nine o'clock to the King's 
Bench prison, where met Mr. Oglethorp, Sir Thomas Aston, 
Sir Francis Drake, Sir Abraham Elton, Mr. Hucks, Mr. Lewis, 
Mr. Glanville, Mr. Brooksbank, Major Selwyn, and Mr. Pierse ; 
we proceeded in our enquiry. Afterwards I went to the House to 
attend Dr. Warren, my parish minister of Charlton's, Bill for 
settling a maintenance for him in his church of Stratford, Bow, 
which was ordered to be engrossed. Dined and passed the evening 
at home. 

 56 DIARY OÍ1 THE 

Feb. 23-24 

In the House, Mr. Scroop, Secretary to the Treasury, came up 
to me and showed me his Majesty's sign manual to the Attorney 
General to grant a noli prosequi in favour of Edward Russet, who 
has lain three years a prisoner for running goods. He told me 
Sir Robert Walpole had obtained it of the King yesterday morning, 
and that Sir Robert expressed himself surprised that the man 
was not let out two years ago ; that he (Mr. Scroop) had answered 
that he wondered at it too, but the Commissioners of the Customs 
had made many difficulties, and sometimes there was an 
unaccountable fatality. I smiled, but thanked Mr. Scroop for his 
trouble, and added I wished he would tell me what was next to be 
done. He replied he would take care of the thing and make it 
as easy as he could, because the man was poor. Yes, said I, so 
poor that he begs at the prison gate ; but I am not surprised 
the Commissioners should make difficulties, for there are some there 
are my brother Parker's enemies and mine ; the others among them 
•are our friends, and men of honour. He then asked me how our 
Harwich affairs went ; I told him the King had been so gracious 
as to enquire the character of Philipson, and order him to be turned 
out ; that the man had used us very ill, in starving our friends there, 
and putting me to nine hundred pounds expense for my election, 
when it need not cost me nine shillings. He said Sir Robert had 
told him that he had spoke to Harrison the King's pleasure. I 
asked him what Harrison answered to it ; he said that Harrison 
replied it was a hard thing to turn a man out. But, said Scroop, 
if your Lordship meets with any difficulty in Harwich, let me know 
it. I thanked him, and told him Sir Robert had informed me 
that one Sansom was to succeed Philipson ; that he had also 
offered me to name any other person I might like better ; that my 
answer was I would not put a man upon the Government in a post 
of that importance, but only hoped himself would name one that 
would be a friend ; that his answer was it should be so. Thus I 
found the majority of ten by which the Pension Bill was carried 
against the Court, and my brother Parker voting for it, together 
with a just suspicion that in the affair of Dunkirk we both wish 
Mr. Earl should vote for addressing the King in strong terms to 
remonstrate for redressing the breach of the Treaty of Utrecht in 
suffering the works there to be repaired, has cast the Ministry into 
so great apprehensions of their friends deserting them, that they 
think it necessary to use us in a more decent manner than before. 

At night Mr. Horace Walpole came to see me. We talked nothing 
about Harwich, but a good deal about Dunkirk. He said when 
he heard, November, 1728, what works were carrying on there, 
he represented it to Cardinal Fleury without making a noise of it, 
and that the Cardinal very sincerely procured the King's orders 
for enquiring into it, and assured him that everything done there 
should be amended, even to a scrupulous and the nicest regard 
to the Utrecht Treaty, which should be punctually observed, and 
that the King's orders were accordingly given in the most particular 
manner ; that all officers were enjoined to assist in ruining what 
repairs had been made by the town, which were all without the 
Government's knowledge. That the Dutch Ambassador thought 
what had been done so trifling, he refused to apply in concert with 
Mr. Walpole. That the dam at the head of the canal of Furnes 
was indeed broke the very year after the treaty to let water into 

ÏIEST VISCOUNÏ PEßCIVAL. 

57 

1729-30. 

Dunkirk for the health and conveniences of the inhabitants, and 
overlooked by us as a reasonable thing, though strictly not allow 
able by the treaty of demolition, but that while the great Batterdean 
remained entire that separated the harbour from the canal, the 
canal nor harbour were of use. That some years after, a violent 
storm had forced a break into the Batterdean, by which a small 
current passed out of the harbour into the canal ; but this was of 
so little service to the inhabitants, with respect to their shipping, 
it only served to give way to fishing craft to come up, and the 
inhabitants neglected for seven years to restore any of the works, 
as despairing to make any further advantage of that current. 
That then they bethought themselves of their own head, but without 
direction from the Court of France, to repair the jetties in order to 
render the canal more commodious for larger ships, which occasioned 
Mr. Walpole's laying it before the Cardinal, and produced thé 
King's directions abovementioned. That this being in November, 
and winter coming on, nothing could be done, and when last summer 
came on, himself and the Court of France, hearing no more of the 
matter, did believe the repairs were demolished, till the evidence 
given in the other day at the bar of the House. That not one ship 
captain had complained to our Government about it, and that 
Armstrong and Lassells were of opinion that as long as the jetties 
were not restored, and no fortifications rebuilt, we could have no 
prejudice from a quay that is said to be built there, and beacons 
set up to guide their ships in. That by their information the canal 
is at low water but eight foot deep, and at spring tides but thirteen. 
We then talked of the disposition of the Parliament, which he 
said tended to throw all into confusion, and he believed would 
succeed. I answered, the leaders who oppose the Government 
have, I believed, such intentions, but not the multitude, as he 
might see by that party's not venturing to put several of their 
motions to the question, knowing they should be deserted in points 
that were wrong. 

Tuesday, 24 February.—To-day I visited Mr. Francis Clerk, and 
then went to the House, where our Committee of Gaols met, and 
as far as we yet find, Mullyn, the gaoler of the King's Bench, has 
acted well ; that being over, we went down into the House, where 
Sir Robert Walpole gave in some more papers relating to Dunkirk, 
which occasioned some speeches between him and Horace Walpole 
on one side, and Mr. Daniel Pulteney on the other. The latter 
observed that Mr. Walpole had not given into the Court of France 
any representation against the repairs lately carried on at Dunkirk, 
and Mr. Walpole said that when nations are in strict amity with 
each other, the mildest methods are taken to reconcile differences ; 
that when he knew of the repairs making he had a conference with 
t-ardinal Fleury upon it, who gave directions to enquire the truth 
of the complaint. That this is a necessary proceeding, and that 
representations are not made with friends ¡till those grievances 
are not redressed upon the application made. That when an 
answer is made to a verbal complaint, and such answer is in 
writing, it is called an answer to a memorial or representation, 
which may lead gentlemen to think a memorial was given in, 
whereas it is an answer to a verbal conference only. 

After this, the Bill against lending money to foreign Princes 
except by leave of the King, was read, at Sir Robert Walpole's 

 58 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 24 

motion, for the first time, which being over, he moved for com 
mitting it. 

Mr. Daniel Pulteney got up and opposed it, as a discouragement 
to trade ; an inquisition by obliging men to purge themselves upon 
oath that they have lent no money to foreign Princes ; a needless 
thing, because if there be a war, it is high treason of course to 
abet our enemies ; an imprudent thing, because if we don't lend 
the Dutch will, as they did to the Spaniard, though in the infancy 
of the Republic, when fighting for their liberty and religion. 
Sir Robert Walpole replied that there was nothing that discouraged 
trade, for an application of any merchant to the Government, and 
satisfying it that he was not sustaining a nation at enmity with 
us, he would have leave to send his money and effects abroad, 
as before the Act. That it was no inquisition to make men purge 
themselves by oath ; it was done in the time of the Ostend Company, 
it was done by the South Sea directors, and it was done in the 
time of the plague. That it is not imprudent to pass this Bill, 
for suppose the Dutch should lend the Emperor against whom 
this Bill is calculated, that is no reason we should do so too. The 
Emperor is now so poor, he cannot go into a war without borrowing 
money of us or Holland, and if both States should lend him, he 
would be the more able to contend with us. That he had the King's 
leave to acquaint the House that the Emperor is now actually 
procuring by temptation of giving a high interest a subscription 
in England to advance him four hundred thousand pounds ; that 
when an immediate mischief is in view it is prudence to obviate 
it at any rate. That this Bill will destroy that subscription, and 
in all probability prevent a war. That numbers of subjects may be 
preserved from ruin in passing this Bill, for they may unwarily be 
engaged in the subscription before mentioned, now that there is 
no formal war between the Emperor and us, and engage themselves 
to make him quarterly payments, when of a sudden a war may 
be declared, and then they will be guilty of high treason if they 
perform their engagements, or by not performing them, lose the 
payments they already have made. 

Mr. Wortly Mountague replied that he was sorry to hear the 
King's name made use of to influence our debates, and appealed 
to the House if it was orderly ; he said the way used to 
be by a message from the King, when he would communicate 
anything to his Parliament ; that according to the Bill it 
was put into the King's power to restrain all the trade of the 
kingdom, for no particular Prince is mentioned to whom 
money or goods may not be lent, but it is left general, so 
that the King may name all the States in Europe ; he observed 
besides that the Bill is made without limitation of time. Mr. 
Goddard, a merchant, said he was for the Bill, because he 
knew of forty thousand pounds already subscribed by some 
Jews for the Emperor's service, and that the Bill will discourage 
the carrying it on. 

Mr. Plummer said he was against the Bill, because it was left 
in the King's power by proclamation to hinder money or effects 
going abroad at his pleasure ; that it was too great a trust to put 
in the Crown ; that he was as much as anyone for not assisting the 
Emperor, while at enmity, with money, and therefore he did not 
speak against the bill itself, but the manner of drawing, and he 

flBSÏ VISCOÎTNT PEßCIVAL. 59 

1729-30. 

should like it better if the subject were restrained by an Act of 

Parliament, and the time limited. 

Sir Robert Walpole replied, these were arguments proper to be 
urged when the Bill is committed, and then the House might alter 
it as they thought good ; that whether the subject be restrained 
by the King's proclamation, or by an Act of Parliament was equal 
to him, provided the Emperor be not assisted, which is all he aimed 
at. 

Secretary Pelham spoke to the same purpose. Mr. Barnard 
said the liberty of the subject would always be dearer to him 
than the obviating any particular mischief, and therefore he had 
rather the Emperor borrowed money of us though in actual war, 
when it would be high treason in such as were discovered to lend, 
than endanger our liberties by trusting the Crown with so great a 
power. That this power is vastly great if the Crown may by 
proclamation hinder the subjects from not lending money or effects 
to any Prince whatever, and that for an unlimited time ; that if 
we must be restrained, we ought to declare the particular Prince 
whom we are to be restrained from helping, and name the Emperor 
in the Bill. Sir Robert Walpole repeated again that this was proper 
to be considered in the Committee, but that it would be very 
improper to name the Emperor while as yet he has not commenced 
war ; it were in a manner to declare war upon him, when our desire 
is that he should incline to peace. 

The Attorney General said it was improper to enter upon the 
different modifications of the Bill, which would be the work of 
the Committee. He should, therefore, confine himself to reason 
upon the necessity of this Bill in general. He said, whatever power 
is given the King by this Bill arises in this House ; that by the 
common law the King can restrain his subjects from going into 
the service of another Prince, though in amity, and he exercises 
that power at pleasure with respect to seamen or land soldiers, 
who are bound to return home at his call ; by parity of reason he 
should hinder the subjects serving other Princes with their money 
as much as in their persons. That trading with other States can 
not be interrupted by this Bill, because there is a particular clause 
to allow thereof ; that this Bill is no more an inquisition than the 
Bill that passed to restrain the subject from being concerned in the 
Ostend Company, or the power given the East India Company, 
or the Bill for discovering the South Sea directors' effects, in all 
which the persons concerned were obliged to declare upon oath 
whether they were concerned or not in the respective trades, and 
whether those directors gave a just account of their forfeited 
estates. 

Sir William Wyndham made a sorry speech, and concluded 
that he hoped never to see such a Bill pass as that against the 
bouth Sea directors, and that he was of opinion the whole frame of 
this Bill should be altered. Mr. Danvers said the Dutch were 
embarked in interest with the Ostend Company at the time we 
excluded our subjects a share there, which he did not at that time 
approve. The Dutch knew it would enrich them, and enable them 
to carry on war if necessary, and we ought to have known it too ; 
that if the Dutch should lend the Emperor money now, they would 
be paid a good interest for it, and the Emperor be enabled to 
prosecute his designs without our help, and that being the case 

 60 

DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 24-25 

he was for taking the same course, and going snacks in the advantage 
of lending our money at a smart interest, though to an enemy. 
Mr. Fortescue was the last who spoke, he only animadverted 
on Mr. Danvers's speech, and then the question was put for com 
mitting the Bill, which passed without a division. 

Mr. Taylor dined with me, and I passed the evening at home. 

Wednesday, 25 February.—To-day my brother Dering called on 
me, and soon after my brother Parker. They were of opinion 
that as the Court had lately showed me particular civilities, I 
should do right to answer their expectations in the House as far 
my judgment and conscience would suffer me, but that my brother 
Parker, not being in the way of meeting the same civilities, was 
not obliged to attend the House with equal assiduity. Sir Philip, 
however, went this day to the House, where the King's Speech was 
taken into consideration with respect to the paragraph contained 
•therein relating to the Sinking Fund, and the ease his Majesty 
graciously hinted at in favour of the manufactures of the kingdom. 
This being the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a 
Committee, to which Sir Charles Turner was chairman. 

Sir Robert Walpole opened the debate, by prefacing that his 
Majesty having recommended from the throne that some ease might 
be given to our manufactures out of the Sinking Fund, himself 
had some days ago acquainted the House with his thoughts there 
upon ; that he had mentioned the taking off the duty upon candles 
to be what in his opinion would prove of most advantage to the 
people. That he then spoke it as his own private thoughts and 
should now propose it again as such, but as his whole desire was 
to do what should appear most prudent to the House, he hoped 
we should debate the thing impartially, assuming as there would 
be .no influence from his side in the prosecution of this matter, for 
he was ready to acquiesce in any proposition should be made in 
favour of the people, consistent with a just regard to the Sinking 
Fund. That the tax upon candles by a medium of seven years 
brought in 130,OOOZ., the tax on soap 150,0002., and that on salt 
185,OOOZ. ; that the Sinking Fund is now 1,130,OOOZ. a year. 
He believed if it was reduced to one million, the fund would remain 
sufficient to carry on the desirable end of paying in a reasonable 
time the heavy debt the nation lies under ; he therefore was for 
easing the duty on candles, which came pretty near a sum that 
would still leave the Sinking Fund a million ; but if the soap or 
salt should be thought of, the fund would be too much reduced. 
However, he would make no motion, but leave it to the House 
to consider. After a considerable pause, Mr. Plummer (not he in 
employment) rose, and said he should be against preferring the 
easing the people of the candle duty to that of the salt, because 
the salt is more oppressive ; that the duty on candles is but a penny 
a pound, and there has been these two years past so great a scarcity 
of fat cattle that tallow has been very dear, so that the taking off 
the duty on candles, which is but a penny a pound, will not ease 
the people to any purpose, whereas if the salt duty be removed, the 
whole nation will find an immediate benefit thereby ; that 
the duty on salt is three shillings and sixpence per bushel, and the 
price of a bushel five or six shillings. That a man who spends 
forty shillings a year in candles, though the duty be taken off, 
will still spend thirty-five shillings, whereas he who spends twenty 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEEOIVAL. 

61 

1729-30. 

shillings a year in salt, if the duty be removed, will spend but 
five ; that everybody does not spend much in candles, but all men 
do in salt, and that the manufacturer will therefore find more ease 
by taking' off the salt duty than that upon candles. That a man 
who sows two acres of ground consumes five bushels of salt, and 
we ought to regard the farmers' ease. That if due enquiry were 
made, it would be found that London alone pays half the duty 
upon candles, so that by taking off this last, the country will not 
have a sufficient benefit thereby. 

Mr. Barnard said that we had two things proposed to our con 
sideration, the care of the Sinking Fund, and the ease of our manu 
facturers. That he saw so little concern for the former at times 
when the current service of the year required the raising of money, 
that he despaired of the debts of the nation being ever paid, and 
therefore he was in no more concern about it, but would singly 
consider the ease of the manufacturer, which he thought would 
be best provided for by taking off the duty upon soap, as the 
heaviest on the poor, whereas the rich will have the greatest 
advantage by reduction of the candle tax, or if neither pleased, he 
would be for easing the salt duty, believing a poor family spends 
more in salt than a rich one, but if the Committee came into none 
of these, he should be for taking off the bounty upon exported corn 
which would both increase the Sinking Fund and render bread 
cheaper by the corn that would remain in the kingdom. This he was 
sure would prove of universal advantage. 

Sir John Cotton declared himself for taking off the salt duty, 
because it would encourage our fishery, nor is it an objection that 
by so doing the bounty or drawback will be lost, for as things 
stand now, after the bounty paid on salt, the fishermen throw 
their commodity into the sea. Besides, there is no tax which pays 
so much for the management. 

Mr. Clayton stated the surplus of the Sinking Fund showed 
our national debt is near fifty millions ; that the taxes appropriated 
to the payment of it amount to three millions and odd money. 
That he was against the touching the Sinking Fund at all, the 
consequence being dreadful, for in that case we shall never be 
out of debt, and so never in a condition to defend ourselves in case 
of .a new war ; whereas if we keep the Sinking Fund sacred, hi 
twenty years we shall be out of debt, and the most flourishing 
state in Europe. That whatever we think of the low state of our 
trade, the national debt is our greatest grievance. Besides, these 
funds are the property of the South Sea and India Companies, 
which if we break into, farewell all credit, and none will advance 
money to the Government upon any emergency. 

Lord Tyrconnell said we might touch part of the Sinking Fund 
and yet leave enough of it to pay the national debt, and secure 
the Companies ; that by so doing, indeed, the debt would be some 
years longer in paying, but it is reasonable our posterity should 
bear a part of this load, especially since the debt was incurred 
to secure our liberty and religion to them. That he hoped never 
to see all our debt discharged, because it would ruin multitudes 
of people, who subsist by the interest they draw from the funds ; 
besides, that such people, who are a great body, must be dependent 
on and friends to the Government, which he desired might have 
a lasting establishment. 

 62 DIAEY OP THE 

Feb. 25 

Sir John Cotton said again that he must still be for taking off 
the duty on salt, that he was sensible if it were done, the drawback 
must cease, but the fishermen would receive so great advantage 
by it that he was sure they would be satisfied to forego the draw 
back, though it amounts to twenty thousand pounds a year. 
Mr. Lawson said that if we come to any resolution, it can only 
be what duty affects most the poor. He was confident the 
Companies would agree to the opinion of the House ; what we shall 
take off from the Sinking Fund will only prolong the discharging 
the national debt ; that candles is a luxury, the use of salt of 
absolute necessity to all men ; this duty while it lasts affects the 
navigation, for he could make it out that every seaman stands us in 
4 shillings elevenpence for salt alone per annum, which according 
to the number maintained this year comes to 14,900 bushels. 
That three-quarters of a pound of candles serves one poor 
family a whole week, and such family uses candles but seven 
months in the year, whereas it uses salt every day of the 
year, which comes to a great deal more money. That several 
manufacturéis do not use candles to speak of at all. That, indeed, 
all men who are worth one hundred pounds a year spend less in 
salt than candles, but all who have under that sum, and especially 
the poor, whom we ought principally to regard, spend more in salt 
than candles. That to ease us of the candle duty is a thing in which 
the rich will participate, but it will please the people to see how 
generous we are in preferring the poor's advantage to our own. 

Mr. Waller said he observed no progress was made in paying 
the national debt out of the Sinking Fund, and therefore is for 
easing the people out of it ; that taking off the duty on salt would 
be of greatest ease ; that although by so doing one hundred and 
eighty-five thousand pounds were taken from the Sinking Fund, 
there would still remain one million and one hundred and seventy 
thousand pounds, according to his computation, to pay off the 
national debt. 

Sergeant Sheperd said he was for easing the duty on soap, 
because the woollen manufacture would be most benefited by 
it, and that unless that manufacture be helped by removing 
the loads on it, it is not possible it should subsist, but France 
must undo us in it, and whereas it may be said there is a drawback 
of one half of the duty, that is no sufficient answer, for it will not 
hinder the French underselling us. 

Sir William Young said he should prefer the ease of the manu 
facturers to any other set of subjects, and he was convinced the 
taking off the duty on candles would be a greater ease to them 
than that of soap or salt. That gentlemen were mistaken in their 
computations of comparing a bushel of salt to a pound of candles, 
for they should rather compare a pound of salt to a pound of candles. 
He believed every poor family uses a pound of candles, where he 
uses not a pound of salt. He observed in the country that the 
duty most complained of was that on candles, that the amount of 
either duty had a great influence on his judgment, for he was lessen 
ing as little as he could the Companies' security, and the means of 
paying off the national debt. 

Sir Joseph Jekyll said he was for preferring salt to candles. 
That the farmers and labourers depending on them were more 
in number than the manufacturers, that the charge of 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

63 

1729—30 

management of the salt duty being much greater than that 
of candles, was an argument of great weight with him ; he 
was for laying aside the former, which comes to twenty-five 
thousand pounds per annum, whereas that of candles is but ten 
thousand pounds. That to ease the candles would not lessen the 
price, as was observed in leather, the duty of which being taken 
off, the high price remained, so that when the necessities of the 
Government obliged the Parliament to restore the former duty, 
leather became prodigious dear ; that this will be the fate of the 
candles. That the victualling English vessels, by taking off the 
high price of salt (occasioned by the duty on it) would be of great 
benefit to this nation, in that the ships which now go to Ireland 
to victual there for cheapness would victual in England. 

Sir William Young rose again, but he was very uneasily heard 
by the House, by which might be guessed that the easing of candles 
was no favourite notion of the House. He asserted the manu 
facturers to be equal in number to the farmers, but if not, the poorer 
sort, though inferior in number, ought to be helped before those who 
are richer ; that victualling in England and not in Ireland would 
be of no service to the poor, nor to the manufacturers, for it would 
raise the price of meat in England and consequently of work. 

Sir Robert Walpole said he had given his opinion for candles, 
as finding the duty on them tallied with the sum the Sinking Fund 
could afford to spare. He thought the general desire of people 
without doors had been to ease the candles ; that if salt had taken 
less from the Sinking Fund than the other, he had been for reducing 
the duty on salt ; he must think that the farmer is not so great 
an object of compassion as the manufacturer, and that candles 
rendered cheaper by reducing the duty would prove of more general 
good, and that to a poorer sort of people, than lessening the value 
of salt. That as both duties are at present the property of two 
great Companies, the Committee could come to no resolution this 
night : on like occasions the method has always been to wait the 
sense of the Companies interested in the debates, of which 
Companies were several gentlemen members of the House, who 
recollecting the sense of the Committee would confer together, 
and afterwards acquaint us what they were willing to consent to. 
That the management of the revenue on candles came but to 
8Z. 5a. per cent, on the gross produce, and the management of the 
whole revenues of the kingdom but 81. 9s. Qd. per cent. That the 
management of the salt was no charge at all, being under 
the Commissioners of Excise. That there is a bounty of twenty 
thousand pounds upon salt, which is a great encouragement, but 
must drop if the duty on salt be taken away. 

Sir Joseph Jekyl said the estimating the charge of management 
of duties ought to be computed according to the neat, and not the 
gross produce ; that the drawback on salt is a reason for taking 
off that duty. 

Mr. Oglethorp said he was for easing the salt preferable to the 
candles, because it would take most from the Sinking Fund, which 
he thought was grown so great that it might prove prejudicial 
to the kingdom's safety, and absolutely undo it, if it fell into the 
hands of a bad Ministry ; that the nation is much abused in that 
matter of the bounty, and that by reducing the duty on salt, 
provision will come cheaper to the manufacturer. 

 64 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 25-26 

Mr. Earl was likewise for easing the salt, and said the taking 
off the duty of candles was easing the rich more than the poor, 
and London, which wanted it not, would reap the principal advantage 
from it. That it stands a poor farmer in the country in a crown 
to salt a hog, and that a family of such poor spend more in one 
year in salt than they do their whole lives in candles. 

Mr. Heathcote was likewise for salt ; the poor people would eat 
better and work more, whereby manufactures would increase. 
Mr. Danvers spoke next, and said he was glad to see so full a 
Committee, all inclined to enjoy the Sinking Fund, which formerly 
was exhibited as a beautiful object to be admired but not touched ; 
that we had started too many hares, but some question must be 
come to, and something should be resolved on. His opinion was 
to take away the duties both of soap and candles, and nine in the 
nation to one would be for it, if they were polled ; that candles 
spent in London is not all luxury, for there are vast numbers of 
manufacturers and poor labourers in this great metropolis. He 
should ever be for taking all the duties off, the salt as well as the 
others ; that altogether would reduce the Sinking Fund but four 
hundred and sixty-five thousand pounds and there would still 
remain seven hundred and twenty thousand pounds ; that this 
reduction of the fund would indeed prolong the payment of the 
national debt, but such prolongation will be advantageous to 
the nation, for should the creditors of the nation, who subsist on the 
interest they receive from the public, be suddenly paid off, it would 
prove the destruction of many thousand families, to the great 
diminution of our wealth, of our consumption, and of rents of houses ; 
the whole nation would feel it in some shape or other, and the 
City of London in a particular manner. 

Lord Malpas was for preferring salt, and so was Mr. Cholmley 
and Mr. Sands. The latter said he was once very thoughtful 
in favour of the Sinking Fund, but now by the management 
of it he despaired any good would come from it, and therefore 
declined having any further concern for it; that his whole 
thoughts now turned upon easing the subjects the speediest way. 
He moved last year for taking off the duty on candles and soap, 
but had since changed his opinion, and is for discharging that duty 
which will take most from the Sinking Fund. He does not 
believe it will destroy public credit, since enough will remain to 
secure the property of the creditors of the public. 
- Mr. Lawson, recapitulating some things he had said before, 
was for coming to no question. Sir Robert Walpole repeated that 
we could come to no question : it was not Parliamentary to do so. 
In the meantime the members of the two Companies who are 
present and know the sense of the Committee will consider what will 
be best in their judgment for the House to do, an undoubted 
equivalent being secured them for the duty that shall be taken 
off. 

Mr. Will Pulteney acknowledged it was right to break up on 
this occasion without coming to a resolution, the Companies' 
properties being concerned in the debate. He saw the majority 
were for easing the salt ; he should be for easing the people out 
of the Sinking Fund, but not for deducting from it, by applying 
any part thereof to the current service of the year, and therefore 
he hoped we should hear no more of applying the lottery 1710 to 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 65 

1729-30. 

make part of the money to be raised for this year's service. He 
hoped, too, that the Sinking Fund that should remain, after the 
duties resolved on for ease of the people are taken from it, will be 
ascertained, and then absolutely tied down and secured by Act of 
Parliament never to be applied to any annual services, but made 
sacred for discharging the national debt. 

Sir Robert Walpole replied that the motion was irregular, and 
not before the Committee at present ; but he would make it appear 
the lottery 1710 was never a part of the Sinking Fund. 

Mr. Plummer said that if it was acknowledged to be the sense 
of the House that salt had carried it, as he thought the majority 
were for, he would not insist on any question. No reply being 
made, the Speaker re-assumed the chair, and Sir Charles Turner 
reported the Committee had made some progress, and then we broke 
up about five o'clock. 

After dinner, my brother Dering came in and told me he had 
been in the morning at Court, and that the Prince told him he had 
thought of a thing for his service, which he believed would do. 

Thursday, 26 February. — This day the trial at bar of the election 
of Beaumorris was to come on, but a petition being given in. by 
Mr. Barnard for laying open the trade to the East Indies, the 
importance of it occasioned a debate that lasted till seven at night, 
whether to let the petition lie on the table or reject it. The petition 
set forth that whereas by several Acts of Parliament the present 
East India Company are possessed of a fund of one hundred and 
sixty thousand pounds a year, in consideration of three millions 
two hundred thousand pounds advanced by them at several times 
to the Government, and whereas 'tis conceived that their trade 
as well as the fund do expire and determine upon repayment of 
the said three million two hundred thousand pounds any time 
after the 25th of March, 1733, provided the Company have three 
years' notice, the petitioners proposed : first, that the sum 
of ^ three million two hundred thousand pounds be borrowed of 
private persons, payable at five payments, and the whole to be 
completed by the 25th of March, 1733. Second, that the three 
million two hundred thousand pounds so advanced shall go to 
pay off the Government's debt to the Company in order to redeem the 
fund and trade. Third, that the persons advancing the above 
sum shall be incorporated and vested with the whole right and 
liberty of trading to all the ports of the East Indies and elsewhere, 
in the same extensive degree as is granted to the present East India 
Company. Yet not so as that the Company to be erected shall 
in any wise carry on the trade with their joint stock or in their 
corporate capacity, but that the trade shall be free and open to 
all the King's subjects, upon license from the Company, and 
provided the trade be exercised to and from the port of London 
only, which license shall be obliged to grant upon the payment 
of one per cent, on the value of the exports for the benefit of the 
U>rporation. Fourth, that to enable the Company to pay an 
annuity to the persons advancing the said three million two hundred 
tnpusand pounds, and to defray the necessary expenses for main 
taining forts and settlements, and for the preservation and enlarge 
ment of the trade, a duty not exceeding five per cent, be laid on 
°°T ^P01^ from India, and payable on the gross value. 
that for the above sum of three million two hundred 

24408. 

K 5 

 66 DIAEY OP THE 

Feb. 26 

thousand pounds there be allowed and paid by the Government 
an interest of four per cent, per annum from the time of the several 
payments respectively till the 25th of March, 1735, in regard the 
Company will not be able to receive all the proposed advantages 
before that time, and that from "and after the 25th of March, 1735, 
the interest from the Government be only two per cent, during the 
continuance of the right and liberty of trade as aforesaid, which 
will be ninety-six thousand pounds per annum less than is now 
paid by the Government to the present East India Company. 
Sixth, the Company shall out of the money accruing to them from 
the Government, and from the aforesaid duties on trade pay an 
annuity of four per cent., by equal half-yearly payments, to the 
persons advancing the said three millions two hundred thousand 
pounds, and the money remaining after the payment of the said 
annuity shall be subject to the disposition of the proprietors. 

Mr. Barnard, at delivering the petition, set forth several 
advantages that would accrue from this proposal, namely, that 
ninety-six thousand pounds per annum being saved to the Govern 
ment might be applied to the Sinking Fund, which would much 
forward the discharge of the national debt ; that exclusive trades 
are monopolies and therefore a hardship on the subject ; that 
all trades thrive best which lie open, and are not under manage 
ment of a few directors, who enrich themselves without regard 
to the general good of their nation. That numbers of rich 
merchants are now excluded from the East India trade who would, 
if suffered so to do, carry it on cheaper than at present, to the 
greater export of our manufacture, the greater employment of our 
seamen, the lowering the price of India goods consumed at home, 
and furnishing the markets abroad cheaper and in greater 
quantities than at present. That it would advance the duties of 
Customs and Excise, and thereby lessen our national debt, reduce 
our most burthensome taxes, and encourage our manufactures. 
That it will employ more of our ships in freight, if it were only 
from one part of the Indies to another, which is all clear gain and 
profit to our nation, and that it will prevent private persons 
acquainted with the India trade from being under a necessity 
for want of employment here to seek it in other nations of Europe, 
and bring home others now employed in the service of other nations. 
He moved therefore to refer the petition to a Committee, or that 
it might lie on the table to be considered. 

Then Dr. Sayer got up, and said he must oppose the petition on 
several accounts ; that this scheme had been sent to Holland to 
prevail on such as are proprietors in the India Company and reside 
there to send over directions to sell their stock and thereby dis 
credit the Company ; that new projects are uncertain in their 
event and dangerous ; that the Company merit greatly from the 
public, in advancing at several times great sums of money for the 
necessities of the Government ; that the East India trade cannot 
be carried on but by an exclusive trade, and under the direction of 
a Company ; that it would be a breach of public faith, even 
Parliamentary faith, to lay their Company open after relying 
thereupon they had been at great expenses to raise town's settle 
ments and forts and surmounted almost insuperable difficulties, 
which being now overcome, and the trade on the best foot 
imaginable, it would be monstrous to dissolve them and let others 

FEBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

67 

1729-30. 

enjoy the benefit of their labours and disbursements. But one 
argument against the petition is invincible, namely, that the 
Company have granted to them by the 10 of Queen Anne a per 
petuity of trade, to prove which he desired it might be read. He 
allowed they had not a perpetuity of the funds settled on them 
for payment of the interest of monies borrowed of them, but 
affirmed their liberty of an exclusive trade was given them by 
that Act to possess for ever. Upon this the said Act with others 
preceding, which he called for, were read, and he made his observa 
tions thereon to prove his assertion. Then he concluded that if 
Parliamentary faith shall be broke into, the consequence was 
dreadful, it would shake the very being of Parliaments, at least 
whenever the Government should have occasion for money to 
maintain a just war, or to defend themselves, no man nor company 
of men would advance it. He therefore moved for rejecting the 
petition. 

Mr. Glanville seconded him, saying the India Company have 
as undoubted a right to a perpetual trade as we ourselves have to 
our private estates. That there is a mystery in this petition ; 
one design is to sacrifice the India trade to the Dutch East India 
Company, another design in offering it, and recommending it to be 
received, is to give the brokers of Exchange Alley an opportunity 
to reap their harvest. That were the Company's trade capable 
of being taken away it could not be done before the year 1736 ; 
that the petition asserting a falsehood in setting down the time 
three years sooner was alone a reason for rejecting it ; on the whole 
he could give it no other name than a pickpocket petition. 

Mr. Bernard then got up in a heat, and said he despised the word 
pickpocket ; that the gentlemen who signed the petition were 
men of honour and substance ; he knew them all, and not one was 
a dealer in Exchange Alley, not a broker had put his hand to it, 
nor any gentleman but who was above gaining by the rise or fall 
of stocks. That he was so far from thinking the Dutch East India 
Company would gain by laying ours open, that it was the effectual 
means to ruin them. If the petitioners are mistaken in setting 
down 1733 for 1736, it is no reason for rejecting them. He is 
informed there is a design to bubble up the East India stock to 
two hundred, in order to take in subscriptions, and play the same 
game over again the nation so severely suffered by in 1720. That 
'tis impossible the Company should have a perpetuity of trade 
granted them by the 10 of Queen Anne, for they did not so much 
as ask the Parliament at that time for so unreasonable a grant, 
and surely the Parliament intended not to give them more than 
they asked. They used, indeed, at that time a great deal of 
artifice, and put a trick upon the Parliament, who unwarily inserted 
words which by implication may be wire-drawn to imply a 
perpetuity, but the Act does not expressly allow it the Company 
as it would have done if that were the Parliament's intention, and 
the nation has a right to vindicate the cheat then put upon her. 

Upon this the Speaker reproved him for speaking so disrespectfully 
of Parliaments. 

The Solicitor General said the question was whether the Parlia 
ment should take away the privileges purchased by the Company. 
That by the perusal of the Acts it seemed to him a perpetuity of 
trade was granted them, but he would not declare it positively 

 If 

I 

68 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 26 

as his opinion for many reasons, one whereof is that if the Company 
have made any proposals advantageous to the Government, they 
would fly off in case they should be understood by the House to 
have that perpetuity, for then they would not think it necessary 
to pay anything. As to laying the trade open, it is visibly the 
sense of all nations that an East India trade cannot be carried 
on but by a Company ; the Dutch know it, and had never been 
considerable by a Company, who shall maintain the forts in India, 
but without forts our trade thither would fall to nothing. He 
thought a false assertion in this or any other petition is a ground 
for rejecting. That whatever doubts might arise about a 
perpetual trade granted, the Act did certainly not restrain the 
expiration of the Company's liberty of trading to the time of paying 
off the funds assigned them. Again, the petition ought to be 
rejected, because too early in point of time. He wished the House 
would therefore do it without entering into the merits of the 
assertions contained in it. It was no absurd thing in that 
Parliament to grant more than the Company then asked. That 
whether the Company has a perpetual right or no to trade, it has 
been so understood without doors, and great numbers have 
purchased property in it on that foot. How many orphans and 
widows must it ruin then to destroy the Company. 

Mr. Perry supported the petition, and accused the management 
of the East India Company, among other things mentioning 
their buying gunpowder in Holland instead of England, because of 
the cheapness. 

Sir Charles Wager said that without any other argument, he 
was against the petition because too hasty in point of time. If 
gentlemen did not care to reject it, or refer it to a Committee, 
or to let it lie on the table, there was a fourth way to be eased of 
it. The gentleman who brought it in might withdraw it, and the 
petitioners might offer it again if they pleased three years 
hence. 

Mr. Oglethorp said he was ever for hearing petitions unless 
very great arguments were against them ; that here are great 
arguments in favour of this, the advantageous proposal made the 
Government, the credit of the persons who signed it, the per- 
niciousness of a trade granted in perpetuity, and the advantage 
of separate trade to a nation, which is always carried cheaper on 
than by Companies, in which last it is constantly observed the 
directors monstrously enrich themselves, while the proprietors are 
kept ignorant of their concerns, and their properties narrowed. 
That nobody knows but the Company may be in a very bad 
condition, at least no Company is in worse reputation. He believed 
the Company have not a perpetuity of trade, at least they do not 
think so themselves, else they would not offer eight hundred 
thousand pounds, as he hears they are now doing, to have a 
prolongation of their term. 

Mr. Borret, a merchant, said the Company have carried their 
trade to the greatest extent, and yet never exported more than the 
value of eight hundred thousand pounds. He wondered, therefore, 
how the petitioners could make a proposal that would ruin them, 
but the truth is, many of them have subscribed to this project for 
more than they are worth, and therefore he takes this to be only 
a project to set the brokers in Exchange Alley at work. 

FIEST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

69 

1729-30. 
Mr. Bernard justified the abilities, integrity and fortunes of the 

petitioners. 

Captain Vernon then made a violent speech in favour of the 
petition, but was ill heard, and called down for reflecting on the 
former Parliaments, as Bernard had done before. 

Sir William Wyndham said he was one of the tellers on the 
division for passing that Act of 10 Queen Anne ; that it was a thin 
House, one hundred and thirty-five against eighty-five. That he 
remembered, while the Bill was in the Committee, the clause 
that now occasions a doubt about the perpetuity was not part of it, 
but afterwards was added by the House, yet then nobody under 
stood that the Parliament gave thereby a perpetuity of trade to 
the Company; that trade is best carried on without Companies, 
the Portugal trade to the Indies an instance of it. 

Sir William Young was against new experiments. The India 
trade is now in a flourishing way the project of the petitioners 
may not answer. The trade of Portugal to the Indies is incon 
siderable to ours. We must have large settlements and strong 
forts, as the Dutch have there ; these are the property of the 
Company, who built them at great hazards and expense, and 
would be unjust to give them to a new Company, who does not 
propose to buy them, nor whatever they pretend, would be able 
to keep them up when in their possession, for separate traders are 
a rope of sand, and can raise no fund sufficient for such a purpose. 
That the advantages of this trade as now carried on by the Company 
are so many and great, that we see other nations begin to envy us, 
the Emperor, Denmark, and Sweden are attempting to imitate 
us by erecting Companies, but these are little and feeble, and the 
strength and riches of our Company will break them speedily, 
whereas should the trade be laid open, they may chance to 
succeed. That 'tis at least a doubt whether the Company have 
not a perpetual right to trade, and that while it is only a doubt, 
he should never take the same step to hurt their properties, which 
might be taken in case it were clear they have not such perpetuity. 
He is therefore for rejecting the petition, because it were unjust 
to grant it, at least in himself, who doubted concerning the 
Company's right. That to pay the petition so much compliment 
as even to let it lie on the table, would be a sort of implication 
that the House were of opinion the Company had not that perpetuity, 
but that 'tis in the Parliament's power to dissolve it, which would 
strike a terror in the proprietors and sink the stock to the advantage 
of brokers and their principals who now watch for an advantage 
to buy in cheap. That the moment the Company is dissolved, 
the Dutch will possess the forts there, and it would be impossible 
for separate traders to recover them, or to carry on their trade 
when lost. 

After him Wortley Mountague spoke strongly for receiving 
the petition, as Verney, the Welsh judge, did against it. 

Then Sir Joseph Jekyl spoke for letting it lie on the table. He 
said since the Company had offered money, we ought to make the 
best bargain for the public, and they would bid more if they saw 
some countenance given to the petition. That supposing the 
Company had really a perpetuity, the nation if highly grieved 
thereby have a power to repeal and change it, for it is a sure maxim 
that the safety of the nation is the supreme law, and nothing 

 70 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 26-27 

detrimental to our country can be supposed to be allowed and 
intended by the legislature. That as the Act stands out of which 
this doubtful perpetuity of trade is by implication inferred (for 
there is nothing positively and clearly enacted that countenances 
it), he observed there was no valuable consideration given by the 
Company for the purchase of that pretended right of perpetuity, 
and therefore the grant is void in itself, as in private contracts, 
where if all be done on one side and nothing on the other, the 
contract is void. The same is in purchases, if no valuable con 
sideration be given, the purchase is not good. But he stood not 
on this, for if a perpetual trade be detrimental to the nation, the 
Act that gave it ought to be repealed ; otherwise a State is in a 
bad condition, if bound by Acts to their own undoing. 

Secretary Pelham replied that he was surprised to hear that 
eminent lawyer assert that public faith might be broke into, and 
that titles to estates were void for want of a valuable consideration 
paid to the grantor. He knew several estates held without payment 
of a valuable consideration and would instance the grant of 
Blenheim, made by Parliament to the Duke of Marlborough, wherein 
no consideration was paid by him ; that by this way of arguing, 
the Parliament might reassume that grant. That to say a 
Parliament may do a thing because it can, is not a just way of 
arguing, it is arguing from power, but not from right. The 
Parliament should do nothing that is unjust, and in that sense the 
legislature is itself tied up. That as to the grant made the Company, 
they had paid very valuable considerations, though not recited 
in the form which lawyers so nicely distinguish upon, and which 
indeed, is one of the grievances complained of in the law ; they had 
advanced great sums to the Government in critical exigencies, 
they had been at great charges in building forts, and they had 
carried on a beneficial trade to the nation. 

Counsellor Lutwych said he would give no opinion on the Act of 
Parliament ; he knew nothing of this debate when he came into the 
House, and indeed had not so much as seen and considered the 
Act. He believed there were many gentlemen in the like condition, 
and therefore hoped the House would at least suffer the petition to 
lie on the table, the rather that by the form of Parliament the 
consideration of it could not be renewed this session ; by this 
decent riddance of it, the gentlemen who opposed it would gain 
their point as well as by rejecting it, and it would be showing a 
tender regard of a great body of merchants who are affirmed to be 
men of worth ; that we could not refuse their petition as much 
respect as was paid the petitions against the hawkers and pedlars. 
After he had ended, Mr. Lee, a lawyer, said he would give no opinion 
on the Act, but he thought the Parliament had power to repeal 
and take away any privileges granted the Company, yet he was 
not for receiving the petition, because that would imply the sense 
of the House to be that the Company have not a right to a perpetual 
trade, while the matter is yet doubtful. That it is a received rule 
that the debates of the House upon the sense of an Act of Parliament 
is to be taken for the sense of such Act, and therefore he was for 
rejecting the petition without entering into the merits of it. Then 
Mr. Will. Pulteney got up to support receiving the petition, but it 
being very late, and myself quite tired, and being besides uncertain 
which way to give my vote, I left the House at seven o'clock. I 

VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

71 

1729-30. 

heard afterwards that they did not break up till a little before nine, 

when the petition was rejected by a majority of 231 against 131. 

Friday, 27 February.—The affair of Dunkirk came on this day, 
and we sat from twelve till near three o'clock in the morning. The 
debates were warm on both sides, and no wonder, for it was owned 
by Sir William Wyndham and Mr. Will. Pulteney, towards the 
conclusion, that their aim that night was to enquire and mark 
out those Ministers whose negligence or corruption had reduced 
this nation to a dépendance on France. After reading a multitude 
of extracts and copies of letters, instructions and memorials, 
relating to the Council of Mardyke and the repairs of Dunkirk in 
the course of several years, evidently and expressly contrary to 
the Treaty of Utrecht and the Triple Alliance, it was expected that 
Sir Robert Walpole would have moved that Colonel Armstrong 
should be called in and examined as to the condition and nature 
of the repairs at Dunkirk, in disproof of the evidence which on that 
head had been given at the bar the tenth instant. For the further 
consideration of Dunkirk had been put off to this day on pretence 
that Armstrong's return, who was gone to France, was necessary, 
that he might inform us what works contrary to treaty had been 
carried on at that place. But Sir Robert Walpole declined calling 
for Armstrong, admitting now that the chief part of the former 
evidence given, and which he then would discredit, was true in 
fact, and indeed this so plainly appeared by the papers we went 
through, that the whole House were of the same judgment as to 
that point. 

Then Sir William Wyndham took notice how odd it appeared 
to him that after so long a delay on pretence of the necessity there 
was to hear what Armstrong could say towards the invalidating 
the former evidence, it now should be thought improper to hear 
him. That he had procured fresh evidence to corroborate the 
facts related to us by the former, and would call for them in if it 
were the pleasure of the House, which being yielded to, three 
persons appeared at the bar, who told us a new quay has been 
making on the east side of the harbour, which in July last was half a 
mile long ; that Thursday last was se'nnight there were sixty 
vessels in the harbour of Dunkirk, and thirty or forty men at work 
in repairing the harbour ; that by the French King's orders all 
ships going to Boulogne are obliged to return freighted with stone 
for repairing the ruined works. That the Risebank fort, which 
was demolished, is of extent for receiving forty guns, and is dry 
twenty foot above high water ; that it is one hundred and fifty 
yards long, but not plain enough for admitting cannon yet. That 
the French King allows fifty thousand livres yearly for the repairs, 
and soldiers work at them. That the Admiralty Office is continued 
there from the beginning of the demolition, and since the Duke of 
Boufflers was there last summer the works are carried on more 
than before ; that piles have been drawn out of the batterdean ; 
that in November, 1727, one of the evidence brought in a ship of 
220 ton up to the harbour, which drew fifteen foot water. A model 
was also produced of the work, invented by one Bushell, an 
Englishman at Dunkirk, for cleansing the harbour and canal. 

Then Sir William Wyndham began the debate, and after enlarging 
on the breach of the treaty of Utrecht by the repairs incontestibly 
proved to have been made, a motion to this effect, that it appears 

 72 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 27 

to the Committee that for some time past works have been carried 
on to restore the port and harbour of Dunkirk in violation of the 
Treaty, 1717. 

It was designed that Mr. Sands should second the motion, in 
which case the question must have been put, but to defeat this, 
Sir Robert Walpole had concerted that Dr. Sayer should instantly 
rise to oppose the motion, and offer another, and that as soon as 
he should finish Mr. Henry Bromly should second the Doctor, 
before Sands could rise to second Sir William. 

Sayers expressed his astonishment at Sir William's motion, 
said it appeared calculated to make a breach with France, and 
discredit the Treaty of Seville to gratify the Emperor. That 
though it is evident there has been a violation of the Treaty of 
Utrecht on the part of the inhabitants by the reparations at 
Dunkirk, yet it is not evidence that the Court of France authorised 
those repairs, and since that Court has frequently denied their 
having a hand in it, we could not justify a declaration that the 
treaty is violated : treaties being made between monarchs, and not 
their subjects. That by the law of nations, Princes are not to be 
accounted violators of their treaties, unless they justify such 
violations and take it on themselves, which the Court of France 
is so far from doing, that orders are issued for demolishing the very 
works complained of. That we are all sensible of our King's care 
in constantly representing against the works as often as he had 
notice of their going on. Sir William's motion carried an imputa 
tion on him as wanting to take that care which yet all allow he has 
taken. That he was in hopes Sir William intended to have made 
a motion of a quite contrary nature, namely to thank the King, 
instead of accusing him for want of care of his people, which being 
his own sense, he would take the liberty to move the committee 
to address his Majesty to thank him for his early care to reduce 
Dunkirk into the state the treaties demanded, and for procuring 
a promise from the Court of France that the works carried on at 
Dunkirk, without authority of that Court, which may have been 
contrary to treaties, shall be destroyed, on which promise we 
entirely rely ; and to express our satisfaction in the union between 
both kingdoms. This was the effect of his motion. He had no 
sooner done, than Bromly and Sands got up ; and Mr. Edgcomb, 
the Chairman, pointing to Bromly, the other side were greatly 
disconcerted, for since he was to speak they saw Sir William's 
motion must give place to Dr. Sayers'. They therefore strongly 
opposed Mr. Bromly's speaking, and insisted that the Committee 
had a controlling power over the Chairman, to declare which 
gentleman was first up. Mr. Vyner said that Sands was first. 
Mr. Winnington replied it was the privilege of the Chairman to 
appoint, and it was never known that a Committee opposed it ; 
the reason of the thing spoke it, for if some one person did not 
determine the person, there would be nothing but confusion. 
Mr. Oglethorp was of Vyner's side, and Gibbons likewise, who said 
that the journals show the Speaker in the House has not been allowed 
that privilege on several occasions, and if the House may overrule 
the Speaker, much more may a Committee overrule their Chairman. 
Old Mr. Bromly spoke also to the same purpose, but Mr. Lawson, an 
ancient member, said that disorder had of late years so crept into 
Parliamentary proceedings that it was grown a custom to dispute 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 73 

1729-30. 

the most established privileges. He therefore thought as things 
are now the House or the Committee might do as they pleased ; 
at least he was careless in the matter, but in old time it was orderly 
for the Speaker and Chairman to call up the person he had first in 
his eye, in whom the gentleman acquiesced ; he would not, however, 
say that the Committee might not judge who ought to speak. 
It was long insisted to put the thing to a question, at last the 
House acquiesced to let Mr. Bromly speak, who seconded Dr. Sayers 
in a studied speech, which was well worded, and gave commenda 
tions to his Majesty. 

Sands afterwards made his speech, which was intended to support 
Sir William Wyndham's motion, but it came too late, for now 
that of Dr. Sayers' was that we were to debate on, and the other 
could have no place unless this were first rejected. This was 
accordingly strongly debated till three o'clock in the morning. 
All sides were for agreeing to address the King, but some were for 
inserting such resenting expressions at the works carrying on at 
Dunkirk as would be shocking to the Court of France, and might 
tend to a rupture. There were also many friends of the Govern 
ment, who were much displeased at the words in the address, 
without authority of that Court, for no man could believe hi his 
private judgment that the inhabitants of Dunkirk would dare 
to repair their works contrary to the treaty for demolishing them, 
without leave from their Court so to do, which was the same as 
giving them authority for it, and therefore to tell the King that 
they had not authority was a manifest lie, besides it would prove 
an inducement to that Court to neglect the performance of their 
promise to restore things to their due state if they found us so 
tender of their conduct in that affair. I was one of these, who, 
communicating my uneasiness to those who supported the address, 
and assuring them the Court would lose if those words were to 
stand all the Independent members of the House, they were 
pleased to propose to the Committee the putting them out, and 
they saw the effect of it in the majority that voted for the address 
when it came to the question, for upon the division we were two 
hundred and seventy against one hundred and forty-nine. The 
speakers for the address, besides those already mentioned, were 
Mr. Dundas, Lord Advocate, Sir Charles Wager, who treated 
Dunkirk as a thing of too little consequence, Sir William Strickland, 
Pelham, Secretary at War, Sir Robert Walpole and Horace Walpole. 
Those against it were Lord Tyrconnel, Sir Joseph Jekyl, who dis 
approved the invective speeches against a Crown in amity with 
us which some had flung out, and was against both questions, 
Sir John Norris, Daniel Pulteney, Barnard, Will. Pulteney, 
Oglethorp, Captain Vernon, and Sir Wilfrid Lawson. 

There was a debate that lasted some time, while the papers 
were reading, occasioned by Mr. Norris, who observed that the 
French word in one of them in the original was shaloup, which 
he said was wrongly set down in the translation, boat, whereas 
shaloup is a sloop ; but he was wrong in that, our English word 
shalop coming from the French, and with us a shalop is an open 
boat. Mr. Norris therefore desired the original might be read, 
which was peevishly opposed by the Court, who are frequently 
much to blame in denying to let gentlemen have full satisfaction 
in matter of small import. It was said by Sir William Wyndham 

 74 tolABY Of THE 

Feb. 27-28 

that anciently papers were communicated in their original language 
only, and that it is a late practice to have translations given and 
the originals denied ; but the Speaker said translations are only 
to be read except when any member did not understand the original, 
or doubted of the translation, and in that case the original should 
be produced. Accordingly, Mr. Norris was at liberty to call for 
it. That he remembered the case of General Webb, who, upon 
the reading an orginal piece in Latin, stood up and declaring he 
did not understand Latin, had the translation read ; that we are 
a British House of Commons, and owe that to our own honour that 
what passes under our consideration ought to be in our own 
language, yet pieces in their original language may be called for 
where doubts arise. 

In the course of this long debate, many things foreign to it were 
brought in, for the single point was in what terms to address his 
Majesty, but the malcontents attacked the Administration as 
through their ignorance betraying or by their corruption selling 
the nation and subjecting it to French councils. This put the 
Ministry on defending themselves, and recriminating on the Tory 
Ministry in Queen Anne's reign. Sir Robert Walpole hinted that 
Lord Bolingbroke was at bottom of this enquiry concerning 
Dunkirk, and had sent for the evidences produced by Sir William 
Wyndham, five of whom were actually under prosecution for 
smuggling ; but rogues he thought should have no credit given 
them. He spoke so sharply against that Lord that Sir William 
Wyndham took up his defence, upon the foot of thinking it a duty 
to defend any person who has not opportunity to speak for himself 
when attacked. He remembered the House that Sir Robert Walpole 
himself had been censured for corruption, and sent to the Tower 
by a former Parliament, so that his case was much the same with 
another Parliament's censuring my Lord Bolingbroke. 

Pelham then rose, and said he hoped he should be excused if 
he justified his friend Sir Robert, since Sir William had done the 
same by his friend, that though Sir Robert is present, yet in this 
case he could not so decently speak for himself, and might be 
considered as absent. That there was no comparison in the cases 
of Sir Robert and Lord Bolingbroke. Sir Robert was wrongfully 
accused of a trifling money matter by a prevailing party in the 
then House of Commons, which party afterwards showed them 
selves enemies to the religion and liberties of their country by 
forwarding the interest of a Pretender to the Crown ; that, being 
confident of his own innocence, he bravely stayed in the kingdom, 
and in a little time the nation did justice to his merit, and called 
him to the head of affairs ; but as for my Lord Bolingbroke, he 
falsified his oaths, and laid schemes to overturn the Government, 
to ruin all that was dear to us, and set up the Pretender, and when 
discovered, dared not stand a Parliamentary enquiry, but fled his 
country, and entered the Pretender's service. It must be observed 
that as it is unparliamentary to name persons, neither Sir Robert 
nor Lord Bolingbroke were directly mentioned, but only described. 
This called up Mr. Edward Harley, junior, who justified the Tory 
Ministry. About the end of the debate, both Sir William Wyndham 
and Will. Pulteney spoke out, and owned the design of the first 
motion made by Sir William was that others might follow for 
calling Sir Robert to account. By this the House perceived that 

FIBST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

75 

1729-30. 

if that side was strong enough the Ministry would be impeached, 
and our affairs thrown into confusion, and this induced several 
who had better intentions, and who used to vote with them, now 
to leave them and vote with us. The lateness of the night obliged 
about thirty members to leave the House before the question 
was put, each taking away with him one of the contrary side, so 
that supposing about fifteen Tories to retire in that manner, and 
adding them to the one hundred and fifty-nine who stayed and 
voted, the whole strength of Sir Robert's declared enemies may be 
estimated at about one hundred and seventy-five, but doubtless 
he has many more secret ones, whose employments obliging them 
to act on his side makes it uncertain what is the real number of 
his enemies, for should he be removed, and Lord Wilmington or 
another put in his place, I believe there would appear a majority 
against him. 

Saturday, 28 February.—I stayed at home all this and the follow 
ing day by reason of a cold I caught by staying that long 
debate ; only went next door to my brother Bering's to dinner. 

This evening Colonel Chartres received sentence of death for 
the rape committed on one of his maids. He offered nothing in 
arrest of judgment, as was expected; it is expected he will be 
pardoned. The late King, as likewise Queen Elizabeth, would 
never suffer a man condemned for a rape to be executed, as not 
believing it possible for to commit the crime unless the woman 
in some sort consented. At his trial he made a mean defence, the 
main of it consisting in a letter his footman swore to as of her 
writing, which was disproved ; some report that he lay with her 
twelve nights, before she swore the rape on him, and offered for 
two hundred guineas to let the matter drop, which he refused, 
and was so sure of getting off that the day of his trial he invited 
friends to supper, but he was hurried away to Newgate. As soon 
as verdict was given against him, the High Bailiff of Westminster, 
who, upon passing it, was entitled to his goods and chattels, went 
with his posse to enter the house and seize what he could find, but 
met with resistance from within, where eleven women fought 
like Amazons, and one made a shot which wounded a watchman. 
They were at last overpowered. This colonel is one of the greatest 
and most known rogues in England, and by his villainies had 
amassed an incredible estate. His practice was to owe abundance 
of mean debts and never pay any till arrested and forced by law, 
and being asked why he would act so meanly and suffer so much 
trouble for trifles, he answered that for one who arrested, there 
were twenty that did not, and so he was a gainer. In the north 
he kept at his house a seraglio of women, and in the town the like. 
And when dinner was done, the company he invited had the offer 
of choosing a mistress to pass the night with. One of the gentlemen 
rising late next morning saw a servant maid come in to make his 
ore, who resembled the woman he had passed the night with, and 
who when he saw her first was dressed like a gentlewoman, but 
now had a dirty dust gown on. He asked her if she was not the 
same person. She answered, "Yes." "Why do you dress so 
oirty ?" said he ; "I am sure if others present you as well as I have 
done you could afford to go better, for you know I gave you three 
guineas." " Yes, sir," said she, " but my master allowed me but a 
crown out of it." 

 76 DIARY OF THE 

March 1-10 

Sunday, 1 March.—This morning prayers and sermon at home. 
I did not stir out. I heard the Prince was informed how useful 
my brother Parker and I had been in prevailing to get the question 
of Friday last moderated, by which a great many members voted 
for the address, who had else been against it, and that his Royal 
Highness said the Queen should know it. He likewise sent me 
his thanks by my brother Bering. 

Monday, 2 March.—This day the Queen's birthday was kept, 
because of the ball at night, otherwise it had been yesterday, she 
being born the 1st of March, 1685. I had made clothes for it, but 
my cold prevented my going to Court, which the Queen was let to 
know, in the evening, among other how d'ye's, Sir Robert 
Walpole himself sent, which was a sort of acknowledgment for 
what I did on Friday. It was, I suppose, well taken too that my 
brother Parker, who very rarely of late years went to Court, was 
this day there in a very fine embroidered suit. Of such importance 
are trifles in certain conjunctions of times, how busy is mankind 
about vain and transitory things, while we all forget, at least 
neglect, the one thing needful. 

Tuesday, 3.—I stayed all day still at home, on account of my 
sore throat, and drew two teeth. Cousin Southwell came to see 
me, and the Duke of Argyle, with others who were not let in. 
This day, Hossuck, my new servant came in Lindsey's place. I 
give him twenty pounds a year. 

Wednesday, 4.—I heard the King intends to pardon Colonel 
Chartres, it being found out that the woman he would have 
ravished was a common strumpet, at least it is so related at Court. 
He was pardoned for the like insult on a woman's virtue in 
Scotland in King William's reign, and is now in Newgate, diverting 
himself with a whore, a prisoner there. All the world agree he 
deserved to be hanged long ago, but they differ whether on this 
occasion. 

Mr. Taylor met at my house this morning one Morris, a shop 
keeper, who deals in Irish linens, and has a shop in London, and 
one Kernon, of Ireland, who buys cloth there to supply him. We 
agreed that what money I shall pay in Dublin into Kernon's hands 
shall be set down to Morris's account, who by a writing is to make 
himself answerable for it to me from the day Kernon receives my 
money, and the money paid by me in Dublin to said Kernon in 
June is at Michaelmas following to be paid me by Morris, with only 
five per cent deduction for exchange. A lawyer is to engross 
the agreement to be signed by Morris. This bargain will be useful 
to Morris, as it supplies him with money to carry on his business, 
and to me as I shall draw my rents over at five per cent only, 
whereas at present I sometimes pay twelve 

Mr. St. Hyacinth came this morning, and I subscribed to his 
design of extracting all the foreign journals : the terms are that 
each subscriber for four years advances twenty guineas at half- 
yearly payments, which in the whole comes to eighty, and after 
the expiration of the four years, the subscriber is to receive one 
hundred guineas. He calculates upon thirty-two subscribers, 
which I fear he will not get. 

Thursday, 5.—This morn Lord Lonsdale and Cousin Southwell 
and Mr. Horace Walpole came to see me. The latter told me he 
hoped not to go abroad again, but to have some employment at 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

77 

1729-30. 

home. I was told he is to be Cofferer. I said to him that the town 
talked of his being Secretary of State. He answered there was 
nothing in it, nor would he be it if offered, if it were but for his 
brother, Sir Robert's sake, for this is a kingdom where the people 
are envious of others, and would be apt to say that all affairs were 
cast into two brothers' hands. He told me, as did Mr. Southwell 
afterwards, that the Privy Council had sent over a clause in one of 
our Money Bills for taking off the duty on wool and yarn imported 
from Ireland, which he hoped would not be rejected. I said as those 
duties are made part of the revenue, and must be supplied by some 
new tax, the Bill to which this clause is added from England may 
be justly called a Money Bill, and he knew what objections are 
always made to alterations in our Money Bills ; however, I hoped 
as this was a clause of so much public good as to go a great way 
in preventing the running Irish wool to France, I believed the 
Parliament there would pass it, as they had last session their 
Money Bill, though altered. He told me Mr. Sansom went to 
Harwich last Tuesday to succeed Philipson. 

Brother Percival, his family, and Bishop Clayton and his wife 
dined with us. 

The House sat this day, as I was informed, till ten at night upon 
Brereton's petition against Sir Thomas Aston, for the Liverpool 
election, which was heard at the Bar, and proceeded half way only. 
They determined on a division by the influence of Sir Robert 
Walpole, who laboured strongly for Brereton, that one hundred 
and seventy young men who polled for Brereton after the Court 
was broke up and the Mayor had left it, but whose names were 
taken by a clerk of Mr. Brereton's, had a right to vote, supposing 
they had a right to their freedom, and so Brereton will have a 
majority of seventy or some such number over Sir Thomas. The 
old members protested they never saw anything so unfair, for that 
members of a Corporation, though they have a right, whether by 
marriage, service or birth, to their freedom, yet they ought not 
to vote till they had actually taken out their freedom, which it was 
not pretended they had done. Mr. Cornwall, who stayed it out, 
said the Court carried it by two hundred and thirty-five against 
one hundred and fifteen, but others told me they were only one 
hundred and twenty against ninety-eight. 

Friday, 6.—To-day Cousin Fortrey dined with me. I had my 
concert in the evening. Sir Jo. Evelyn, Mr. Cornwall, my brother 
Pefbival and his family, Mr Temple and his lady, Mrs. Minshull, 
Cousin Southwell, Mrs. Humphreys and her son and daughter, 
Mr. Clerk, etc., were at it. 

This day the House agreed to the report of the Committee of 
Elections in favour of Clavering, the sitting member, against Sir 
John Guise without any debate. 

Saturday, 7 March.—Confined still at home. Cousin Fortrey 
dined with us. 

Sunday, 8.—Prayers and sermon at home. 

-Monday, 9.—Stayed likewise at home. Mr. Barecroft and 
Ur.Couraye dined with me. In the evening brother Parker, Dering 
and Cousin Southwell came to see me, as also brother Percival. 
Ihe Bishop of Killala came to take his leave, going for Ireland. 

Tuesday, 10.—Stayed at home. I heard this day that the 
Committee on the state of the nation was this day in an enquiry 

 .,·""·""»„ 

78 DIAEY OF THE 

Mar. 10-17 

on the island of St. Lucia, and that a motion was made for 
addressing the King to assert the kingdom's claim thereto at the 
French Court, but that on a division of two hundred and thirty- 
four against one hundred and twenty-two, it was carried to defer 
the consideration of this affair till more papers should be brought 
in, by a vote that the Chairman should leave the chair. That the 
House agreed to the India Company's proposal for a prolongation 
of their term, and that some proceeding was made in Mr. Loyd's 
election against Powell. 

Wednesday, 11 March.—This morning Colonel Schutz acquainted 
me that the House did yesterday close the Committee on the state 
of the nation, which I could scarce believe, till "Mr. Schutz, his 
brother, who dined here, told me the same. He added that the 
Tories are hastening out of town, and very angry that they were 
brought up under a notion that very great matters were to appear 
against the Ministry, which have ended in molehills. 

My brother Parker acquainted me that Sir Charles Wager 
informed him of a memorial offered to be put into his hands by 
Mr. Edgberry in favour of Philipson, with desire that he would 
give it to Sir Robert Walpole ; but that Sir Charles had refused 
to meddle in it. Sir Charles did not tell him all it contained, only 
that much was said of Philipson's long services, and that he had 
a son who was well qualified to be chosen member this time for 
Harwich, and would have succeeded if Sir Robert Walpole had 
not interposed by recommending my brother Parker and me. 
Sir Philip asked him if there were no other merits suggested in the 
memorial, and particularly that he had merited in opposing 
Sir Philip and me, but Sir Charles made no reply. That this last 
suggestion is part of the memorial I was assured by Mr. Cornwall, 
who promised me to procure me a copy of the memorial, which, 
when I get, I shall make good use of, in showing his disobedience to 
the King's pleasure, who gave me the influence he has in that town 
to help me at my election. 

Thursday, 12.—Not venturing yet to stir abroad, I wrote to 
the Speaker to excuse my absence on the call of the House appointed 
for this day : it seems the call was put off. 

Friday, 13 March.—Stayed still at home. Colonel Schutz and his 
wife supped here. 

Saturday, 14.—Stay'd all day at home. 

Sunday, 15.—Went out for the first time. Went to Court, 
where the King spoke to me. Visited Mr. Clerk. In the evening 
went to St. James's Chapel. Visited Sir Edmond Bacon and 
Mr. Jo. Temple. 

Monday, 16.—Visited Duke of Argyle, Lord Grantham, Mr. 
Horace Walpole, brother Percival, Mr. Cornwall. Went to the House 
but could not stay it out. Went to the Gaol Committee, where 
several depositions were made of villainous practices of Acton, 
the deputy gaoler of the Marshalsea, to stifle evidence against 
him at his trial, particularly that he procured a material evidence 
to be sent to Newgate for a pretended robbery, who, after Acton's 
trial was over, got his liberty without any prosecution. In the 
evening visited Mr. Southwell and Cousin Le Grand. The House 
this day ordered the Pension Bill to be engrossed without any 
opposition. The Lord Grantham told me the King was warmly 
against it, and that the Lords are to throw it out. I replied it 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

79 

1729-30. 

was a reasonable Bill, and I thought even for the King's service, 
in easing him of applications for pensions. He said the world 
is so corrupt that men will not act honestly without them. I said 
I knew none in our House had pensions, that I detested them 
who have, and should be ashamed to have it thought that I would 
not serve my King and country without pay. That this Bill is 
not entirely new, but only to render effectual former Acts against 
pensions that have been eluded. Besides, if it be so necessary to 
pension members, there was still a way to recompence them, not 
withstanding this Act, namely at the end of the session to give such 
corrupt people a sum of money at once, as I remembered in Ireland 
that one Eccles had constantly at the end of every session fifty 
pounds. My Lord told me that Mr. Arnold Sansom, the new 
commissary of the packets at Harwich, had directions to comply 
with me in everything for supporting my brother Parker's interest 
and mine there, which I told him I doubted not of, having received 
from him since his going down a very civil letter ; that I hoped 
we should render it a very loyal borough, and that my brother 
Parker's sin had been that he always laboured to bring in well 
affected people and keep out disaffected. He said Mr. Carteret 
has ever since the removal of Philipson looked very sour and dogged 
on him, but he did not care. I replied when men act a just and 
honest part, as his Lordship had done, resentment was not to be 
minded. 

Tuesday, 17 March.—To-day I visited Sir Robert Walpole 
to thank him for sending to enquire after my health when I was 
ill. He told me Sir Philip Pariser had spoke to him to recommend 
my brother Bering to the King for some advancement in his name 
and mine, and promised me he would, though he never was so troubled 
and encumbered with applications as at this time, and the more 
so that now the salt duty is to be taken off, there are five com 
missioners to be provided for at such employments that there does 
not fall five such in a year ; that he did not say this to discourage 
me, or for pretence that he would not speak to the King as we 
desire, but to show the difficulties there are to get anything ; that 
if he had a thousand employments he could give them, and wished 
he had as many ; that he wished Mr. Bering would look out some 
thing himself. I answered him I knew he must be much encum 
bered ; that if he had more employments to give I believed he would 
give them well and with pleasure ; that all we desired was a general 
recommendation to the King as a deserving person of some better 
thing. 

I then returned the visits of Sir Thomas Hanmer, Mr. Ferguson, 
the two Schultz, young Mr. Southwell, and Sir John Evelyn. 
Then went to the House, where the Bill against loans to foreign 
Princes was read, and one of the clauses opposed by the discon 
tented Whigs as injurious to trade. On a division we carried it, 
one hundred and seventy-six against seventy. I then left the 
House and came home to dinner. After which I went to the opera, 
where I met Mr. Clerk, who in conversation told me that 
p??. Grantham had spoke himself to the King about turning 
Phdipson out, and on that occasion told his Majesty that there 
was not in England a man that loved him better or so well as I, 
nor an honester man ; that others made greater professions, but 
were not so sincere, and he wished his Majesty had about him 

 80 DIARY OP THE 

Mar. 17-19 

persons of as great fidelity as I. That the King's reply was, he 
knew I loved him, and there should be no words he would be sparing 
in to make me sensible that he himself was assured of it. 

Wednesday, 18.—To-day I visited Dr. Couraye, Mr. Fisher, and 
Mr. Le Grand, Lord Forbes, and Sir Pierce Mead. Then went to 
the House, where the engrossed Bill against pensions was read 
the third time and passed. Mr. Will. Pulteney made a speech 
upon the importance of the Bill, and wished the whole House 
would for greater solemnity attend the Speaker with it to the 
Lords. He hinted that otherwise there was danger of the Lords 
letting it drop (as is indeed the intention), but this hint was given 
ironically, for he said it was a Bill of so much virtue, that the 
whole bench of Bishops would certainly be for it, whose unanimity 
in all things that concerned the good of their country, and whose 
learning, gravity, and religion was conspicuous to all. Mr. Pelham, 
Secretary at War, replied : he wondered a gentleman who knew 
order so well would debate the Bill after it was passed ; that his 
wish that the House should attend the Speaker with it, obliged 
him to declare that he did not think the Bill deserved it, nay, if it 
were proper now, he would undertake to show it a Bill of very 
bad tendency, but he must be silent on that head, and would only 
take notice of the reflections cast on a whole bench of the other 
House, which he thought very unjust and unbecoming. 

Sir Robert Walpole then got up, and said he hoped he should 
be indulged, though it was very irregular, to say his thoughts 
against the Bill, since Mr. Pulteney had run such encomiums on it. 
He gave the history of the several oaths the members of Parliament 
are obliged to take ; that the House had always shown a reluctance 
to establishing new oaths ; that even the abjuration oath went 
down with difficulty, and had not passed but that occasion was 
given for it by the assassination plot ; that besides the unreasonable 
ness of the present oath in question, it was putting the security 
of members not taking a reward from their Prince, if he should 
be inclined to give it, for their fidelity to him, on the same foot 
with the security the present King has for enjoying the Crown 
he wears, which he thought an unequal way of proceeding. That 
as to the Bishops, they were as learned, loyal, and pious set of men 
as ever adorned their bench, and if they had any fault, it was 
that they despised the clamours of non-jurors, Jacobites, and High 
Churchmen, and relinquished those odious doctrines which tended 
to weaken his Majesty's title to the Crown. 

Mr. Pulteney replied. He wondered he should always be thought 
to mean reflections, and to be in jest, and Sir Robert always serious. 
He declared he was now very serious, and from his heart allowed 
the reverend Bishops had not only godliness but everything that 
could be said of godliness, everything that belonged [to] it. At 
which the House laughed, and several members whispered, he 
meant the proverb, " Godliness is gain." He added as the King 
was judged to be secure by the oaths of the Parliament, so he 
hoped the subject would also be secure by this new oath, and 
he was not afraid to own that he thought the security of the subjects' 
liberties was of equal value as securing this or any King's 
reign. 

Sir William Young said he was in a manner called up to give 
his testimony against this Bill, which he did not like from the 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

8] 

1729-30. 

beginning, and therefore should oppose the great countenance 

Mr. Pulteney wished might be given it. 

Then Mr. Heathcote made a studied speech in favour of the 
Bill, and said many general things against pensions and corrupt 
Ministries. The debate dropped after he had spoken, and Mr. Sands 
was ordered to carry the Bill to the Lords. After this, 
Mr. Winnington made a motion for closing the Committee. He 
said it was usual before the end of a session to determine the hearing 
of elections ; that there are still two that must be heard, and 
though the closing the Committee would fall hard on some particular 
petitioner, yet that was a thing unavoidable. 

Sir Wilfrid Lawson opposed the motion, and said the closing 
Committees in this manner and so early before the House was 
prorogued, was a new custom introduced by Mr. Winnington 
himself ; that it was a great hardship on gentlemen, session after 
session, to bring up their witnesses, and be debarred from making 
out their right to sit in the House. I left the House while he 
debated, and came home to dinner. The secret of this is that 
Sir Will. Cothrington, a petitioner for Minehead, is not agreeable 
to Court, and the Ministry are desirous to keep in Mr. Era. 
Whitworth, against whom Sir William petitions. 

After dinner, my brother Parker called and acquainted us that 
Sir Robert Walpole had faithfully discharged his promise and 
spoke to the King in favour of my brother Dering for some advance 
ment, the Queen being present. That he was surprised to find both 
their Majesties so gracious and well disposed in my brother's 
favour, and was in pain to find out who it was had been beforehand 
with the King and prepared him so well. That the Queen expressed 
an esteem for Sir Philip and me, but disowned anybody had spoke 
in favour of my brother Dering to her ; which is a thing to be 
noted, for I myself had spoke twice strongly to her, and so had 
the Prince and Princess Royal, which perhaps her Majesty forgot. 
In the evening I went to a concert of music at Captain Mercer's. 
Thursday, 19 March.—This morning I visited my cousin Percival 
of Westminster, the Bishop of St. David's and the Bishop of Gloster. 
The last (Dr. Wilcox) used arguments against the Pension 
Bill passed our House the day before. He said it was reasonable 
that gentlemen who are at an expense in procuring themselves to 
be elected in order to be in a capacity to serve their King and 
country, should have their charges be repaid by the Crown, and 
objected to the multiplication of oaths. Nothing was easier than 
to answer him and show the danger our Constitution is in from 
our members receiving private pensions. His little son came in, 
who is about seven years old, and had a cake in his hand. The 
Bishop asked him before me what the Queen said to him. The 
child replied that she hoped to see him a bishop. I asked him 
which he liked best, his cake or a bishopric ? He answered that 
which brought most money. The Bishop laughed, as if he had 
»aid a pretty thing. I held my tongue, but thought him finely 
educated. I afterwards went to the House, where the Loan Bill 
was read the third time, and when the question was put for passing, 
Uiptain Vernon and others who cried " No," observing the House 
to be thin and the Ministry not there, suddenly got up and called 
or a division. It was a surprise, and not a fair procedure, though 
strictly Parliamentary. However, the "Ayes' who went out 
Wt. 24408. K 6 

 82 DIAEY OF THE 

March 19-21 

were eighty-four, and the "Noes" who stayed in but sixty-six, 
so we carried it. Then Mr. Sands took the Pension Bill to carry 
up to the House of Lords, and to show respect to it all we who were 
present and approved it attended him, to the number of one hundred 
and six. The Lords immediately ordered it to be read, and several 
of us stayed to hear what the Lords would say upon it. After it 
was read, my Lord Townsend got up and said he did not intend to 
give his reasons now against the Bill, reserving himself for that 
to the second reading, which he moved might be on Saturday next, 
but in general he would declare to their Lordships that it was in 
his opinion the most monstrous and unheard of attempt in the 
House of Commons that ever was known. That it tended to sub 
vert the whole Constitution, and throw all power into the House of 
Commons ; that the Commons already were in possession of giving 
the money, and now they would have the whole disposal of it. 
That the King's prerogative and their Lordships' privileges were 
destroyed by this Bill, and therefore as a good subject, as a Peer, as 
an Englishman, who would oppose it. There is not surely a worse 
speaker for form, grace, and poorness of matter than this Lord. 

Lord Bathurst answered him, and said he could not imagine 
how preventing corruption in the House of Commons could be 
deemed a subversion of the Constitution ; he thought it the only 
means to preserve it. Our ancestors thought so, and former Acts 
are still subsisting that make it penal to accept of pensions ; this 
Act only remedies the evasion of those Acts. That if Lord Townsend 
believed this Act threw greater power into the Commons than 
they have already, he would propose an Act of like nature to 
prevent pensions in the House of Lords, and then he hoped their 
Lordships would keep pace with the Commons in strengthening 
their power. He was answered by Lord Islay and Lord Trevor 
on the Court side, who declared it was a monstrous Bill, but would 
give no reasons, and by the Earl of Peterborough, who said the 
Act did not declare that the members of the Commons House had 
pensions, and therefore he did not see the occasion of this Act. 
Lord Bathurst was supported by the Earl of Ailsford, Lord 
Willoughby, Earl of Abingdon and Strafford. It being 
determined to give the Bill a second reading on Saturday, as has 
been mentioned, the Earl of Ailsford moved that a list of pensions 
made be addressed for to lie upon the table, as being very necessary 
for their Lordships' information when the Bill should be debated. 
Lord Townsend opposed it, as having no relation to the Bill. Lord 
Abingdon replied he thought nothing could have a nearer relation 
to a Pension Bill than pensions, and he was surprised the list desired 
should be refused. That the motion was entirely Parliamentary, 
and had never been refused before. The Duke of Newcastle said 
he was against addressing for a list, because it would make the 
world think there were unjustifiable pensions granted, and that 
the Bill was founded on some knowledge upon enquiry of that 
nature. Lord Abingdon replied, he was sure if this list was refused, 
that the world would much more justly think that irregular pensions 
have been granted, and that there was a necessity for passing 
the Bill. To the same purpose spoke the Earl of Strafford, 
Lord Willoughby and others. Lord Townsend replied he would 
not oppose the obtaining a list of pensions granted, if asked at 
another time and on another occasion, but at present he thought 

MUST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

83 

1729-30. 

it improper, because it gave countenance to a monstrous Bill. 
Lord Falmouth said the Bill was to be read a second time on 
Saturday, and he saw not of what service addressing for a list of 
pensions could be in their debates, because he thought it impossible 
for the clerks to transcribe the list in that short time, and therefore 
he moved the previous question might be put, whether the question 
for such an address should stand. Lord Strafford said he did 
not conceive the number of pensions were so many ; if they were 
he was sorry for it, there was the greater reason to enquire into 
them. But surely they could not be more numerous than the 
half-pay officers, of whom a list being demanded one day, was 
delivered in the next. Lord Townsend concluded the debate by 
desiring the previous question might be put. And accordingly 
it was, and passed, 83 against 30. 

After this I went to the Lower House to the election of Liverpool, 
and stayed till half an hour after three, when Sir Edward Knatchbull 
came home with me to dinner, and then I returned to the House, 
which broke up about seven, having gone through the examination 
of the several votes in Mr. Brereton's subsequent lists, among 
whom several were proved false, some under age, others totally 
unqualified, some out of the kingdom at the time their names were 
writ down in Mr. Brereton's poll. The next thing to go on was 
the list of paupers who voted for Sir Thomas Aston and for 
Brereton. Mr. Brereton had agreed with Sir Thomas that nineteen 
on the latter side and twelve on the former should be struck out, 
but to-day refused to stand to his agreement. The House therefore 
were obliged to go through this list, but it being late put off the 
further hearing to Saturday next. 

Friday, 20 March.—This morning I visited Mr. Bagnall, and 
went from thence to Court ; dined at home. In the evening had 
my concert of music. Mr. Man, Cousin Le Grand, Lady Mary 
Cooly, Lord Hambleton, Lady Peasly, Lady Bathurst and her 
daughters, brother Parker, Mr. Cornwall, brother Dering and 
sister, Dr. Couraye, Mr. Barecroft, etc., were there. At night was 
sent me two copies of affidavits, under a cover containing printed 
depositions of George Colcott and Robert Jones, two of the witnesses 
produced by Sir William Wyndham at the Bar of the House upon 
the Dunkirk affair, wherein it appears that Mr. Will. Pulteney, 
Daniel Pulteney, Sir William Wyndham, and a tall thin young 
gentleman, which is understood to be Mr. Sands, had a meeting 
with Lord Bolingbroke to prosecute the enquiry into the works 
carrying on at Dunkirk, to which meeting they convened the 
deponents and other witnesses who appeared at the Bar, and 
promised them encouragement to give evidence. These packets 
were given to every member at the door, and sent to the 
houses of absent members, by Sir Robert Walpole's orders as 
supposed. 

Saturday, 21.—This morning I designed to go to Counsellor 
Annesley, and carry with me the grant of King Charles the First 
to old Captain John Barry for erecting Liscarroll into a manor, 
as also my father's will by which he settled a jointure on my mother, 
tor which jointure there had passed nothing but articles, by reason 
Jûy father was under age when he married, and by the will it appears 
ne never executed the intent of those articles by making a settlement, 
out provided for it by his will. But I dared not venture out for 

 84 DIARY OF THE 

Mar. 21-25 

fear of the return of my cold, of which I found some symptoms, 
and therefore resolved to stay at home and bleed. 

My son came home in the evening from the House of Lords, 
and brought me word they had rejected the Pension Bill. The 
question was put whether it should be committed, and it was carried 
against, eighty-six to thirty-one, after which the question for 
rejecting it was put, and no opposition made. The Lords who 
spoke to it were Lord Trevor, Peterborough, May, Macclesfield 
and the Duke of Newcastle on one side for not committing, and 
Lord Bathurst, Foley, Strafford, Ailsford and Abingdon for com 
mitting. Lord Trevor said the Bill was dubiously worded, and 
that part, particularly relating to places held in trust, might 
comprehend the having any place ; that rewards and punishments 
were the foundations of all Government, and this Bill took them 
away ; that this increased the practice of taking oaths, which is 
already too frequent. Lastly, that those men who would betray 
their country in Parliament for a bribe would certainly have no 
scruple about breaking their oath. 

Lord Bathurst inveighed against corruption, and said that the 
House of Commons are certainly better acquainted \vith their 
own condition than the Lords could be, and the Commons had 
thought this Bill necessary. That if the Bill passed the King would 
have more of his Civil List to spare to increase the revenues of 
the Bishops and make them all Canterbury's and Durham's, as 
likewise to restore the decayed families of the nobility. 

Duke of Newcastle said it was a reflection on the King to 
suppose he had bribed the House of Commons, and that the 
Commons bringing in such a Bill was a strong proof of their not 
being corrupted. 

Lord Peterborough said that he was against the Bill, because he 
thought it would not have the desired effect, for the King would 
only defer paying a member till the Parliament ended. That he 
was too good a Protestant to oblige anybody to confess, not even 
to the reverend Bishops, much less to one another, but this Bill 
was to oblige the members to confess to each other whether they 
had pensions. 

Lord May run through the whole Bill, and endeavoured to 
expose it with some art, but no argument. He spoke above an 
hour. 

Lord Macclesfield (who has lately recovered his pension of 
fifteen hundred pounds per annum), said that the Bill affected the 
privileges of their Lordships' House, for if a Peer should have a 
son in the House of Commons who should refuse the oath prescribed 
in the Bill, it incapacitated him, as he thought, from ever sitting 
in the House of Lords. 

Lord Abingdon said that if he had a son, who should refuse 
that oath, he should desire his son might have that fate. 

I was to-day well assured that Sir Charles Hotham is gone to 
Prussia to propose the double marriage so long talked of. 

Sunday, 22 March.—I was still confined at home by my cold. 
My brother Parker came in the morning, and said he had been at 
Chelsea with Sir Robert Walpole to talk over my brother Dering's 
affair ; that Sir Robert received him very kindly, and assured 
him that when at the Prince's coming over we applied to him to 
speak that my brother Dering should be about him, he actually 

tTftST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

85 

1729-30. 

set him down in his list to the King for that purpose. My brother 
Parker found he wanted to know by what canal we had worked 
to prepare the King to favour my brother, whereupon my brother 
Parker answered, by no great man whatever. That I had spoke 
twice to the Queen, and had always been well with his Majesty 
from the time of the quarrel in the late King's reign, when I stuck 
by the Prince and forbore going to the King's Court ; that 
Sir Robert himself owned he had spoke to the present King in my 
brother Dering's favour, and therefore it was no surprise that the 
King should be favourably inclined. That we desired to owe my 
brother Dering's advancement to himself, and might be assured 
he would always behave himself with honour and a due regard 
to him for his patronage. Sir Robert beat a little about the bush 
concerning my brother Dering's intimacy with the Prince, and 
said Sir Philip might remember that the late King did not like 
that his son should be preferred to him. That my brother Dering 
had some who had done him ill offices, and little people were too 
busy ; that when once men were iii a wrong track, continuing in it 
made it worse and worse. In conclusion, he called for his pen and 
ink, and wrote my brother Dering's name down for a memorandum, 
saying he would speak speedily to the King : so we conclude my 
brother will get an advance. 

Mr. Forster and brother and sister Dering dined here. 

Forster promised to see Mr. Metcalf, solicitor of the Customs, 
to-morrow about letting Russet out of prison, who has lain there 
now five weeks since the King signed an order for a noli prosequi. 

Monday, 23.—To-day I was told that Sir William Wyndham 
and Will. Pulteney stifly deny their meeting with Lord Bolingbroke 
to concert the Dunkirk affair, though swore against them as 
mentioned before. Kept still at home for my cold, which turns 
more to a sore throat. I writ to Mr. Glanville, a member of our 
House, to excuse my attending a Law Bill he has brought in, and 
which I promised to speak to. 

Tuesday, 24.—Stayed still at home. Dr Couraye dined with 
me. In the evening Sir Thomas Aston sent to desire I would come 
down to the House to his election, which is to be determined this 
night, and is made a great point. I sent him word I was sorry 
I could not venture out, and hoped he would carry it. 

Wednesday, 25 March, 1730.—To-day I heard the House sat on 
Sir Thomas Aston's election till eleven last night, when Brereton's 
friends perceiving it would go against him, moved to adjourn the 
debate, but Sir Thomas's friends carried it for proceeding, one 
hundred and twenty against ninety-nine. Upon this the adverse 
party crowded away, and the main question that Sir Thomas was 
duly elected passed without opposition. Sir Robert Walpole 
stayed till the division was over, in order to influence the House for 
Brereton, but he found there are certain occasions where he cannot 
carry points ; it is this meanness of his (the prostitution of the 
character of a first Minister in assisting and strenuously supporting 
the defence of dunghill worms, let their cause be ever so unjust, 
against men of honour, birth, and fortune, and that in person too), 
that gains him so much ill-will ; formerly, when the first Minister 
appeared in any matter, he did it with gravity, and the honour 
and service of the Crown appeared to be concerned, but Sir Robert, 
like the altars of refuge in old times, is the asylum of little unworthy 

 86 DIARY ΟΓ THE 

March 25-26 

wretches who, submitting to dirty work, endear themselves to 
him, and get his protection first, and then his favour, which as he 
is first Minister, is sure to draw after it the countenance of the 
Court ; in the meantime, the world, who know the insignificancy, 
to say no worse, of these sort of tools, are in indignation to see 
them preferred and cherished beyond men of character and fortune, 
and set off in a better light to the King, and this with men of small 
experience, which are the bulk of a nation, occasions hard thoughts 
of the Crown itself ; whereas in very deed the King can seldom 
know the merits and character of private persons but from the 
first Minister, who we see has no so great regard for any as for these 
little pickthanks and scrubs, for whom he risks his character, and 
the character of his high station, in opposition to the old gentry of 
the kingdom, and that in matters of right and wrong, in the face of 
his country, namely, in Parliament. It appeared to the House that 
the subsequent list of voters, by this Brereton produced at the 
Bar of the House, and by which he pretended he had a legal 
majority over Sir Thomas Aston, was a very scandalous and false 
list, made up of persons that had no right to vote, some being under 
age, others never having demanded their freedom, others 
personating dead men, and others such as were at the time of 
the election out of the kingdom, yet when this appeared plainly 
to the House, and Sir Robert found Brereton unable to maintain 
his cause, he yet argued for him, and was for adjourning the debate 
to another day, in hopes without doubt to rally all the placemen 
and pensioners, if time were allowed to vote Brereton in. 

I was informed that Mr. Will Pulteney and Sir William Wyndham 
used that day very indecent and unusual expressions in the House 
against Sir Robert Walpole on occasion of the affidavits formerly 
mentioned, wherein Colcott and Jones swore that those two gentle 
men met Lord Bolingbroke on the Dunkirk affair. Pulteney and 
Sir William having been taxed with this by Sir Robert in that 
long debate touching Dunkirk the 27th of last month, then purged 
themselves of it, by protesting on their honour that they did not 
meet him on that occasion, and that he was not present at their 
consultations, and these affidavits were afterwards published 
to hurt their reputations by showing they had solemnly affirmed 
an untruth to the House. This day therefore, they took an oppor 
tunity to clear themselves, and did it with such resentment against 
Sir Robert, that they said whoever procured those affidavits or 
any way were instrumental in them were rascals and villains ; 
they hoped the procurer of them was then in the House and heard 
them, and pronounced him, whoever he was, a rogue and scoundrel. 
There being many strangers in the gallery, they could not be called 
to the bar for indecent language against any member of the House, 
though everybody knew who they meant ; however, the Speaker 
rose in his chair, and expressed himself with great warmth at the 
words cast forth, and at the irregularity of speaking things so 
foreign to the debate, which ought to be confined to the subject 
matter of the election, and he ended with saying he would die in 
the chair rather than suffer such things ; whereupon Will Pulteney 
said he believed he would die in the chair if he could, meaning, 
I suppose, that he liked the honour and profit of being Speaker. 

Sir Robert Walpole coolly replied, that if those gentlemen directed 
their discourse to him he was not concerned, and would not take 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

87 

1730. 

i/ou. 

it to himself, for he had no hand in the framing, encouraging or 
publishing these affidavits ; he owned he saw them in manuscript, 
and observing they were sworn before a Justice of Peace of small 
reputation, advised they should be sworn before a person of better 
figure, Sir Jo. Gunson, Chairman of the Sessions, and that was 
all the hand he had in them. 

The general talk now is that Lord Carteret, when he returns 
from Ireland, will be made Lord President of the Council, the 
Duke of Newcastle Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Mr. Henry Pelham 
Secretary of State in his room, and Lord Harrington Secretary of 
State in Lord Townsend's room. 

In the evening, Cousin Southwell and brother Parker and Dering 
came to see me. This Thomas Brereton above mentioned is the 
son of an ordinary fellow who kept an ale-house in Chester, and 
may, for what I know, be still living. Being bred to clerkship 
under an attorney, he was by Sir Richard Grosvenor advanced to 
an employment of about one hundred pounds a year, in return 
for which he opposed the Grosvenor family in their elections in 
Cheshire. Afterwards he married a widow of some substance, 
and employing her money in Southsea, advanced his fortunes. 
Then delivering himself over to this Lord Malpas, he was an agent 
for him in elections and a busy runner, and under his countenance 
got to be elected this Parliament for Liverpool, and when in the 
House gave himself to be entirely to be the slave of Sir Robert 
Walpole, and was made use of in the little job works of the House, 
such as carrying and bringing messages and whispers to and from 
the members, for securing their votes on particular questions, etc. 
For this Sir Robert procured him an employment of about five 
hundred a year, on which occasion his place in Parliament being 
void, there was a necessity for a new election. He stood, and 
Sir Thomas Aston having a fair majority on the poll, the Mayor 
returned him, and now Brereton became a petitioner. 

Thursday, 26 March.—I visited Sir Thomas Aston, Lord Bathurst, 
Lord Palmerston, Mr. Temple his brother, Lord Lonsdale and 
Mr. Lowther. Went to the House, where Mr. Sands' Bill for a work 
house at Worcester being committed, Mr. Winnington moved for 
an instruction for a clause that no attorney should be a governor 
of it, which Sir Joseph Jekyl opposed as being a reflection on an 
honourable profession. Mr. Winnington replied it was no more 
reflection than to exclude them from being overseers of the land tax, 
which is constantly done, because if they were let into the manage 
ment of people's property, they would be sure to set them together 
by the ears. We divided on it ; the " Ayes " who went out were 
ninety-two, the " Noes " who stayed in were one hundred and 
eleven. So we lost it. Several other Bills were read, and some 
committed. The African Bill was one. The House adjourned 
to this day sennit. I dined late at home, and so passed the rest 
of the evening. Sir Edmond Bacon came to see me ; he is an 
attached servant to Sir Robert Walpole, who upon his being a 
member of Parliament procured him a grant for a term of years 
of certain lighthouses worth five hundred pounds a year. He 
pretended that, notwithstanding the affidavits formerly mentioned, 
Lord Bolingbroke was actually in company with Sir William 
Wyndham and Mr. Pulteney on the Dunkirk affair. He said he 
Voted for Brereton, who by this mis-carriage and the expense 

 il 

88 DIABY OF THE 

March 26-31 

of the petition is half an undone man. He owned he had deceived 
Sir Robert Walpole by representing his case wrong and more in 
his favour than it came out. I would not open myself to him, 
but I could not help wondering why, if it was so. he still voted for 
him. . 

Friday, 27.—This being Good Friday, I went to chapel, and 
again in the afternoon. My brother Dering came in and said 
the Prince had sent to him in the morning at nine o'clock to desire 
he would come to him ; that .he found him a-bed, and acquainted 
him with a scheme he had of providing for him by an employment 
he hoped would fall and was immediately in his own gift ; that 
without consulting anybody he would in that case confer it on 
him, and afterwards acquaint their Majesties that it was given 
him. He was exceeding gracious to him, and when he took his 
leave and kist his hand on his going to Bath, the Prince said to 
him, " Take notice you kiss my hand for this place." 

Saturday, 28.—This morning I visited brother Parker, and 
went to Court. Dined.with brother Dering, and in the evening 
went to chapel. At night brother Parker and Counsellor Forster 
came to me, to tell me Russel's affair was before the Attorney 
General. 

Sunday, 29 March, Easter Day.—Communicated this morning 
at the chapel. Went in the evening again. 

Monday, 30 March.—This morning called upon Mr. Oglethorp 
and Mr. Cornwall. Lord Wilmington came to see me. We talked 
freely about Brereton's petition and hearing, about the affidavits of 
Colcott and Jones, and votes of credit. He said there never was 
known such a thing before that a House of Commons should allow 
of a poll taken by any but the proper officer, and that it had been 
very proper to have taken into custody Mr. Brereton's clerk, 
who took that poll of false voters in his master's favour. He said 
that positively my Lord Bolingbroke was not at the meeting with 
Sir William Wyndham, but was then out of town, and bid me 
read over again those affidavits, and I should find neither Colcott 
nor Jones swear anything material, so artful is that paper drawn 
as to appear to be an affidavit throughout, whereas there is no 
part of it is so but towards the end. 

I asked him if he had heard anything of votes of credit. He 
answered, No ; on the contrary, that the Ministry declared there 
should be none asked for this Session. I said it would come very 
unseasonably after their lordships rejecting our Pension Bill. 
He expressed himself much against votes of credit, and told me 
the first given by the House was when he was Speaker, and though 
it was moved for on an urgent occasion, namely the Swedish 
invasion, to repel which there was a sudden and immediate occasion 
for money, yet his Lordship, when it was in the Committee, spoke 
against it, and it was there carried but by fifteen, as it was after 
wards in the House but by four. That being a novelty, and a 
very ill precedent, it was his duty as Speaker to oppose it, and 
that it was remarkable all the members who had in their times 
been Speakers opposed it, as John Smith and Mr. Bromley, who 
both spoke against it, and Sir Thomas Hanmer, who though he 
spoke not, which he was blamed for, yet voted against it. That it 
was then but for two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and 
since has risen to five hundred thousand pounds. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

89 

1730. 

730. 

He said he would acquaint me with the history of the Abjuration 
Oath, which no history has or will mention, and will be forgot. 
That it was the present Lord Bolingbroke, then Mr. St. John, and 
Sir Charles Hedges, then fresh turned out from being Secretary of 
State, and therefore disobliged by King William, who moved 
for the Bill to abjure the Pretender by oath. That the Court and 
Whigs were not for it, but the Tories passed it. That the Whigs, 
not able" to hinder the passing that Bill, were against making the 
oath obligatory on all, but proposed a clause for leaving it voluntary 
and to the liberty of the subject whether to take it or not, but the 
Tories were for enacting it general and obligatory on all. That 
parties were at that time so equal, and this matter thought of so 
great consequence, that it was a very full House the day of debating 
it, above two hundred members of a side, and at last carried but 
by one. That himself was then in Parliament, but sick and could 
not attend, otherwise he had been with the Whigs and voted against 
the Bill, which would have lost it. That having passed both 
Houses, the King being in his last sickness, sent Commissioners 
to pass it in his name, and the next day died. And then, said 
my Lord, I was with the rest of the Whigs heartily glad the Act 
passed, and the Tories heartily sorry. 

I promised to dine with his Lordship at Chiswick next Saturday. 
Mr. St. Lenger came to see me, and upon his promising to hold 
no more Courts of the lands of Liscarroll, purchased of me by his 
father, I promised not to oblige his tenants to attend my Court, 
so this dispute to the title of the lordship of the manor is over. 
I told him that at last Crone had filed a Bill against Crofts for to 
make him shew cause why he detains his acres from him, which 
I hoped would bring that long dispute to a short issue. He said 
Crofts was willing to restore the plus acres, but he hoped I would 
make good the arrears due from said Crofts to himself. I said 
that was not reasonable : for he had a remedy against his own 
tenant to recover arrears, but I had not, nor had I anything to 
do with arrears due from his tenant to him. He said that if his 
tenant was not able to pay those arrears, he ought not to lose them. 
I said he could oblige his tenant one way or other to do it, and he 
had the benefit of these plus acres all the time. He said Crofts 
was an honest, industrious, poor man, and once offered to surrender 
his lease to be quit of the lawsuit threatened by Crone against him, 
and then things had done well, but afterwards Crofts refused. 
I _answered that probably since Crofts saw Crone in earnest against 
him, he would now return to the same mind. He desired to bring 
his attorney to-morrow or next day, to peruse my marriage settle 
ment, and that of my father, for satisfaction to see whether there 
is an occasion for my passing a new fine and recovery for securing 
his father's purchase, and I promised to shew them. 

Ï afterwards went to Court, where the Queen asked me again 
about Dr. Couraye. In the evening I went to our weekly concert. 
Tuesday, 31 March.—This morning Mr. St. Lenger came with 
a lawyer, and perused my father's will, by which he found I was 
«it tenant in tail, and likewise perused my marriage settlement, 
by which he found the lands of Liscarrol are no part of what I 
fettled on my wife or eldest son, or are mentioned in the settlement. 
Whereupon the lawyer told Mr. St. Lenger that as I had suffered 
a recovery when I came of age, which was sufficient, without 

 90 

OF ÏHÊ 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEßCIVAL. 

91 

II 

Mar. 31-April ñ 

levying a fine, to dock the entail and enable me to sell my estate, 
and as Liscarrol is not in my marriage settlement, he had reason 
to be satisfied with his title to Liscarrol, and had nothing further 
to do than to examine in the Court of Common Pleas in Ireland 
whether I did suffer the recovery as I said I had. And Mr. St. 
Lenger exprest himself satisfied. 

In the evening, Mr. St. Hyacinth came and acquainted me that 
he is obliged to let fall his design of publishing an extract of all 
foreign journals of literature for want of subscriptions, and must 
also sell his books by auction, and quit his shop, not being able 
to carry on his business, which I was sorry to hear, because of 
the learning, merit, and industry of the man, and that he has a 
family. 

Wednesday, 1 April.—I called on Mr. Oglethorp, who kept me 
three hours and more in explaining his project of sending a colony 
of poor and honest industrious debtors to the West Indies by 
means of a charitable legacy left by one King, a haberdasher, to be 
disposed of as his executors should please. Those executors have 
agreed that five thousand pounds of the money shall be employed 
to such a purpose, and our business is to get a Patent or Charter 
for incorporating a number of honest and reputable persons to 
pursue this good work, and as those executors desired the persons 
entrusted with that sum might be annexed to some Trust already 
in being, I am desired to consent to admit such as are to manage 
that money into my trust for disposing of the legacy left by 
Mr. Dalone for converting negroes to Christianity, to which I very 
readily have consented, the Lord Chancellor allowing thereof, which 
is not to be doubted. Mr. Oglethorp told me that the number 
relieved by the last year's Act out of prison for debt are ten 
thousand, and that three hundred are returned to take the benefit 
thereof from Prussia, many of whom are woollen manufacturers. 

I afterwards visited the Bishop of London, to desire a living 
near Finchley Common for Mr. Heal, of St. John's College, but 
he had disposed of it. 

At night I went with my wife and children to " Perseus and 
Andromeda." 

Thursday, 2.—Went to the House and Gaol Committee. 
Cousin Fortrey dined with me. 

Friday, 3.—Went to the meeting of the Chelsea Waterworks, 
and balloted for a governor and two new directors. We re-chose 
Colonel Negus, and chose for directors Mr. Tilson, clerk of the 
Treasury, and Mr. Fra. Whitworth, member of Parliament. I 
then went to the House, which sat till half an hour after five upon 
the Bill for relief of the subject by civil Bills. It had no opposition, 
but admitted some alteration. Mr. Parsons, the linen draper, and 
Mr. Wickham, of Harwich, dined with me. In the evening was 
my concert. There were at it Lord Palmerston, Earl of Shaf tesbury, 
Mr. Fane, Colonel Middleton, members of our House, Mr. Man, 
cousin le Grand, Mr. Southwell, Dr. Couraye, and Mr. Forster, · 
Lady Palmerston and her daughter, Lady Ramsden and her three 
daughters, Lady Blundell, Mrs. Forster, Sister Percival, Mrs. 
Donellan, cousin le Grand and her daughter. 

This evening, at two o'clock, died Sir Edward Knatchbull. 
He had been two days before in a manner insensible. I believe 
he caught his illness the long night that the House sat upon the 

1730. 

Dunkirk enquiry, for he then went away fainting about twelve, and 
though the fever did not show itself immediately, so that he went 
abroad the very next day, and continued so to do and to attend 
the House, yet he was not right well, and at last fell down about 
ten days since. His mother and mine were sisters, and I esteemed 
him for his sense and behaviour. He was coming into a good post 
when he died, for the Court had an esteem for him, and he latterly 
attached himself to Sir Robert Walpole. The King told my wife 
this night at the drawing room he was very sorry to hear of his 
death. In the Queen's time he was a pretty warm Tory, but 
gradually came off from violence. The Tories chose him in the late 
King's reign knight of the shire for Kent ; but this Parliament he 
missed of it, because his old friends were shy of his inclination to 
side with the Government, and the Whigs declared they would 
choose men that had always been staunch to the party and, as 
they said, no turncoats ; so Sir Edward was by the help of the 
Government chose in Cornwall. 

Saturday, 4 April.—This day I went to Chiswick to dine with 
my Lord Wilmington, where there was only my Lord Chief Baron. 
Talking of the Pension Bill, I told his Lordship it was very hard 
that the Lords should throw it out without paying us the 
civility of desiring a conference. He said the Bill was so 
faulty, there was no mending it ; that it had no preamble, and 
that as to the pretence of enforcing former laws against pensions, 
this Bill did not content itself with doing that, but went a great 
deal further in depriving persons from receiving any favour from 
his Majesty, and that by an oath not to accept. That nothing 
could be harder in that case than the injury it did the Speaker, 
who has five pounds a day allowed him by the King for keeping a 
table, and a service of plate ; that the five pounds and the plate 
are gratuitous though customary ; and if our Bill had passed he 
must swear not to accept this gratuity. That it was likewise hard 
and unjust to deprive sons of noblemen in case of accepting a place 
or gratuity, of the right of sitting in the Lords' House, and that 
it took from the King the power of rewarding. He said neverthe 
less he believed the Bill would one time or another pass, but it must 
be when we shall be able to ground our Bill upon some fact, some 
discovery of mischief arising from persons known to be pensioned. 

Talking of my Lord Townsend, he said he had some good notions 
with respect to trade, which is the only thing he talks well of, 
for generally he is confused and has not a clear head. One of his 
notions mentioned by my Lord with approbation, and which I could 
not but relish, is, that the poors tax, notwithstanding a heavy one, 
is extremely beneficial to trade, as it is a sort of bounty, or premium, 
on the manufacturer, and consequently makes sundry sorts of 
our work cheap by beating down the price of labour, for we all 
know that as heavy as the poor tax is, the poor are not entirely 
supported by it, but they are only helped a little, which small 
help» together with their own industry in knitting or spinning 
(to apply this to the woollen manufacture) enables them to live ; 
but were it not for what they receive out of the tax abovementioned, 
they would not knit or spin for so small wages as they receive 
tor that work, because they would starve by it. 
bunday, 5 April.—To-day I went to chapel at eight o'clock; 
to Court, where the Prince, King, and Queen spoke to me. 

 02 DIARY or THE 

April 5-17 

The Queen told me she would send next week to me to bring 
Dr. Couraye to her ; she bid me (as she had done some days before) 
to assure the doctor she would always take care of him, he should 
never want. She desired to know what he thought of the King of 
France's new ordonnance, and the renewed persecution of the 
Janséniste there. I answered he thought him doubly fortunate 
to be here in safety, being sure he should be the first man that 
would be cruelly dealt by. I also thanked her Majesty for her 
charitable regard and generosity to him. After dinner I went 
again to chapel. 

Monday, 6.—To-day I went to the House, where we closed 
the Committee of Supply. Dined at home and passed the 
evening. 

Tuesday, 7.—Went to Charlton. 

Thursday, 9.—Returned to London, and found Mr. Baker 
Cockerill and Page, of Harwich. Went to Mr. Southwell's, after 
wards to the House, came home to dinner. In the evening went 
with my wife to the vocal concert at the Crown, which much diverted 
her, though the best voices were absent. 

Friday, 10.—Mr. Taylor and Mr. Aspinwall called on me, the 
latter touching Lady Dudley's Bill now depending, which, as it 
stands, he apprehends may prejudice the interest of Mr. Wogan. I 
looked over his petition to be relieved by a clause, or to be heard 
against the Bill by counsel, and appointed him to be at the House, 
where I would apply to the Speaker for advice. Accordingly I 
did, and I showed the Speaker the clause intended for relief, which 
he disapproved, because it imported to be relieved not only out 
of the custodium granted to Jones, but out of the whole Wicklow 
Estate. · I offered to present the petition upon the second reading 
of Lady Dudley's Bill this day, but it was thought advisable to 
defer doing it, there being time enough, if necessary, between this 
and Monday sennit, to which day the Bill stands committed. 
In the meanwhile, Mr. Aspinwall hoped to agree matters with 
Jones, the custodee, who offered to give Mr. Wogan fifteen hundred 
pounds to be acquitted of all demands. 

Mr. Bagnall dined with us, and in the evening Mr. Frazer, 
Mr. Temple, and brother Parker called in to see me. Mr. Frazer 
told me the Prince had lately engaged a mistress in his neighbour 
hood, a Papist, and taken a house and furnished it just over against 
her father's ; that her father's name is La Tour, the man in the 
playhouse plays the hautboy. That the discourse is the Prince 
has bought her for fifteen hundred pounds. I was very sorry to 
hear it, and do heartily wish the project of his marriage with the 
Princess Royal of Prussia may come to effect, upon which I am 
persuaded his Royal Highness will forsake this kind of life. This 
day, my son surprised me with a discovery that he is the author 
of two printed pamphlets published last January. The first 
entitled, " Some Remarks upon a Pamphlet entitled a Short View 
of the State of Affairs with relation to Great Britain for four years 
past." The second entitled, " A Review of a Pamphlet entitled 
Observations on the Treaty of Seville examined." 

They are the first essays of this kind, and he made me promise 
not to acquaint any but my wife that he wrote them. He need 
not be ashamed of them, and few children at nineteen years old 
would have done so well. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

93 

1730. 

Saturday, 11 April.—To-day I visited at the Duke of Dorset's 
and Mr. Southwell's. Went to the Temple to give Mr. Annesley 
the deed for augmenting the number of trustees of Dalone's legacy, 
which he thinks cannot be done by us five trustees originally 
appointed, but by the Master of the Rolls, by bill and answer. 
Called at the Crown Office on Mr. Masterman to desire he would 
wait on the Attorney General, who had dispatched Russel's affair, 
and that he would as soon as possible carry the Attorney General's 
warrant to Mr. Medcalf, Solicitor of the Custom House, to discharge 

that man. 

I went afterwards to the House, and returned to dinner at home 
when Mr. Page and Cockerill came and dined with me. At night I 
went to the Opera with my wife and children. 

Sunday, 12.—Went to morning chapel, afterwards to Court, 
where I carried Page of Harwich, with his wife, daughter and 
son-in-law, to see the King go to church. The Prince and King 
discoursed me, which was a distinction, there being many Blue 
Garters and great lords to whom he said nothing. I brought home 
the company I carried with me to Court to dinner. 

Monday, 13.—Met Mr. Annesley, Mr. Conduit, and Mr. Aspinwall 
about Mr. Wogan's affair at Mr. Southwell's, and agreed to present 
Mr. Wogan's petition. -Went to the House, where Mr. Conduit 
presented it accordingly, and I seconded it. Mr. Cornwall came 
home with me to dinner, and found Fabri and Bartoldi, one of 
the women singers of the opera, and Mr. August Schutz and his 
wife at dinner. This singer, I was told, is a fresh mistress to the 
Prince, since La Tour's daughter. The evening was spent in 
music. 

Tuesday, 14.—I went to Sir Robert Walpole's levée, who told 
me he had spoke to the Queen in my brother Dering's favour ; that 
she is now very well satisfied, but there had been some ill impressions 
given her, and some misapplication, but he had set all right, and 
hoped something would be done ; that nothing should be wanting on 
his part, and he believed the first thing that fell. I writ 
my brother word of it. 

Mr. Clerk, Dr. Couraye, and Brigadier St. Hipolite dined with 
me. 

Wednesday, 15 April.—To-day I went to the House. After 
dinner went to the play with my son. 

Thursday, 16.—Went to Mr. le Grand, cousin Southwell, and 
Mr. Aspinwall, touching Mr. Wogan's affair ; afterwards to the 
House. Brother Parker dined with me ; went in the evening to 
a Council of the Royal Society. 

Friday, 17.—Did not stir out. Mrs. Middleton and brother and 
sister Percival dined with me. In the evening my concert as usual. 
There were at it Earl of Grantham, Lord Palmerston, Sir Richard 
Mead, Mr. Cornwall, Mr. Le Grand, Mr. Man, Mr. Clerk, 
Mr. Doddington, Duchess of Kent, Lady Palmerston, Mrs. Ramsden, 
Mrs. Le Grand, Lady Hanmer, sister Percival, Mr. J. Temple and 
ms daughter. Mr. Taylor, my daughter, Miss Middleton, and 
Mr. Gaillard sung. 

Mr. Doddington told me aside it was resolved, and is actually 
oone, but will not be declared these two days yet, viz. : that the 
Uuke of Dorset is Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Lord Trevor 
removed from Privy Seal to President of the Council, and which 

 94 DIAEY OF THE 

April 17-21 

is more important news, Lord Wilmington made Privy Seal, so 
that here is the head of the party which opposes Sir Robert Walpole 
taken into place. He added, that it is impossible public affairs 
can go on at the rate they do, and that the true interest of the nation 
is to be well with the Emperor, and not in such a close conjunction 
with France. I answered, I hoped he did not mean to unravel all 
that we have been doing ; he said " Yes." I replied, " Not up to 
the fountain head !" He said, " Not to fall out with France, but 
to be cooler with them, and well with the Emperor." I asked him 
how the Dutch were satisfied with the French preparations to march 
so great a body of troops towards the Rhine. He said, " They 
began to be uneasy." As to Lord Townsend, it is certain he 
continues his resolution to quit his employment and retire for 
good and all into the country, and all things considered, I believe 
Sir Robert Walpole will choose to withdraw himself into the House 
of Lords, and give way to the torrent. For though the King 
supports him as a very capable man to do his business, and surely 
I think him the most so,-yet it is believed his Majesty has no hearty 
and personal love for him, and nothing can be more cutting than 
for him to see Lord Wilmington in any post. 

My wife was in the morning at the Queen's Court, who has still 
the gout, and likes to see a great levée on this occasion : accordingly 
there was a vast crowd. She told my wife she had been in a good 
deal of pain ; she also told her I had been so kind as to promise 
to bring Dr. Couraye to see her this week, for whom she had a 
great opinion, but that the gout prevented it, but she hoped to see 
him the next week. 

Saturday, 18.—Visited the Earl of Grantham. Among other 
things he told me the Queen did not love the Prince should take 
on him to recommend persons for employments ; which explained 
to me what Sir Robert Walpole meant when he told me the other 
day that there had been some misapplication in favour of my 
brother Dering. I told it my Lord Grantham, and he said that 
was it. He said the Queen was inconceivably generous and 
charitable, and it would amaze me to know how much she gave 
away, and those large sums that nobody knew of. I replied, 
ostentation was not commendable in any one, but for example 
sake a Queen's charity should be like a lighted candle, not set under 
a bushel. He of his own accord said he should not forget to speak 
for my brother Dering, upon the settling the Prince's family when 
he marries. He commended my daughter's singing and playing 
and added he wished my children were well married. I answered, 
I left that to Providence, who knew better what was fit for them 
and would do better than I could ; that I had done my duty in 
their education, and should never force them to marry where 
they did not like, as I had often promised them, and they had in 
return promised to marry nobody I should not approve of. He 
said it was what he had told his daughters. He said both King 
and Queen had a very good opinion of me. 

I afterwards called at Sir Windham Knatchbull's and 
Lord Wilmington's, who were not at home ; then went to the House, 
and returned to dinner. My wife went in the morning to 
Charlton. 

Sunday, 19.—Went in the morning to St. James's Chapel. 
Afterwards called on Mr. Clerk, and then went to Court, where 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 

95 

1730. 

the Prince again asked after my brother Dering, and the King 
spo'ke first to me of all the circle, then to the Earl of Seaforth and 
Lord Fitzwalter, after which he went in. Dr. Couraye dined 
with me. In the evening my brother Parker came in to bid us 
adieu, going to Bath ; also old Catalogue Frazer called on me. 
He is eighty-four years old, and has his health and memory, sight, 
and parts as brisk as when young. There scarce has been published 
a book he has not read, or does not know, for which reason the 
world have fixed on him the name Catalogue. He is a great searcher 
into anecdotes, and a relator of not a few. He is a Presbyterian, 
but not rigid. 

Monday, 20.—Mr. Aspinwall called on me to let me know 
Mr. Jones had agreed to sign an absolute security to Mr. Wogan 
for payment of fifteen hundred pounds, and Mr. Jones let me 
know the same at the House afterwards. Mr. Bagnall and 
Mr. Taylor called on me. Went to the House, where the Gaol 
Committee were met and examined witnesses touching my Lord 
Chief Justice Eyre's visiting Bambridge in Newgate when lodged 
there by order of Parliament in order for his trial. The Committee 
very justly thought it strange that the Judge who was to try 
Bambridge should previously repair to prison to hold private 
conversation with him, and resolved to report it to the House. 
I said, however, that as we were a Committee appointed to examine 
the state of the gaols, I did not see which way we could take cog 
nizance of this affair, unless by bringing it in as an argument why 
Bambridge and Acton last year met with so much favourable usage 
and escaped upon their trials. 

At four o'clock seventeen of the Committee dined together at 
the Globe. I left them at six, and went with my wife and daughter 
to our Monday's concert. 

Tuesday, 21 April.—To-day I called on Dr. Couraye, he being 
ill, and on Mr. Aspinwall touching my brother Dering's intention 
of buying one thousand pounds Irish subscription Stock, which 
is at five per cent, premium. 

Afterwards I visited cousin SouthweJl, and then went to the 
Gaol Committee, where it was agreed to order some witnesses to 
attend to-morrow to enquire into Mr. Bambridge's not making out 
a list of his prisoners (when removed from being Warden of the 
Fleet Prison), according as required by Act of Parliament on pain 
of felony. We also enquired into my Lord Chief Justice Eyre's 
visiting Bambridge while under prosecution for felony in Newgate, 
which a lawyer of our House told me was a high crime and mis 
demeanour, especially in a judge who afterwards tried that very 
prisoner. 

Then I went to the House, where Mr. Norris made a motion to 
address the King to lay before the House the secret and separate 
articles of the Treaty of Seville, with the ratification thereof. It 
was a surprise on the House, and none of the Ministry to speak 
against the motion present, but they were sent for in a hurry, 
and the debate maintained by Sir William Strickland and Sir George 
Oxendon till Mr. Walpole, Sir Robert Walpole, and Pelham, 
Secretary of War, came in. We divided after four hours' debate 
in which about twenty spoke on both sides, and, on the division, 
°ne hundred and ninety-seven were against the motion, and 
seventy-eight for it. It was justly argued that the motion tended 

 96 DIARY OP THE 

April 21-25 

only to destroy our present measures and animate the Emperor 
to continue his resolution of going to war. 

I returned home to dinner, and found Mr. Taylor there. In the 
evening, cousin Thomas Wherwood and his wife came to see us. 

At night I writ my brother Bering word that I had ordered 
Mr. Aspinwall to write to his correspondent in Ireland to buy 
my brother one thousand Irish subscription Stock, and that in the 
mean time I had lodged the purchase money in Mr. Höre's hands 
till drawn for. 

Wednesday, 22 April.—This morning the clerk of St. James's 
Parish brought me a notification that I am elected a Trustee of 
King's Street Chapel and school. My wife went to Charlton this 
morning, there to lie a night and settle the children till our return 
from Bath. 

I went this morning to Mr. Höre's, the banker, and left with him 
930Z. of my brother Bering's money, and took a note for his use 
of the other 70Z. drawn by Mr. Höre on Harrison, of the Bath. I 
also caused the 20Z. paid by Höre to a woman in Bath last year 
on my brother Bering's account to be entered in my account with 
Mr. Höre and my brother Bering is to account with me for it. 

I called upon Br. Couraye, who was in a shaking fit, the ague, 
and sent to Br. Arbuthnot to let him know it. 

Yesterday, Mr. Eustace Budgell, a relation to the deceased 
Mr. Addison, and one who made a figure by speeches in Parliament 
and by his writings, and who, if I forget not, had an employment, 
but had a small estate to which he was born, exceedingly mangled 
and impaired by the South Sea project, came to Court, and in the 
midst of the circle kneeled down and presented a petition to the 
King, at which time he said aloud, so that all the room heard him, 
that he was come to complain to his Majesty of great wrong and 
injustice done him by Sir Robert Walpole. The King took the 
petition, and now everybody is curious to know the purport of 
it. 

I dined with my cousin Le Grand. Called on Mr. Southwell, 
and in the evening went to the House of Commons, which I found 
sitting upon the Coal Bill, and did not break up till past seven. 
Passed the rest of the evening at home. 

Thursday, 23.—Settled divers affairs relating to my estate with 
my steward, Mr. Taylor. Went to Court, dined with my brother 
Percival, and in the evening went with him to the vocal concert. 
My wife returned at night from Charlton. 

Friday, 24.—Visited Colonel Schutz, Mr. August Schutz, Capel 
Moor, and Sir Thomas Hanmer ; none at home but the first. My 
cousin Le Grand and his wife, and Mr. Sansom. commissary of the 
Packets at Harwich, dined with me. Mr. Sansom made the greatest 
professions that can be given of his attachment to my brother 
Parker's interest there, and to mine ; and showed me a list of all 
the Corporation, which he brought up and remarked their several 
dispositions and dependencies. He says that Orlibar, one of 
our hot-headed antagonists, will be brought to reason, because 
he has a great profit in sending oysters on board the Packets to 
Holland, which he (the Commissary) can deprive him of when 
he pleases, and that Charles Rainer must come over with Orlibar, 
being his cooper. That Newell, the Mayor, he thinks an honest 
man, and will return, having made apologies that he had been 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 97 

1730. 

guilty of a mistake in siding with Philipson. That Rudland had 
privately assured one of our friends he will forsake Philipson's 
party. That he finds Davis one of the most sensible and most 
devoted of our friends ; that young Lucas will be brought over. 
That Osborn and Peek will now be firm, and that many of Philipson's 
party acted against us by the compulsion and awe of Philipson. 
That Captain Stevens he has had no concern with, but young 
Captain Wimple we may be assured of. He hinted that some 
thing is doing for Philipson at Harwich with respect to an employ 
ment, but could not tell me, or would not explain himself. That 
he is sure Harrison of the Post Office is not my enemy, but be could 
not assure the same of Cartwright ; his reason is, that when 
Mr. Horace Walpole sent him to the Postmasters General to acquaint 
them that he was to succeed Philipson, he bid him go first to 
Harrison, and then to Cartwright, and bring him back word what 
he should say upon it, but that Cartwright said nothing to it. 

Afterwards I went to the Haymarket playhouse, and saw a play 
called " The Author's Farce and the Pleasures of the Town," with 
an additional piece called " The Tragedy of Tom Thumb." Both 
these plays are a ridicule on poets, and several of their works, as 
also of operas, etc., and the last of our modern tragedians and 
are exceedingly full of humour, with some wit. The author is one 
of the sixteen children of Mr. Fielding, and in a very low condition 
of purse. 

Saturday, 25 April.—I went to visit Mr. Sansom at the Paper 
Buildings in the Inner Temple, and saw his wife and child. We 
talked over Harwich affairs. He repeated again that whatever 
he could do for our service to the utmost extent of the liberty the law 
will allow, he will use ; and I said we did not desire he should do 
anything inconsistent with his duty or honour. He said Mr. Manly, 
of Ireland, had so strongly recommended Bickerton to him, that 
he could not remove him without the greatest difficulty, but he 
hoped he would act as he ought, without absolutely commanding, 
for that would be interposing in such a manner as might come 
to exceed the duty of his place ; but if he did not, he would, not 
withstanding, dismiss him ; that his method was to keep company 
alternately with both parties, in order to cement the corporation 
into one interest, which I approved, and on this occasion told him 
it had industriously been given out by Philipson's friends that my 
brother and I laboured to render Harwich an independent borough, 
and exclude the power which the Government naturally ought 
to have in a seaport town ; that this was false, for we only laboured 
to defend a natural interest my brother had there, which Philipson 
would strip him of ; that insidiously Philipson and his friends 
pretended to be my friend, and only enemy to my brother, but 
that he knew if he injured one he hurt both, and I did not accept 
their compliment, which tended to throw jealousy between my 
brother and me; that I had obligations to my brother for 
inviting me to stand there, and had rather miscarry myself than 
that he should. He told me again that Harrison was no friend to 
Philipson. 

Cousin Le Grand came this morning to me with some writings 

or me to sign. I am trustee in his marriage settlement, and there 

Demg an incumbrance thereon of 1,200?., he had added to that 

settlement other lands to make up the value of the incumbrance : 

Wt. 24408 B 7 

 ..·"·' il ΊΙι,, 

98 DIARY OF THE 

April 25-Aug. 4 

which 1,200Z. being since paid, he desired Mr. Southwell and me, 
the two trustees, to exempt again out of the settlement the lands 
of additional security, which we consented to, and I this day signed 
accordingly. 

I visited cousin Whorwood and his wife. Afterwards went 
to the House to attend Sir William Dudley's Bill. Dined at home, 
and then went to the Opera. 

Sunday, 26 April.—Went in the morning to chapel, then to Court, 
where the King again spoke to me about my journey to Bath. 
The Prince did the same. Mr. Clerk and Dr. Couraye dined with 
me. Went in the evening to chapel. 

Monday, 27.—Set out for Bath. 

Saturday, 20 June.—Returned to Charlton by Windsor, where 
the 19th I went from Maidenhead to pay my court, and dined 
with the Earl of Grantham. 

Monday, 22.—Went to town to see my brother and sister Dering, 
and dined with them. I returned at night. 

Tuesday, 23.—Stayed at home all day. 

I Friday, 26.—Mr. Oglethorp came from London, and dined 
, with me. His business was to talk over his scheme of settling 
f poor debtors in Carolina. 

Sunday, 28.—Mr. Blackwood, Mr. Swarts, and Justice Savery 
came to see me after dinner, and my brother and sister Percival 
dined with me. I took Justice Savery's directions for prosecuting 
my deer stealers in Maidstone gaol. 

Monday, 29, and Tuesday, 30:—Stayed at home. 

Wednesday, 1 July.—Went to town to a meeting of the new 
Society for fulfilling Mr. Dalone's will in the conversion of negroes, 
and disposing of five thousand pounds, a charity that will be put 
in our hands by Mr. King's trustees, and which we design to dispose 
in settling some hundred of families in Carolina, who came 
necessitous out of gaols by virtue of our late debtors Act. Called 
on Mrs. Percival and brother Dering. 

July 2, 3, 4.—Stayed at home. This day my brother and sister 
Dering came down with their family to stay till they go to 
Tunbridge. 

Wednesday, 8.—This day came down Fabri and his wife, and 
Bertholdi : the first and last singers of the Opera. 

Thursday, 9 ; Friday, 10 ; Saturday, 11.—Stayed at home. 

Sunday, 12.—Mr. Fabri and his wife went home. Communicated 
at church. In the evening visited Mr. Blackwood and Captain 
Bronkard. My wife presented Mrs. Fabri with a ring of six guineas. 

Monday, 13, Tuesday, 14.—Stayed at home. 

Wednesday, 15.—Went to town to the meeting of our Society 
for converting negroes, and returned to dinner. There were present 
Colonel Carpenter and Mr. Digby, eldest sons of my Lord Carpenter 
and Lord Digby, Mr. Vernon, clerk of the Council and Com 
missioner of Excise, Mr. Andersen, Captain Coram, Mr. Oglethorp, 
chairman for this year, and myself, and clergymen, Mr. Smith, 
Mr. Bedford, our Secretaries, Mr. Hales and Mr. Bundy. 

Thursday, 16.—Stayed at home. 

Friday, 17.—Cousin Percival, with her daughter and son, the 
parson, came and dined with us. 

Saturday, 18.—Colonel Schutz came and dined with us, and 
Mr, Richard Philips and his wife, of Harwich, came to lie at our 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL 

99 

1730. 

house. Colonel Schutz gave me out of the Prince's charity money 
ten guineas for conversion of the blacks and promoting the settle 
ment of a colony in the West Indies . 

Sunday, 19.—Mrs Bertholdi, the opera singer, went to London. 
My wife presented her a silver teapot and salver of six guineas. 
Mr. Dawney came to see me. 

Monday, 20 ; Tuesday, 21.—Stayed at home. Brother Percival 
and sister came and dined with us. 

Wednesday, 22.—Mr. Philips and his wife went to Harwich. 

Saturday, 25.—Mr. Oglethorp came to dine with me, and dis 
course the charter we design to apply for. 

Sunday, 26.—Visited Mr. Dawney. 

July, Monday, 27 ; Tuesday, 28 ; Wednesday, 29.—Stayed at 

home. 

Thursday, 30.—Went to town to the Society of Associates for 
Mr. Dalone's Legacy to convert blacks in America, and settle a 
colony in America. There were present Mr. Oglethorp, myself, 
Mr. Anderson, second accountant to the South Sea Company in 
that article that relates to their trade, Mr. Hucks, junior, 
Captain Coram, the Reverend Mr. Smith, and the Reverend Mr. 
Hales. We agreed on a petition to the King and Council for 
obtaining a grant of lands on the south-west of Carolina for settling 
poor persons of London, and having ordered it to be engrossed fair, 
we signed itj all who were present, and the other Associates were 
to be spoke also to sign it before delivered, A paper drawn up 
for Captain Coram to carry to Tunbridge in order to collect sub 
scriptions to our scheme, conditional that a grant be made us of 
lands desired, was showed me, and my leave desired that I might 
be mentioned in it, because they thought it might facilitate sub 
scriptions, and I readily gave it, but advised that some others 
might likewise be mentioned in it. I gave them ten guineas, 
which Colonel Schutz presented the Society out of the Prince's 
charity money to forward the design. Mr. Hastings sent five 
pound, and an unknown person by Mr. Oglethorp's hands twenty 
pound. 

I then went to dinner at my brother Percival's. In the evening 
called on Sir Emanuel Moore, son to a sister of my father's. Then 
to brother Dering's. 

Friday, 31.—Went by appointment with Mr. Oglethorp to see 
Mr. Carpenter, one of the three Trustees of Mr. King's Charity, 
from whom we expect five thousand pounds for the settlement 
of our colony. He was well disposed, but some had been tampering 
with him to make him believe that disposal of the charity money 
was not suitable to the deceased's will. We came away and 
resolved that Councillor Mead's opinion thereupon should be asked 
to satisfy Mr. Carpenter. One Smith and Gordon are the other 
trustees of that charity. I dined with brother Dering. 

Saturday, 1 August.—Called on Sir Emanuel Moore, who was 
at home, and then left London to dine at Charlton. 

1 had from undoubted hands in London, that if the late Dr. Clerk, 
tli T>- "^8'8- ha<i survived the present Archbishop of Canterbury, 
wie King would have made him his successor, and when the King 
was told that could not be because he would not accept it, the 
Krng replied, "I'll make him." 

Monday, 3 ; Tuesday, 4.—Stayed at home. 

 V1 

ιΐΐ 

100 DIABY OF THE 

Aug. 5-26 

Wednesday, 5.—The Bishop of Gloucester, his' chaplain, 
and Dr. Barecroft came to dinner : the latter lay here. 

The Bishop (Dr. Wilcox) is my acquaintance from the time 
I was at Magdalen College, where he was Fellow. He afterwards 
was chaplain to old Sir Harry Ashurst at thirty pounds a year, 
and by his interest went chaplain to Portugal. After some years, 
he returned, and, growing into Court favour, attended the late 
King George to Hanover as English Minister, and was made 
Bishop of Gloucester. He is promised the Bishopric of Rochester 
and Deanery of Westminster when old Dr. Bradford dies, which 
is not far off. He is a very good-natured man, and has made a 
resolution never to lay up a farthing he gets by the Church, which 
he need not, having but one son to provide for and a good temporal 
estate to leave him. He resides as much as any Bishop in his 
diocese, at least four months in the year, and keeps a very generous 
and hospitable table ; which makes amends for the learning, he is 
deficient in. However, though no great scholar, nor a deep man, 
he is a very frequent preacher, and this, with his zeal for the 
Government, good humour, and regular life, makes him very well 
liked by the Government and all that know him. He is very facetious 
and loves innocent jests, and told me he thought a man had nothing 
to do but be as merry as he can with innocence. He told me 
some merry arguments used by the priests in Portugal in their 
disputes with him about religion. One asked him if the Protestants 
ever doubted whether they were in the right way. The Bishop 
answered, " No." " Ah !" said the priest, " that is a certain sign 
they are in the hands of the devil ; for my part," continued he, 
" I'm sure I'm of the true faith, because I often doubt I'me 
wrong, for these doubts are suggestions of Satan, who would tempt 
me to change the true religion for a bad one, and then he would 
be sure to have me, but you Protestants he lets alone, because he 
is sure of you already." Another priest asked him why we should 
trouble ourselves that the true Church believed purgatory. 
" For," said he gravely, " it is no concern of yours. All who go to 
purgatory are to be saved, but you who are all to be damned have 
no business with it, and therefore should say nothing about it." 

This day my son's picture in miniature done by himself came 
home, set in gold, and is admired for its neatness and likeness. 

Thursday, 6 ; Friday, 7 ; Saturday, 8.—Stayed at home. 

Sunday, 9.—-Communicated. In the evening Justice Savory 
and Mons. de Guillon came from Greenwich to see me. 

Monday, 10.—Mrs. Schutz came hither to dinner. 

A short time ago Sir Charles Hotham, who was sent to Berlin 
to endeavour a reconciliation with that Court, returned, and was 
well received by the King. He was ordered to insist with that 
King that Reichenberg, his Resident here, a saucy fellow, and 
who has long promoted a difference between the two Courts, should 
be recalled, but that King constantly refused it, saying what we 
laid to his charge was all lies. At length Sir Charles pulled out 
of his pocket a letter of Reichenberg's intercepted, and told his 
Majesty that since nothing else would satisfy him of it, he hoped 
that letter would, wherein was several false informations of our 
Court, and particularly concerning the Princess Amelia, whose 
disorders he writ were fits of madness, than which nothing is more 
false. The King took the letter, and instead of reading it threw 

FIBST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 101 

1730. 

it at Sir Charles's head, commanding him not to speak any more 
about recalling his Minister, whereupon Sir Charles retired to his 
lodging. The King, reflecting on his brutality, sent to him to 
desire he would not write what had passed to Court, but Sir Charles 
said he could not avoid it, that it was an indignity to his master, 
whom he represented, and would not only send an account of it 
by express, but follow the courier as fast as he could himself. And 
accordingly he came away without taking leave, though the 
King several times desired he would stay and make up the 
matter. 

Tuesday, 11 ; Wednesday, 12.—Stayed at home. 

Thursday, 13.—This day my brother and sister Dering set out 
for London to consult Dr. Boreham on his illness, and my son 
went with them. 

Sunday, 16.—This day Mr. Percival and his wife, of Eltham, 
came in the afternoon to see us. He is a relation of mine, descended 
from a branch in Somersetshire, and is now Secretary to the Navy 
Office. 

Tuesday, 18.—Stayed at home. 

Wednesday, 29.—I had an account that my cousin Southwell 
had been taken ill of a kind of apoplexy at Windsor upon drinking 
when he was hot three glasses of spa water. I found him this 
day in London in a recovering way, and my brother Percival in 
a fit of the gout. 

Thursday, 20 August, 1730.—I went this afternoon to a Council of 
the Royal Society, to serve Dr. Wiggan, a physician of very good 
character and interest, who desired I would be there to give my 
vote to admit him a Fellow of the Royal Society. We passed 
him with only one negative, and I doubt not the Fellows will 
approve him at their next meeting. 

Dr. Mead came to see me to tell me the Queen desired I would 
instantly bring Dr. Couraye to her, she intending to prevail on 
him to undertake a translation of Thuanus into French. I answered, 
he was at Mr. Duncomb's in Wiltshire, but I would write to him 
this post to make haste up, and as I should not see him, because I 
was to go next Tuesday to Bath, I desired the Doctor to carry him 
to Windsor, which he said he would. In the evening I returned 
to Charlton. 

Friday, 21-Monday, 24.—Stayed at home. 

Tuesday, 25.—Set out for Windsor, and dined hi our way at 
Richmond, where we saw the Queen's garden; which is much 
improved by several new walks made through the Park and gardens. 
One of them is a mile long, reaching from Richmond town to 
Sir Charles Ayre's house on Kew Green, which the Queen bought 
at his death. At night we lay at Eaton. Our number was my 
wife and I, her maid, my gentleman, two footmen, a helper, coach 
man, and postillion, six coach horses and three saddle ones. 

Wednesday, 26.—Went to Windsor; called on Mr. Clerke, 
where I met the Earl of Grantham. I thanked him for his kindness 
to my young cousin Scot, who he got to be page to the Prince 
without my knowledge or that of any of his relations ; but Mr. Clerk 
recommended him to him. I then went to the King's Levée, 
who asked me several questions, and was very obliging, but he 
gave me a gentle rub for not coming oftener to Court, for when 

told him I was sroiner ta^Ssfcteaia answered : Windsor lav in 

was goir 

( LIBRARY 

\ 

 ^l l« l 

C-fli . ' 

102 DIARY OF THE 

Aug. 26-Sept. 16 

the way thither from Charlton. Afterwards I waited on the Queen, 
who kept her usual affable behaviour to me, and discoursed much 
about Dr. Couraye, who she desired to employ in publishing a 
French translation of Thuanus's Latin history of his own time. 
She said she knew he was the properest man in the world for it, 
only she hoped when he came to translate the castrated pieces of 
that famous author, he would not be outrageously severe on the 
Jesuits, whom she knew he did not love. She said she had been 
twelve years looking out for those castrated sheets, which she 
had lately the good fortune to purchase, together with the manu 
script translation carrying on in France, and which Cardinal Fieury 
would not suffer to go on ; that she has papers six foot high from 
the ground. I replied, her Majesty showed herself a great patron 
of learning, and a good judge in the choice of an able man to fulfil 
her design ; that Dr. Couraye was certainly extremely capable 
of it, and would rejoice that he could be in a way of serving her 
Majesty. That being only a translator, he could not but follow 
the original, that otherwise he would be unfaithful, which was 
not his character, being in all things an honest and sincere man. 
That I received her Majesty's commands in London Thursday 
last, by the mouth of Dr. Mead, to bring him immediately to wait 
on her, which I could not do, he being in Wiltshire with Mr. 
Duncomb, but that I writ to him that very day to come up as 
soon as he could and call on Dr. Mead who would bring him 
as soon as he arrived to Windsor. She asked with some impatience 
when would he be in London. I answered possibly Tuesday or 
Wednesday, but that would depend on the time he might receive 
my letter ; that in the country the post often lies some miles 
distant from gentlemen's seats, and therefore he might not receive 
my letter so soon as I could wish, but I was sure he would lose no 
time. She then asked me my opinion how the Latin proper names 
of families, towns, and persons should be translated, whether 
into one single language, or into several, according to the pro 
nunciation of them in their respective countries She thought it 
best they should all be rendered as the French pronounce them, 
because that is the language most generally known, and the 
translation would be in that tongue. I answered if her Majesty 
thought so, there ought to be marginal explications of those names 
according to their appellations in their several countries, but I rather 
humbly thought it best that the text itself expressed those names 
according to their respective countries' manner of pronouncing 
them. She then called the King up, and told him what she had 
discoursed me upon, and what I thought of this last particular, 
asking him what he judged. He immediately replied that certainly 
I was in the right, they should be turned into the pronunciation 
of their respective countries, for else nobody would know them. 
The Queen said thereupon she thought so too. I said, however 
their Majesties determined, the Latin terminations, as in the text, 
ought not to be preserved, for no nation at all can make anything 
of them as they now stand there. The Princesses asked very 
kindly after my brother Dering ; but I could not see the Prince, 
for he went this morning early to fish some miles off, and did not 
return till night. My Lord Grantham said he would tell him that 
I was at his apartment in hopes to pay my duty to him. After 
Court was over, which was near four o'clock, we went to dinner 

FIEST VISCOUKT PEECIVAL. 103 

1730. 

with Augustus Schultz, and at night took coach and proceeded 
to Maidenhead Bridge, where we lay. 

Thursday, 27.—Dined at Theal and lay at Spinham Land. 

Friday, 28.—Dined near Marlborough, and lay at Sandy Lane. 

Saturday, 29.—Dined at Bath, and lay at the Greyhound Inn, 
in the Market-place. We took very good lodgings at Mrs. Philips 
at four pounds a week, and went into them next morning. 

Sunday, 30.—Parson Vesey, who married Ba, the apothecary, 
the present Mayor's daughter, came to see me ; he is brother to 
the late Sir Thomas Vesey, Bishop of Ossory, who died a month 
ago, and son to Vesey, A[rch]b[ishop] of Tuam. 

Monday, 31.—Mr. Cartwright, of Ayno, and General Stewart, 
as they call him, nephew to the late General Stewart, came to 
see me. This last was cut out by the deceased General from 
inheriting any part of his estate, by reason he made a stolen marriage 
with Mrs. Villiers, daughter to the Lady Grandison, the General's 
first wife. After her death, he married a second time, and 
bequeathed his estate to her ; thereupon Mrs. Villiers, the new 
married lady, went to law with her for her fortune as daughter 
to the Lord Grandison, and the mother-in-law in return pretends 
to be repaid all the expenses which the General deceased, her 
husband, was at in keeping her in house and lodgings. The suit 
is now depending. But the General had another reason to be 
displeased with his nephew. He trusted him with the management 
of all his affairs, even to keeping the key of his scriptore, out of which 
the Brigadier one day stole a bond which he had given his uncle 
for one thousand pounds lent him. The General coming to the 
knowledge of it, expelled him his house, and upon this stolen 
wedding expelled him his will. Therefore cave acquaintance with 
him more than outward civility. 

Wednesday, 2 September.—Came my brother and sister 
Percival. 

Friday, 4.—Visited Lord Abercorn, who is almost dead on one 
side with the palsy ; returned also the visits of Archdeacon of Cork, 
Dr. Rüssel and Mr. St. Johns. 

Saturday, 5.—Writ to Lord Grantham to acquaint the Queen 
that my letter to bring Dr. Couraye up miscarried, but that I have 
sent this day express to send him to Windsor to wait on her. 

Monday, 14.—Visited my Lord Carteret. I begun at 
Dr. Desaguiliere's lecture of experimental philosophy. 

Wednesday, 16.—Fabri, the opera man, came down. 

I was informed of the true reason why the Prince of Prussia 
fled from his father, namely, he would oblige him to turn Papist 
to marry the Archduchess ; the Prince refusing, the King collared 
him, whereupon the other thought best to fly for it, but was over 
taken at Wesel, and is now confined in a castle situated very 
unwholesomely for air ; 'tis well if the brute his father dont 
make him away, but he may do it as effectually, though not so 
suddenly, by leaving him in that confinement. He allows him 
sixpence a day for his maintenance. Two Colonels assisted him 
ui his escape, one of whom had the good fortune to save himself in 
England, where he keeps incognito. The other was taken, and is 
now in chains, carrying a wheelbarrow in the King's works. The 
^ing, jealous that the Princess of Prussia knew of her brother's 
escape, beat her eyes almost out of her head. The poor Queen is 

 104 DIARY OS THE 

Sept. 16-Oct. 6 

inconsolable, and our Court shed tears when this account came. 
I have all this from good and undoubted hands. 

Saturday, 19.—Visited Mr. Edward Ash. 

Sunday, 20.—Brother and sister Percival, Fabri and Nash dined 
with me. 

Monday. 21.—Visited my Lord Hertford and Mr. Britton, and 
the Speaker of the House of Commons. 

Thursday, 24.—This day my son's letter from Leyden brought 
me the sorrowful account that my brother Deriiig died on Sunday, 
the 13th instant, in whom I have lost the wisest, most experienced, 
faithful, generous, honest, sober and affectionate friend and relation 
I had. Dr. Boreham, it seems, in part mistook his distemper, 
for being opened a great stone of the diameter of a crown piece 
and irregular was found in one of his kidneys. My brother Parker, 
who was there, gave orders to embalm him, and to send him to 
England to be buried at Arwarton at his own expense ; and my 
poor sister, whom he has left in extreme bad circumstances by 
the loss of the income of his places and pension, set out the 19th 
with my son and brother Parker for Calais. 

Friday, 25.—This morning at three o'clock I sent my gentleman 
Hossock to London, ordering him to call at Windsor and deliver a 
letter to the Earl of Grantham, wherein I begged of him to apply 
to the Queen to intercede with the King that the pension my brother 
had of one hundred pounds in Ireland may be made two hundred 
pounds for thirty-two years. I also writ to Mr. Schutz to desire 
the Prince to back it with the Queen. The Prince has lost in him 
the most affectionate and most prudent servant he had about 
him. 

Sunday, 27.—Communicated. 

Tuesday, 29.—Dined with the Speaker. 

Wednesday, 30.—Visited Mr. Bagnal. This morning Baron 
Bothmar told me that the private letters of his uncle, Count Bothmar, 
bring an account that that monster, the King of Prussia, had 
ordered a court-martial of officers to sit upon his son and try him 
as a deserter, he having the command of a regiment ; that the 
officers refusing to sit on this occasion, the King had divested 
them of their orders and honours, and sent them in chains to work 
at the fortifications. That the Prince had been urged to confess 
who were privy to his flight, but he refuses to tell, because that 
would be certain death to them. His answer is the King is master 
of his person, and may do with him as he pleases ; but tell he will 
not, anything to prejudice others. A new Council of War is sum 
moned, at which the Prince of Anhalt is to be President : a man 
of violent and brutish character. In the meantime it is said the 
Prince is ill. 

I had a letter this week from Windsor from Augustus Schutz, 
that the Prince entered into our affliction for D. Dering's loss, 
and was contriving how to be kind to my sister ; this was writ 
before mine to Schutz ; it shows the excellent heart of the Prince. 

Thursday, 1 October.—I received also a letter from Mr. dark, at 
Windsor, that Lord Grantham had shown my letter, which he 
writ him, to the Queen, who kept it (which I suppose was to show 
the King), that my Lord would always be ready to serve my recom 
mendation, that he was sorry to hear of my brother's death, and 
that he believed my request would be granted. I also received a 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

105 

1730. 

letter from Aunt Long, who most kindly offered to give up two 
hundred pounds a year of her jointure to my sister Dering, providing 
my brother Parker would settle the same on my sister for her life, 
and pay herself the other four hundred pounds ; and on this 
condition she will immediately make over to him all that she has 
in the world. I had also consoling letters from divers others. 

Saturday, 3 October.—I had an account from cousin Le Grand 
that cousin Southwell, contrary to expectation, was in a 
mending way. More letters of condolence. I answered Aunt Long's 
kind letter, as also Mr. Clerk's. I received a letter from my son from 
Antwerp, dated October 4th, new style, which is the 23rd September, 
old style, wherein he tells me he knew not how long he should stay 
there ; my sister, from illness and fatigue, not being able to con 
tinue her journey immediately, or take long journeys. That she 
came from Rotterdam by sea to Lille, near Antwerp, which is 
thirty leagues, and from thence in a berlin to Antwerp. That 
Sir Philip Parker came a day or two after the same way, but was 
in great danger and all the company quite spent, and his eldest 
daughter ill ; that he talked of leaving my sister to hasten before 
her into England, which much concerned my son. I writ him 
word this night that I had taken care of money matters, that he 
should be furnished at Calais by Mr. Morella, and my banker 
in London would accept the bill, and I directed my letter to Calais. 
At night I went to a public concert for the benefit of Mrs. Young, 
whose voice I think exceeds Corsone's or any Italian I ever heard 
in clearness, loudness, and high compass. 

Tuesday, 6.—Talking of several matters and persons with the 
Speaker, Gyles Earl, of our House, etc. ; the latter gave an instance 
of Mr. Addison's excessive jealousy of his reputation. He said that 
after his fine play of Cato appeared in print, Tom Burnet (the 
same who died Governor of New York) took it into his head to 
burlesque a celebrated passage in it, not with design to ridicule 
the poet, by exposing that idle pastime to the world, but only to 
satisfy an instant thought of his own, and to try his skill that way ; 
he therefore showed this piece to very few. But Mr. Addison 
(however it came) got knowledge of it, and gave no rest to Mr. Earl 
till he obtained a promise from Burnet to give no copy of those 
verses, but to burn them. The generality of our company deter 
mined Addison to be no poet ; but Dean Gilbert excepted the poem 
called " The Campaign." He was so shy, that if one stranger chanced 
to be in company, he never opened his mouth, though the glass 
went cheerfully round, nor did he show himself even to his friends 
till past midnight, and rather towards morning, and then being 
warmed with his liquor and freedom of select friends, he was the 
most entertaining man in the world. Latterly he took to drinking 
drams, which exhausted his vital spirits. Lord Sunderland made 
him Secretary of State to keep others out who would not be his 
tool, and when that end was served, he was discarded again, for 
he knew nothing of business ; but this was no reflection on him, 
his fine parts and genius lying another way, viz., to polite studies. 
In this he was greatly to be commended, that he always appeared 
on the side of virtue and revealed religion. Talking of the Earl of 
Halifax (Mountague), the Speaker said he was one of the greatest 
genius's of this time, a fine scholar, a bright invention, an eloquent 
speaker, and intrepid, and equal to any in the management of 

 106 DIARY οϊ ΤΗΚ 

Oct. 6-13 

public business. He was a very remote relation of the great 
families that bore his name, and, in low circumstances when coming 
to London, he attached himself to the Earl of Portland, by whose 
favours he purchased the place of Clerk of the Council, which laid 
the foundation of his future greatness. Dean Gilbert said he had 
seen in Mr. Mountague, his nephew's hands, memorials of his writing 
that show him to be a very judicious man, especially his letters 
on public business when abroad upon service. He had a nice 
taste in antiquities and painting, and was a curious collector of 
them. He had too much sense of his own merit, and was haughty. 

Wednesday, 7.—Sir George Cook, one of the Prothonotaries of 
the Common Pleas, came to see me. I know not why, unless that 
he married his daughter to Mr. East, whose sister married my 
brother-in-law, Sir Philip Parker. 

Thursday, 8.—I received a letter from my son at Bruges, dated 
2nd instant, that in a few days he hoped with my sister Deriiig 
and Sir Philip Parker's family to be in England. My daughter 
also writ me from Charlton that she had a letter from him at 
Newport, desiring my coach and horses might go down to Dover 
to bring them up. 

In conversation with my Lord Carteret this evening, I find 
him a man of more universal reading than I imagined, which, joined 
with a happy memory, a great skill in Greek and Latin, and fine 
elocution, makes him shine beyond any nobleman or gentleman 
perhaps now living ; what pity 'tis he is not sincere. Among 
other things, I find he is far from Tory notions in Church matters, 
though his education when young lay that way. He said the 
confinement of the power of administering absolution to a priest 
only, is a jest, for if it be only declaring God's reconciliation to us, 
and pardon of our sins, a layman may do it as well. That 'tis 
no less a jest to affirm Bishops to be jure divino, or tithes to be so. 
That this is only to make us conceive mighty things of the clergy, 
and Popery at the bottom, as is likewise the punishing men for 
their opinions. He liked the constitution of the Church as settled 
in England by law, and believed it better than under another form, 
but he would have the ecclesiastics acknowledge they hold what 
they have under Acts of Parliament, which if it should be thought 
requisite, might as well appoint priests to do the offices of Bishops 
as leave the distinction that now is between those two orders. 
I know not any Independent can talk more against the Church. 

I answered, there was one thing the Bishop could, but the priest 
could not do, namely, ordain ; which all antiquity showed, and is 
confessed by St. Jerome himself, who depressed as much as he 
was able the Bishop's order. That Bishops might be jure divino, 
without making it an order so necessary to a Christian Church 
that without them such Church as allowed them not became no 
Church, which would be to un-Church the Protestant Churches 
abroad. The Apostles (I said) might have appointed Bishops as 
the best manner of governing the Christian Church in general, 
which appointment by men inspired was justly termed to be 
jure divino, and yet we need not think that appointment of theirs 
to be so absolutely necessary to the constitution of every particular 
Church, as that such Churches as can not have them are of course 
no Churches. Necessity has no law. That this was Archbishop 
Usher's opinion, and that of the first Reformers, who yet thought 

ΙΊΚ8Τ VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

107 

1730. 

Bishops of Apostolic constitution and necessary to all Christian 
Churches where they might be had. As to tithes, I agreed with 
his Lordship, and many of our great divines, Archbishop Hutton, 
Mr. Ellys, etc. ; that the precise tenth is not jure divino, being 
established not by the moral, but the judicial or ceremonial law 
of the Jews, which Christ has abolished ; but that the clergy should 
have a proper maintenance, is certainly of divine right, and I 
believed, if tithes were taken away, and a suitable maintenance 
given the clergy some other ways, they would get by it. I might 
have told him that, as to absolution, though it be only declarative, 
yet it follows not that any man, layman or other, may give 
absolution, but only those appointed for that purpose, as every 
man may not deliver his Prince's mind to a neighbouring State, 
but only the Ambassador sent by him, nor every lawyer deliver 
the King's conscience, but his Chancellor only, whom he has com 
missioned to it. But company drew near, and other subjects 
arose. 

Friday, 9 October.—Count Bothmar is very old, and declining 
fast. He is a gentleman absolute and tyrannical in his nature 
over his inferiors, as his nephew Baron Bothmar has often told 
me, but being perfectly well bred, and fully experienced in the 
world, bridles his temper to others. He was long first minister 
to the late King, as Elector of Hanover, till the death of the Duke of 
Zell, who had a Minister, Mons. Berenstorf, of equal ambition and 
parts, that made himself so necessary to the King when that Duchy 
fell to him, that he till his death shared his favour, and rivalled 
the Count. Yet the Count's experience was greater than the 
others, having served as public Minister in many Courts, and 
lastly in England, where his prudence contributed much to defeat 
the practices of Queen Anne's Ministers to defeat the Hanover 
succession, and introduce the Pretender. He told me several 
entertaining things this day, and run great encomiums on the late 
Princess Sophia, who, he said, was a lady of great learning and wit, 
and writ on certain occasions equal to Seneca. He said Frederick 
William, Elector of Brandenburg, grandfather to the present 
King of Prussia, was a courageous Prince, and understood war, 
but was extremely passionate and haughty ; so that the most 
gross flattery was acceptable to him. 

His son, the late King of Prussia, was equally vain, but good- 
natured. He loved women, but was not capable of so much 
villainy as his brutish son, the present King, suspected him, namely, 
of designing to corrupt his wife the present Queen. 

He told me the. present King had lately ordered a young 
woman, daughter to a clergyman, to be stripped to her shift, 
whipped, and afterwards banished, only for having played on the 
harpsichord to the Prince his son in a concert. 

Sunday, 11.—Communicated at the chapel. 

Tuesday, 13.—Went to Miss Young's second concert. There 
was much company at a crown a ticket, and all came away pleased. 
-They agreed that her voice is better than any of the Italian women's, 
but that she wants their perfect manner, which is not to be attained 
but by residing some years in Italy. She has a clear shake above 
^-la-mi, which the others have not. She is under the disadvantage 
of singing compositions adapted to the voices of others, and com 
posed purposely for them. She is besides, as yet, only a scholar, 

 :¡> 

'> 

Í08 ÖIAEY OP THE 

Oct. 13-15 

and does not propose till some years hence to sing in the opera. 
Gemiriiani, the famous violin, and a good composer, is her master. 

Wednesday, 14.—My brother and sister Percival set out for 
London. 

Thursday, 15.—The Speaker, Judge Probyn, Gyles Earl, 
Mr. Glanville, Mr. Temple, and I sat some hours at the Coffee 
House. The subjects we talked on were the clergy, and Parliaments. 
Mr. Earl said it was miserable to see the ignorance of the common 
people, and added in his odd, violent way of expressing himself, 
he did not believe one in a hundred thousand made religion his 
rule, or refrained from any sin for fear of God, which was owing 
to the scandalous lives and behaviour of the clergy. The Speaker 
joined with him, that it was singly owing thereto. I said they 
should add also the ill example of the nobility and gentry. 
Judge Probyn said he heard a Minister read prayers in London 
so carelessly, that one of the congregation reproached him with it. 
To which he replied, " I read well enough for my pay ; I had but 
a shilling, give me half a crown, and I'll read as well again." 

We then fell upon the Tbusiness of tithes. I said they were not 
jure divino, and several good and learned Churchmen own : 
Archbishop Hutton, etc. ; and it were well both for clergy and 
laity they were abolished, and a maintenance given them some 
other way ; that while tithes subsist, the clergy can never have 
the esteem of the laity, because obliged to wrangle continually 
' with their parishioners for their dues, besides that their studies and 
labours are necessarily interrupted. That tithes were established 
by the ceremonial or by the judicial law of Moses, both which were 
abolished by Christ ; but there was still so much of the moral law in 
them that the clergy have a Divine right to a proper maintenance, 
which since it might be given them a more convenient way, made 
tithes not necessary. 

Earl said he would have glebe let out to them, and why should 
they not be farmers and till the ground, as well as others ? I 
answered, then they could not vacate to their labours of preaching, 
visiting the sick, etc., nor pursue their studies. 

Judge Probyn said the great objection against taking away 
tithes is that no other allowance can secure to them a subsistence 
in all times proportionable to the rise and fall of money and the 
necessaries of life, but what might now be judged a reasonable 
salary might in future times become impossible to live on. The 
Speaker replied their income might be settled by the pound rate, 
which would always bear a proportion to the rise of lands, the 
value of money, and price of commodities ; and this is so plain, 
that if the clergy should make any objection to this expedient, 
it would only show they had another reason for insisting on tithes, 
which they would not speak out, namely, that they dont care 
to be subordinate to the laity. We then talked of the Statute of 
Mortmain, which the Speaker said was not sufficiently adhered 
to ; that licenses were given to every one that asked them, and 
that if a man petitioned for leave as far as two hundred pounds, 
they will bid you put in a thousand pound. 

Then we talked of Queen Anne's Act for augmentation of livings, 
which most of the company said would prove of dangerous con 
sequence in the end, as also of the Universities buying up advowsons 
and presentations to livings, which they have made a point of policy 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

109 

1730. 

of, and must prove of great detriment to themselves, as well as 
it is to learning. That these livings being bought up and annexed 
to the respective Colleges, are bestowed to the Fellows in turn, · 
according to their seniority, to the great discouragement of study, 
for a learned man shall not have the preference over a blockhead, 
because it is not his turn. Besides, as many livings as are thus 
sold by lay proprietors, so far is diminished the laity's power over 
the clergy. 

The Speaker said a very learned and great Churchman owned 
to him he foresaw great inconveniences would attend this practice, 
and that it would put the laity one time or other upon reassuming 
all, and leaving the clergy naked. 

This led us to talk of the Reformation, and the dissolution of 
abbeys, and vesting the laity in their lands, which preserved the 
Reformation at Queen Elizabeth's accession, for had Queen Mary, 
her predecessor, been able to procure their restitution, Popery had 
been bound down upon us. This wise advice is owing to Thomas 
Cromwell. On occasion of auricular confession, Mr. Glanville 
quoted an expression of Mr. Hales, of Eaton, who writes in some 
of his works that Pliny affirms the poison of an adder is cured by 
whispering in an ass's ear. Now, says Hales, though I own sin 
is as bad as the poison of an adder, yet I cannot believe that whis 
pering in an ass's ear will heal it. 

Talking of the antiquity of Parliaments, the Speaker said that 
the great Lord Chief Justice Hales has proved in a manuscript 
that is to see the light soon, that William the First, wrongfully 
called the Conqueror, did not arbitrarily introduce his Norman 
tenures into England of holding by services, but that he summoned 
a number of principal persons out of every county in the nature 
of a Parliament, and they by a formal Act received them. He 
added that in that manuscript there is one piece of strong doctrine, 
namely, that the King has a Council judicial, distinct from the 
Lords, or Courts of Justice. 

Judge Probyn confirmed it, and said he was sorry to see it there, 
and it were to be wished he had not mentioned it. One gentleman 
put the question whether anciently the Commons and Lords did 
not make one House. The Speaker replied it was a question so 
doubtful that it could not be decided ; that anciently the title of 
the Speaker was Speaker of the Parliament in the House of Com 
mons, not as now, Speaker of the Commons House ; likewise 
formerly the Commons used to petition the Lords to preserve 
their rights, which looks as if the whole made one body ; besides 
we all know that the separate jurisdiction of the House of Lords 
is only tacitly allowed by the Commons, on condition of these last 
having the sole right of raising money, which whenever disputed 
by the Lords, then the Commons will dispute their jurisdiction. 
We likewise see that till the Union dissolved Parliaments in Scotland, 
the Lords and Commons there sat together. On the other hand, 
if, as is said, the Parliament of England were the same in form as the 
States in France, then there's no doubt but the Lords and Commons 
are separate Houses. Our records give us light in this matter no 
further than the beginning of Richard the Second's reign, when 
notice is taken of a Speaker of the House of Commons, though 
a historian mentions one in a Parliament held at the close of the 
preceding reign. 

 110 DIAEY OF THE 

Oct. 15-22 

Mr. Earl said in reading the history of Empson and Dudley, 
those bloodsuckers under Henry the Seventh, who suffered upon 
Henry the Eighth's succession to the Crown, he never could find 
by what justice they were put to death. The Speaker said it was 
a question had puzzled many, for that the historians represent 
them as dying to satisfy the rage of the multitude, but in Andersen's 
Cases may be seen the indictment against them, wherein is men 
tioned their taking arms and making an insurrection ; the truth 
of which was, that to defend themselves from the popular insults, 
their friends resorted to them with arms, which was gladly laid 
hold of by Henry the Eighth, who made his judges interpret this 
rebellion, that there might appear some colour to destroy them, 
otherwise there was no law to execute them. 

Friday, 16 October.—The same company meeting again, and dis 
coursing of tithes, the Speaker said that Sir Gilbert Heathcote 
had shown him the draft of a Bill which next Sessions he intends 
to offer to the House for settling the uncertainty of payment of 
tithes demanded from lands that formerly belonged to abbeys or 
are supposed to have belonged to them, and consequently are 
exempted. The Church could not pay tithe to itself, and therefore 
Church land being free at the dissolution of abbeys by Henry the 
Eighth, tithe cannot be demanded of the laity who hold such 
lands under the grants of them made by that King. But as there 
is great uncertainty whether particular lands, whose occupants 
refuse to pay tithes, were abbey lands or not, the Speaker thought 
this Bill very necessary to prevent vexatious suits by quieting 
the subject in his possession. 

Judge Probyn said thereupon, that it would be a good Bill, 
because when a clergyman demands tithes and the possessor refuses 
to pay, alleging his estate is abbey land, the proof that it is so lies 
on the possessor, which by length of time, losing his original grant, 
is hard for him to do. That there was two resumptions of abbey 
lands ; the first, which some years preceded the other, though it 
vested King Henry in them, yet the tithes were not granted him, 
and they are tithable ; but the second resumption gave him like 
wise the tithe, and when he granted the lands of these last away 
to his lay subjects, he made over to them to all his entire right to 
them ; so that the subjects who hold lands of this second sort are 
excusable from tithe. 

Talking further of tithe, the company agreed that the clergy 
have as much right to them as the layman has to his estate, and 
that it were unjust to deny them, because no man purchases an 
estate in land but with a valuable deduction in the price for the 
tithes paid out of it, otherwise he would pay two years' purchase 
more if excused of tithes ; wherefore the Quakers are to blame 
to refuse paying, for in the estates they hold they have a con 
sideration made them for the tithes they pay out of them, and 
have no right to the benefit of not paying, for thereby they would 
hold what was not their own. 

Judge Probyn said the clergy have a right to the tithe of every 
thing, and even of the labour of handicraft trades, as if a black 
smith earn twenty pounds a year, he ought to pay two pounds to 
his minister. I asked him how pasture land paid which fed variety 
of beasts, as growing cattle, which do not give the tenth beast ; 
he said this is by a sort of agreement not disputed, of paying two 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

Ill 

1730. 

shillings an acre. Touching the laity's enjoyment of Church 
lands, the Speaker said he had an argument with the present 
learned Bishop of Bangor. Dr. Sherlock, who maintained that the 
resumption of abbey lands and giving them to the laity was a 
real injury to the clergy in that more than a due proportion was 
thus reassumed. The Speaker's answer was, that his Lordship 
was under a mistake through not recollecting the obligations the 
clergy were under, before that resumption, and the burthen the 
laity thereby have eased them of ; for in old time the charge 
of maintaining the poor and of repairing churches lay upon the 
clergy alone, which made it fit and necessary that their income 
should be larger than now, and since the laity have taken these 
charges upon them, it is fit they should have the proportion 
of Church lands they are in possession of to do it with, by which 
nevertheless they are no gainers, it being certain that the expense 
of these two articles rise to two-thirds of the ancient revenue of 
the Church ; and if the clergy now enjoy to their peculiar use 
one-third of the income they formerly had, it is as much as by the 
ancient rule they were to receive out of the revenue of the Church. 
For it was the rule to divide the whole into three parts, one of 
which went to the maintenance of the clergy, the other of the poor, 
the third to the support of the churches and other buildings. He 
said the Bishop had no answer to give, but that he believed the 
expense of poor and churches did not mount to two-thirds of the 
revenue of Church lands. 

October 20.—After evening prayers, the Speaker and others of 
us met again at the Coffee House, and our discourse was of Queen 
Elizabeth's reign, and her putting Mary, Queen of Scots, to death. 
The Speaker observed that that example cost King Charles the 
First his head, for the people of England would not have suffered 
it, only that they found so fresh an instance in their own country 
that crowned heads might be questioned and capitally sentenced. 
He said Queen Elizabeth acted a mean part to pretend that Queen's 
death was against her orders ; and that she was a good politician, 
but nothing else. He said that King Charles the First acted 
entirely on tyrannical maxims of his father, and that if he had got 
the better in that struggle there had been an end of our liberties. 
The three main actions that undid him were, his coming into the 
House of Commons to seize .the five members, his breaking the 
treaty of Uxbridge and marching to surprise London, and his 
letter to his Queen, which Oliver Cromwell discovered. 

The first it is thought he was put upon to make him perish in 
the disorder that must have happened if the five members had 
not withdrawn in time, for there was not a member but would 
have drawn his sword to protect them, and blood would have 
ensued. The second showed he was not sincere in that treaty, 
but only entered into it to lull the Parliament asleep. It was his 
misfortune that the night before, he received an express from 
the Marquis of Montrose in Scotland, that he had defeated the rebels 
there and was coming to join him, so the King thought his affairs 
in too good a condition to be under any necessity of treating with 
ms subjects. The third, namely the letter, showed there was no 
depending on his word. 

October 22.—The same company met again ; our discourse was 
°n Dr, Clerk's writings. The Speaker said his discourse on the 

¡ί 

II 

 Hi!,li Iff JA«',·.'i Ιι 

»I 
M 

II!"1! 

112 DIAEY OF THE 

Oct. 22-31 

attributes of God is the finest metaphysical divinity that ever 
appeared, and that no man ever before demonstrated the 
impossibility of more Gods than one, and that in effect if there 
could be more Gods than one, then there may be no God at all. 
He added that it was this enquiry that led him to his Arian notions. 
Dean Gilbert said the Doctor left a multitude of sermons in manu 
script, but not all fitted for the Press ; Dr. Carleton, the physician, 
said he heard nine hundred. 

The Speaker replied, three hundred are corrected by him, and 
will be printed according to his design before he died. That they 
are properly not sermons but discourses, and ought to be read 
carefully, being too deep for use on bare hearing them from the 
pulpit. That he wished the young clergy would collect from 
them the critical explanations he has given of a multitude of difficult 
texts, which would be the best comment on the Bible that ever 
was. He said this is the excellence and delight of my Lord 
Chancellor King's studies, who employs his leisure hours this way, 
and is very learned in divinity. 

The copy of Dr. .Clerk's sermons are sold by the widow for 
twelve hundred pounds, but would have come to much more had 
they been proposed to be printed by subscription as was advised. 

Talking of Sir Isaac Newton, the Speaker said we are to expect 
his theological works, and that he was a great respecter of the 
prophecies, the completion of which he thought the surest proof 
of the Christian religion ; and that he judged the Revelations 
to contain all the great events which are to be completed in the 
world before the second coming of Christ. 

Talking of Sir Gilbert Heathcote (" the Father of the City," as 
he is called), the Speaker told a story of his boldness in the late 
Queen's reign. When the Treaty of Commerce with Prance was 
in agitation, the Earl of Oxford summoned a great number of 
citizens to expose to them the advantages of it. Sir Gilbert, who 
stood behind in the crowd, having attended to the reading them, 
cried out, " Ah, Robin, God help thy head." Immediately they 
who were near him expressed their surprise at his rude words, to 
which he replied : " He stood so fair, I could not help it ; and 
thereupon I will tell you a story. A man stooping into a cellar 
to take up an apple, a passenger who saw his breech offer itself, 
up with his foot and gave him a push that canted him to the bottom ; 
the mob flocking about, asked him why he did so ? His answer 
was, he stood so fair he could not help it. Now, mine was the 
same case." 

Talking of Dr. Pemberton's explanation of Sir Isaac Newton's 
Principles of Natural Philosophy, Dean Gilbert observed that it 
does not answer what is promised, namely, to render it easy to 
persons not skilled in that science, for none can understand it 
that did not before understand Sir Isaac's book. Upon this, 
Dr. Carleton applied very luckily the following story : A person 
observing a short-sighted man fitting himself with spectacles at a 
shop, went in, and when the other who, upon trial, said he had 
found a pair that helped him well to read, was gone, fell to trying 
several glasses, none of which satisfied him. The shopkeeper, 
growing at last impatient, said to him, " 'Tis strange you can 
find none that fit you ; why, sure you can't read ?" " True," said 
the other, " if I could, I had no occasion to come to you." 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 

113 

1730. 

The Speaker said Sir Isaac Newton thought Antichrist came 
in with the modern doctrine of the Trinity, and that Dr. Clerk 
was of the same opinion. 

I dined with the Mayor, at his feast given by him on being chosen. 
Mr. Sands, of the House of Commons, Colonel Codrington, Mr. Gay, 
the apothecary, member for Bath, and Dean Gilbert were the 
principal persons there. 

I received a most pious and sensible letter from Mr. Schroeder, 
at Hanover, upon my brother Dering's death. 

October 23.—The same company met at the usual time, and dis 
coursed about two hours and a half of several parts of literature and 
characters of men. He said a lady asked the famous Lord Shaftes- 
bury what religion he was of. He answered the religion of wise men. 
She asked, what was that ? He answered, wise men never tell. The 
Speaker said Sir Isaac Newton and Dr. Clerk's opinion was that 
the great Antichrist is not a person, but the modern doctrine of 
the Trinity, i.e., the vulgar manner of explaining that mystery. 

24.—The Speaker, Mr. Glanville, Mr. Sands and Mr. Worsley, 
the Counsellor, dined with me. 

I did not know before that the famous Sir Thomas Clarges, 
brother-in-law to Monk, and who had so great a hand in bringing 
in King Charles the Second, was originally an apothecary. The 
Speaker said he made a good figure in the House of Commons, 
and latterly became one of the heads of the country party against 
King Charles's measures. 

He said also, talking of the Peerage Act, that though my 
Lord Sunderland had the blame of it, he was much against it, 
but my Lord Stanhope pressed it, and had unaccountably prevailed 
with the late King to approve it, though it was the greatest abridg 
ment of the Royal prerogative that ever could have been attempted. 
He also said that Pingelly, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, that 
upright man, was violent for the Bill, on a principle of liberty, 
because had it passed it would have preserved property in the 
Commons. On the same principle, the Whigs of the House of 
Commons were almost all for it, and Sir Robert Walpole's party 
fell out with him because he persisted to be against it. They 
triumphed over him that they should carry it, but he told them 
one argument alone would defeat their expectation, for, said he, 
I'll but mention to the House that by this Bill none present, 
nor their posterity, could hope to be made Lords, and you will 
find I shall have the majority." He proved himself a prophet, 
and the Bill was thrown out. 

October 30.—This day we had a public dinner at Lindsey's in 
honour of the King's anniversary. Above eighty gentlemen met, 
and our club came to nineteen and sixpence apiece 

October 31.—My sister Dering and my children came safe from 
Charlton. It was a pleasure to hear by my son that my brother 
Dering died so calmly as not to fetch a groan nor move a limb. 
My sister was in the room, and thinking him asleep went up to her 
own room to take some rest. Upon opening him, it was found 
he died of the stone, which had entirely wasted one of his kidneys. 
In the place was a stone that weighed two ounces ; in the other 
kidney were three as big as large nuts. He lay for the most part 
of a week in a lethargy, but in his intervals showed great resignation, 
relying on the merits of Christ. 

Wt. 24408. 

E8 

 #'" im 

II1 ψ 

Hi; 

114 DIAEY OP THE 

Nov. 3-5 

Tuesday, 3 November.—This day I dined with the Speaker, in 
company with the Dean of Exeter, Dr. Gilbert, Mr. John Temple, 
my son, Dr. Carlton, the physician, Dr. Soley, a clergyman, and 
Psalmanassor, the Formosa Indian, who has been in England 
above these twenty years, and now lives companion with Dr. Soley. 
Psalmanassor told us that he had reconciled himself to dressed 
meats, but still prefers raw meat, as lying best on his 
stomach. 

Thursday, 5.—I went to the Mayor's invitation to drink the 
King's health at the Town Hall, this being a great day in Bath, 
the anniversary of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot. 

Mr. Wesloisky, who for twelve years was a servant of the Czar 
Peter Alexowitz, and is a Moscovite born, told me this day the 
true cause of the differences between his master and the late 
King George, an anecdote I knew not distinctly before, and which 
shows what misfortune may happen to a nation by the means of 
an interested Minister. 

At the time when this Mr. Westlow (sic) was Under-Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs, the Czar Peter had for King George the First, 
then Elector of Hanover, only a personal value and friendship 
over and [above] the political considerations that moved him to 
a harmony with him ; and he had as ill an opinion of Queen Anne, 
and her last Ministry, for basely deserting their allies, and concluding 
with France an ignominious peace, to which for some imaginary 
gain to England she sacrificed the interest of her best friends, 
contrary to an express article of Treaty, whereby none of the Allies 
were to transact privately a peace with the common enemy, but 
on the contrary, to communicate fairly to the rest the offers that 
should be made and to conclude nothing but by general consent. 
The Czar (Mr. Weslo said), though he had no courage nor honour 
himself, -valued it extremely in others, and especially in the late 
King, whom he thought the bravest and honestest man prince in 
Europe. At the same time, the Czar had a great hatred for the 
Emperor, though he kept fair with him for political reasons. He 
was then at war with Sweden, and the fewer enemies he made the 
better. As to the Pretender, he then despised his pretensions 
to the Crown of England, and never so far altered his mind as 
seriously to intend to help him, though when he fell out with 
King George, he made as if he did, purely to vex our King. This 
was the situation of the Czar's mind at the latter end of Queen 
Anne's reign, and when she died, he expressed great joy at King 
George's peaceable accession to the Crown, declaring that he would 
even assist to maintain him on the throne, if he met with dis 
turbance. 

It happened that the Czar, in prosecution of his war with Sweden, 
found himself obliged to send an army of twenty thousand men 
into Mecklenburg, where after the manner of soldiers ill-paid, 
they took the best care they could of themselves at the expense 
of the natives, whom they used very ill, plundering and consuming 
their, effects, and in a word so wasted the land, that the estated 
men of the country, seeing themselves reduced to the greatest 
straits and no end of their suffering, offered to sell their possessions 
to the first who would buy them, that themselves might retire 
and enjoy what they could save in some other region, but they 
found few purchasers, which reduced the price very low, and he 

FIBST VISCOUNT PEKCTVAL. 

115 

1730. 

that would venture, was sure, whenever that Duchy should recover 

itself, to buy very advantageous bargains. 

At that time, Baron Berenstorf was first Minister to King George 
at Hanover, and had also almost the same power of an English 
Minister when he attended the Elector into England, upon 
Queen Anne's death. This gentleman was himself of Mecklenberg, 
and had an estate there, and being possessed of a great sum of ready 
money (as first Ministers know how to get), reflected with himself 
that here was a fine opportunity to lay out some of his silver to 
great advantage. He judged that the vexations of an army 
quartered in Mecklenberg would not always last, and that being 
chief Minister to a powerful Prince, in strict amity with the Czar, 
he might find means to ease his own estate, and what he should 
further purchase in addition to it, even of the present quartering 
soldiers, however the rest of the Duchy suffered. He therefore 
bought great districts of land there, to the purchase of two hundred 
thousand rix dollars, which lands were in reality worth three times 
that sum, and having so done, solicited as powerfully as he could 
Prince Menricof, the Czar's first Minister, that saufguards might 
be granted for exempting his estates from contribution. 

The Prince thereupon replied that it was impossible, without 
absolutely ruining the Duchy ; that he had before done this favour 
to the Baron's original patrimony, but that the lands he now 
solicited should be eased were of such an extent that it was an 
unreasonable desire ; that the army now there must be subsisted, 
and that would be impossible, if more should be demanded of the 
other inhabitants to make up the exemption of the Baron's 
subjects. 

This was but reasonable ; however, Berenstorf resented it, and 
would not let it pass so. He obtained of the late King to com 
mand his Minister at Vienna to solicit the Emperor for an order 
of the Aulic Council to appoint curators over the Duchy of 
Mecklenberg as being a fief of the Empire, who should have com 
mission to see that the Duchy were evacuated of a foreign army. 
Mr. Wesloisky, who was then resident agent for his master at 
Vienna, and had made intimacy with some clerks in office by means 
of money which the Czar was very generous in giving to get 
information, obtained secretly a true copy of King George's letter, 
and sent it express to the Czar, who was then (I think) in Holland. 
The Czar, amazed at this underhand dealing, from a Prince with 
whom he was in strictest amity, would not believe it, and sent back 
the express to Mr. Weslow, requiring him to repeat to him whether 
that copy was genuine. In the meantime such dispatch was used 
at Vienna, that the Aulic Council fulfilled their part, and Westlo 
sent his master word thereof, informing him further that the 
emperor ^ad ^^ j^g Czarship a letter to desire him to withdraw 
his army. The Czar astonished, writ immediately to his General in 
Mecklenberg not to stir ; he also sent the Emperor word that he 
could not withdraw his troops yet awhile ; that he was extraordinarily 
surprised at so hasty a proceeding, but he would maintain his 
army in that Duchy by force against all who should endeavour 
«> hinder him, and that to let his Imperial Majesty see he was 
earnest, he had ordered twenty thousand men to march to the 
lr°ntoers of Silesia. These men did accordingly advance thither, 
winch put the Emperor into a great disorder. Silesia was the 

 .Ιΐ,Μ 

•III 

8,ι'Ι|' 

i 

«II 

116 DIARY OF THE 

Nov. 5-19 

Emperor's country, and there was at that time a jealousy that 
the Turks would renew the war. Moreover, the troops sent by the 
Czar were Cossacks and Tartars, who committed terrible 
waste. 

The Emperor now repented his precipitancy, and so it was not 
long after that King George did so too. The Czar expostulated 
with the latter, and sent Mr. Westlo for that purpose to England. 
But King George had a great heart, and though he could not but 
know he had acted an unkind part in acting in the dark with a 
good ally, yet the oppressions the Mecklenbergs suffered from the 
Moscovites touched him, and he knew his ends to relieve that 
poor people were honest and justifiable. He therefore boldly 
maintained the share he had in that transaction, and the Czar's 
interest requiring him to dissemble, brought him to make a virtue 
of necessity ; he by degrees cooled and offered to renew the broken 
friendship between them on condition King George would guarantee 
to him the possession of Riga and Bevil, which towns he had 
conquered from the Swedes. This King George refused. He then 
desired to have a personal interview with him when he made his 
journey to Hanover, and, depending on it, set forward, but 
King George passed and declined seeing him. Undoubtedly by 
Berenstorf's counsel, who must have been the sacrifice of their 
reconciliation, for King George did not then know of the estates 
he had bought in Mecklenburgh. Upon all this usage, he grew 
desperately enraged, swore he would be revenged, and everybody 
knows that he made an open show of helping the Pretender's cause. 
England suffered deeply in the fray, for the Czar raised the customs 
and duties on trade three per cent., making them eight, whereas 
they were before but five. He forbid the entry of English cloth into 
his country, of which he before took off eighty thousand suits for his 
soldiers,, choosing to have the same from Prussia and Silesia, which 
though not so good as English manufacture was twice as cheap, 
a loss not yet recovered. He put us to the charge of annual fleets 
to keep up his own squadrons, heartless, dangerous, and discon 
tenting expeditions, and lastly, he flung himself into the hands of 
the Emperor, a person he abhorred before, and we still feel the 
inconveniencies of that alliance. 

All these misfortunes are owing to the interestedness of a Minister, 
and the late King's facility of giving credit to him, and this was 
the true reason of that great breach. 

This Mr. Weslowisky is nephew to Baron Scaphirof, once H. 
Chancellor of Moscovy, under whom he served for a time as under- 
clerk, and afterwards was preferred to be Secretary at War under 
Prince Menzicof, about the [time] of whose disgrace he was sent 
Resident to Vienna, and was afterwards appointed Minister sans 
titre at that Court : from thence he was sent to Hesse Cassel, and 
soon after was recalled home, but, refusing to go, retired secretly 
to England, where he got himself naturalised. 

Sunday, 8 November.—Mr. Brockhurst, who is troubled with 
the gout, said that for some months past he has been free of it, 
by wearing alum in his pockets, and that he was advised to it 
by a gentleman who had by that means escaped the gout seven years. 
A gentleman in company mentioned a friend of his who escaped 
also for many years the same way. But I told them my 
Lady Butler in our lodgings had tried it without effect. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

117 

1730. 

Monday, 16.—There came news this day from London of a current 
report there, that the King of Prussia had caused his son to be 
beheaded, and obliged his Queen and daughter to see the execution. 
I suspend my belief till I hear further, though what cannot such 
a brute be guilty of ? Brigadier Dormer told me that when this 
King served the campaign in Flanders (he was then only Prince), 
General Grumeau, now his first Minister, commanded a regiment 
of Prussians. That its coming to the Prussians' turn to mount 
the trenches, there were several regiments of them ; the Duke of 
Marlborough complimented the Prince with desiring him to name 
which regiment of his nation should go. The Prince answered 
Grumeau's. The Duke replied that Grumeau was then sick in 
bed of a fever, and it would grieve him not to be on duty with 
his regiment, wherefore he entreated him to name some other, 
and the rather that it was not Grumeau's turn. But the Prince 
had the hardness, not only to persist, but to go to that General's 
tent to acquaint him that he must rise and enter the trenches that 
day. Grumeau, ill as he was, got up, and soon after the Brigadier 
saw him at his post, as pale as his cravat, and in a high fever. 
The news is more certain, that by the King's command an officer 
has been beheaded under the Prince's prison window, who, looking 
out to bid the young gentleman a last adieu, the officer said to 
him : " Sir, I die with pleasure if it contributes to your safety." 

Tuesday, 17.—This day a letter was sent to a tradesman of this 
city ordering him to put a sum of money under the door of 
St. Michael's Church before Thursday night on pain of having his 
house burnt and himself murdered. Hereupon the Mayor ordered 
fifteen constables to search and take up all vagrants and persons 
who would give no account of themselves, and accordingly forty 
were seized, and stand confined, the gates of the city were ordered 
to be guarded, all night-walkers examined, the fire engines drawn 
ready out, and all the hedge ale-houses within a mile searched for 
suspicious persons. A noted gaming house was also suppressed, 
where our footmen lose their time, money and honesty ; one 
footman I am told lost a hundred pounds. This wicked practice 
of writing letters with desperate and damnable threats is now 
spread through many parts of the kingdom. 

Wednesday, 18.—Notwithstanding so many persons taken up, 
we don't find there is proof against any that they are incendiaries. 

Thursday, 19.—I spend every day two hours in the evening 
at the Coffee House, with pleasure and improvement, especially 
in such public places as the Bath and Tunbridge, because of the 
great resort of gentlemen thither for their health or amusement, 
out of whom a few who are of the same turn of conversation (after 
the ceremonies at making acquaintance are over) naturally select one 
another out and form a sort of society ; when the season is over, 
" we think it worth the while, we preserve the acquaintance ; if 
not, there is no harm done, no offence is taken. The ease with 
which gentlemen converse, and the variety of their respective 
knowledge and experience is equally pleasing and instructive. 
•Ine get I met constantly with since this last arrival at Bath were 
tne Speaker of the House of Commons, Dr. Gilbert, Dean of Exeter, 
Ur.. Carleton, a physician, Mr. Glanvil, member of the House of 
U)Eomons, and Mr. John Temple. The three former are gone, 
and their room is supplied by Mr. Joy, son to a late director of the 

 Il« 

L ,·„ 
I i , ll 

* 111 

f 
IJ ,' 

118 DIAEV OF THE 

Nov. 19-Dec. 7 

South Sea, but one who reads much and had University education ; 
Mr. Peregrine Bartue, a gentleman of estate in Suffolk or Sussex, 
Mr. La Mot, chaplain to the Duke of Mountague, who was my 
schoolfellow at Mr.Demeur's, and is now beneficedin Northampton 
shire, and Sir Justinian Isham, knight of the shire for that 
county. 

December 3.—Some days ago Mr. Joy went away, and the com 
pany I most frequently meet in the evening is Lord Carteret, 
Mr. Bartue, Sir Harry Ashurst, Dr. La Mot, Mr. Temple, and 
sometimes Lord Limington, the Earl of Thomond, Mr. Clerk, 
nephew to my merchant in the City, and Mr. Byng, third son to my 
Lord Torrington. 

Sir Harry Ashurst said that Sir John Hubbard was obliged at 
fifty years old to use spectacles ; that one night some Portugal 
snuff getting into his eyes, he after getting rid of it went to bed, 
and the next morning having occasion to read a paper found he 
could do it without spectacles ; whereupon, taking the hint, he after 
wards would at times rub his eyelashes with that snuff, and for 
thirty years till he died read without any help. Dr. La Mot con 
firmed the virtue of that snuff by another of his own knowledge. 

Mr. Jacom told me the liberty granted by the King to list seven 
hundred and fifty Irishmen to recruit that corps in France, was 
recalled. He said that more than a year ago the French Court 
had desired it upon our insisting that the works of Dunkirk newly 
repaired contrary to Treaty should be demolished. That the 
King replied it was not just to make the demolition a bargain, 
since they were obliged to do it, but when he should see that 
punctually executed, he would consider their request ; that now 
those works are effectually spoiled, they renew their desire, and 
he accordingly gave license for the number above-mentioned, 
but upon finding the general dissatisfaction it gave his subjects, 
had recalled his leave, and that Count Broglio, the French 
Ambassador, was satisfied, owning the King had never passed his 
word for obliging his Court in that matter. 

As to the demolition, he told me that Colonel Lascelles, our 
engineer appointed to see it done, had writ word that all was 
performed to his full content, that the imposition and cheat put 
upon us before was that they took the level for throwing down 
the jetties at high water mark, to which only they lowered them, 
it being promised in the treaty to demolish them to the level of 
the water, but not expressed whether high water or low, so that 
at low water the banks remained so high that the sand drove by 
the tides which flow from east to west, found still a stop, and left 
the canal unchoked; but now these jetties are reduced to the 
level of low water mark, so that every tide contributes sand to 
choke the canal, or to render it more tedious and expensive for 
them to repair the jetties, if ever they should propose to do it ; the 
stones of the jetties are taken away and cast into the sea. 

He said my Lord Torrington and Sir Charles Wager are entirely 
satisfied with what is done. Mr. Jacom is a member of Parliament, 
and was clerk to Mr. Gibson, who recommended him to Sir Robert 
Walpole as a man well skilled in funds and Government's accounts, 
and so Sir Robert finds him, depending on him more than on any 
other in matters of this nature. The Prince of Prussia is restored 
to his father's favour upon an oath taken by him never to disoblige 

FIEST VISCOUNÎ PBRCIVAL. 

119 

1730. 

him ; he may chance soon to be King, for my Lord Chesterfield 
writ our King word last post from Holland that the King of Prussia 
was so ill it was thought he could not recover. How happy for 
Europe if he should die ! How happy for England, for then the 
double marriage would succeed ! How happy for the subjects of 
Prussia on every account ! 

December 4.—This day my cousin Edward Southwell died, 
aged about 63 years, of a kindly apoplectic fit, after having 
suffered long by the hurt he received from the overturn of his 
coach, for which he was frequently cut and slashed in the wounded 
part, the leg. But he had some apoplectic fits before as well as 
after that accident. No man had lead a more pleasant life, nor 
died an easier death. He was beloved by all his acquaintance for 
his cheerful obliging temper, and esteemed for his experience in 
business. He was at the Revolution, with my uncle, Sir Robert 
Southwell, his father, in Ireland, the years King William fought 
there. He afterwards served a Parliament or two in England, 
succeeded Sir Robert in the office of Secretary of State and Privy 
Seal of Ireland, and was for a time Commissioner of the Privy Seal 
in England. He also .was first clerk of the Council ; he also was 
Secretary in Ireland to the Duke of Ormond ; he was chosen in all 
the Parliaments of Ireland from his youth till his death. 

My uncle left him, though an only son, a moderate estate of 
about two thousand a year, but by frugality and his two marriages, 
so augmented it that he has left six thousand a year. His first wife 
was my Lady Betty Cromwell, who was an heiress of lands both 
in Ireland and England ; but the estate being encumbered, he 
sold off part and redeemed the rest, after which there remained 
clear thirty-five thousand pounds. His second wife was a daughter 
of Secretary Blathwayt, who brought him ten thousand pounds. 
She also died before him. By each of these ladies he left one son, 
and both are living. 

The eldest married a daughter of my Lord Sands, with ten 
thousand pounds. He is about twenty-four years old, and a very 
sober, virtuous man. She also is of a fine temper and a comely 
young lady. 

He left in his will that in case his eldest son should die without 
children, I should be one of the trustees for William, his second 
son, for his Irish estate, and, if I accepted it, that thirty pounds 
should be paid me. 

December 5.—I had several letters from Harwich that 
Alderman Baker was elected Mayor without any opposition, which 
shovys the Philipson's party declines. Also Fennings and Richard 
Philips want me to get them the packet boat which Captain Stevens, 
it is believed, will quit or else be turned out of. The Mayor also 
writ in favour of Cockeril, his brother-in-law. I writ immediately 
to Mr. Horace Walpole to recommend Richard Philips to the 
Post Office for it, and excused myself to the other gentlemen as 
being engaged to him first. 

December 7.—I had a letter from Mr. Hales, the minister, that 
™e trustees of D'Alone's legacy for converting negroes to 
Christianity had agreed to change the trusteeship and make it 
over to other hands, in favour of my desire to be quit of it, a form 
cf resignation being sent me at the same time ; I, not liking it, 
sent it to Councillor Annesley for his advice. 

 • I 

II I 

120 DIARY OP THE 

Dec. 14-28 

December 14.—This day I received a letter from Mr. Annesley 
that the form was absurd, and not safe for me nor for the Trust. 
I also received a letter from Mr. Oglethorpe that the project goes 
cheerfully on for settling a colony in Carolina. 

December 17.—I received divers letters from London touching 
a report that my son was going to marry my Lady Londonderry, 
widow of the late Lord Londonderry, who has a jointure of nineteen 
hundred a year, but who is near nine years older than my son, 
and of whom the town thinks very disadvantageously. 

December 19.—I writ an answer that there was not a thought 
of either in the lady, or my son, or us, but that the town wronged 
much my lady's character, being a virtuous, religious and sensible 
woman. 

About the same time, I had a letter from Robert Craige that 
the Duke of Argyle had offered him a sub-clerk's place in the 
Store Keeper's Office of Minorca, value two shillings per diem, 
desiring my advice if he should accept it ; to which I replied, if I 
was in his case I would accept it. Some days after he 
writ me that he had accepted it. This will be good news to 
Richard Philips, who recommended him to me, and whose relation 
he is. 

December 23.—This day I received a letter from Mr. Horace 
Walpole that he had given my letter to Sir Robert his brother, 
who promised to go with it to Harrison, and recommend Philips 
for Stevens' packet boat. 

I had also a letter from Dr. Couraye that the Queen had doubled 
his pension, and made it two hundred a year. This is a great 
satisfaction to me, who invited him over, and justifies the counten 
ance I have ever since given him. It also does honour to her 
Majesty to consider in this manner a learned Papist who writ in 
defence of our English Ordinations. 

I have within this twelvemonths received several obligations 
from the Court. 

1. His Majesty's many gracious and kind expressions of me to 
others, and his and the Queen's particular notice of me whenever 
I come to Court. 

2. His Majesty's readiness to reprieve a highwayman condemned, 
which I was pressed to desire, and which had succeeded but for 
my Lord Townsend. 

3. The favours to Dr. Couraye, greatly on my account. 

4. The disposition of serving my recommendation of Richard 
Philips to be captain of a packet boat ; the changing Dumaresque's 
station as I would have it ; the allowing Captain John Philips to 
leave his station to vote for my interest in Harwich, and the turning 
out of Philipson from being Commissary of the Packets there, 
because he withstood my interest, which was entirely his Majesty's 
own doing, and that with expedition. 

5. The granting of a pension to my sister Dering of two hundred 
a year, which I desired, and am assured will be speedily granted : 
better than I expected for her. What I desired was two hundred 
a year for thirty-two years to her and her daughter. 

I have not heard in my whole üfe such blasphemy as the Earl of 
Thomond uttered unthinkingly this day. We were talking of 
the King of Prussia's treading on the toe of a gentleman, upon 
which my Lord said hastily, that if God Almighty trod on his 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEKCIVAL. 

121 

1730. 

toe, he would never forgive him. My son, when I told it him, 

said, he was sure he was both a proud man and a coward 

December 24 —Mrs. Fry died this day at Bath, and finding 
herself expiring, sent for a Quaker, whom she obliged solemnly 
to promise that as soon as she should die he would repair to my 
Lord Chancellor, and tell him from her that he was the cause of 
her death. 

This gentlewoman was mother to a young woman to whom 
my Lord Chancellor was guardian, and my Lord married her at 
twelve years old to his eldest son, because she was a great fortune ; 
but she being so young, the children were only put between the 
bedclothes, since which, though grown up, they never consum 
mated ; but Sir Peter caused them to separate, though he detains 
her fortune. The young man lately writ his wife that he was 
willing to live with her, but her parents would not suffer him. 

My Lady King is charged by the world with influencing her 
husband to act in this scandalous manner. She says to everybody 
that her daughter-in-law is ugly, and a fool, to which the young 
woman replies that they knew she was ugly before they made the 
marriage, and as much a fool as she is, she never showed it more 
than marrying Mr. King. 

December 26.—This day Mr. Horatio Walpole writ me that 
Sir Robert had spoke to Mr. Harrison of the Post Office that 
Richard Philips might succeed Captain Stevens in the Packets, 
and that he doubted it not. 

December 28.—This day I finished my " Treatise of the Duty 
of Obedience to Government in general, and to the present Govern 
ment of England in particular," in three sections. 

II. 

 I 

Win μι 

122 

ÖIARY OF THE 

1731. 

Jan. 3-21 

January 3, Sunday.—This day I writ a small discourse entitled, 
" Some Thoughts concerning Religion, and the Reformation from 
Popery." 

4. Monday.—This day Mr. Clerke writ me word that the King 
had ordered my sister Dering a pension in England of two hundred 
pounds a year. I desired he would return our thanks to 
Lord Grantham, and that Lord Grantham would give our thanks 
to the Royal Family. 

5. Tuesday.—Sir Henry Ashurst, Mr. Alderman Perry, Mr. Jacom, 
Mr. Done, Mr. Hanbury, and myself at Leak's shop. Mr. Done 
said the great Tory patriot, Sir John Packington, has a pension 
on the Irish Establishment in Queen Anne's reign of one thousand 
a year. Discoursing of the petitions preparing by the woollen 
manufacturers in several parts of the kingdom, to be presented to 
the Parliament, for further measures to prevent the running wool 
to France, and for reviving this manufacture, Mr. Jacom said he 
could not tell what could be done, only to make labour cheap, 
and that could only be by bringing in Irish cattle ; but he thought 
the House would not agree to it, because of the number of breeding 
counties in England. Mr. Perry said the drawback on the export 
of corn should be taken off, for by that encouragement to sell our 
corn abroad, the price of what remained at home was raised the 
higher, and consequently made labour dear. 

Mr. Done said if the drawback was taken off, the farmers would 
suffer so much that rents would fall, and that under five shillings 
a bushel the farmer cannot live. I said I questioned whether, 
if they did repeal the prohibition upon Irish cattle, they would 
see any cattle sent, because the Irish had now fallen into the 
slaughtering and manufacturing it themselves to send abroad. 
But the only way to ruin the French manufacture of cloth, was 
to suffer Ireland to make cloth again for exportation, for labour 
is cheap in Ireland, and the wool their own. That England cannot 
make cloth so cheap as Ireland ; and therefore, take what methods 
you please, France must still nourish in that trade, and keep us 
under, unless we suffer Ireland to export their manufacture, which 
will come out as cheap as that made in France. 

That it were better our fellow subjects should have the trade 
than France, though England were not the better, and yet in truth 
England would be the better because, before the year is out, all 
the profit Ireland makes would come to England. Mr. Jacom 
would not agree to this, but said all the discouragements upon 
bringing wool and worsted yarn from Ireland ought to be removed, 
for otherwise it was unreasonable to expect that Ireland should 
not run their wool to France, rather than have it lie waste and 
perish on their hands. 

Talking of the Duke of Ormond, Mr. Hanbury said that when 
that Duke was dismissed the late King's service, at his Majesty's 
landing at Greenwich, my Lord Townsend told him his Majesty's 
orders to him was to acquaint his Grace that the Duke of 
Marlborough having been unjustly displaced from the post of 
Captain General, his Majesty thought it reasonable to restore 
him to it, and therefore his Grace must not take it ill that he 
was removed from it ; but anything else in his power to give was 

FIRST VISCOUNÏ FERCIVAL. 123 

1730-1. 

at his Grace's service, his Majesty desiring to make use of his 
services ; that my Lord desired the King would give him leave 
to put his commands in writing, which was readily consented to, 
and done ; that he met his Grace on the stairs, and there read to 
him his Majesty's pleasure, whereupon the Duke turned short, 
and went immediately back to London without waiting on the 
King. My Lord also told Mr. Hanbury that when my 
Lord Bolingbroke had leave to return, the Duke had intimation 
that his Majesty would also suffer him to come back, but that 
he must not expect to have the blue garter restored to him, for 
that was given to another ; but the Duke, upon that foolish punctilio, 
refused his Majesty's favour and chose to remain in Spain. 

19 January.—My poor sister Dering, after a lingering illness, 
was this day taken ill so much for the worse, that she believed she 
should not recover, and desired to make her will before her senses 
should be disordered ; accordingly I next day sent for Mr. Walters, 
the attorney, by her order, and by instructions taken from her 
mouth and set down in writing, which I read to her first ; 
Mr. Walters drew the will, which he read to her before it was signed 
in presence of the witnesses, and she said she approved it all : 
the substance is, that she ratifies as much as in her lay her marriage 
settlement and her daughter's interest therein ; that after her 
funeral expenses and just debts paid she bequeathed to Hannah 
Eady, her chambermaid, in consideration of her good service, 2501. ; 
to her sister-in-law, my Lady Parker, 501. ; to her sister, my wife, 
501. ; to Susan, her housemaid, 10Z. That the residue of what 
she has be given her daughter, who if she should die before the 
age of 21, or day of marriage, then all to go to my wife. Mrs. Philips, 
the gentlewoman where we lodge, Mary Blowers, my daughter's 
maid, and Mr. Walters, who drew the will, were witnesses, and 
by the will my wife and I are made sole trustees and guardians 
of her child. 

21 January.—She began to be light-headed a little, but generally 
sensible, lay pretty quiet, and said little, having a difficulty to 
speak or to be heard. She talked to me of her dying, and said she 
hoped she should be saved, for her intention was always right and 
to please God ; that she had her frailties like all others, but God 
was merciful. She added, that she desired to know what I thought 
of her breaking a resolution she had made when very young, never 
to say her prayers but on her knees ; that she could not tell if she 
had swore to do so or not, but that she never had failed in it till 
her arrival at Bath, when, the first night, she was so fatigued and 
ill that she had not power to pray on her knees, but did it as she 
lay in bed, which now in recollecting past matters was a scruple 
to her. I answered that as to human frailties all mankind had 
them, and that God who for Christ's sake pardons the greatest 
sinners upon repentance, does undoubtedly overlook lesser matters, 
many of which are involuntary or inadvertent ; that He looks at 
the heart and constant habit of endeavouring to please Him, and 
that He is too good to take advantage of single faults to make us 
miserable. That she had made a good wife, a good mother, a good 
mistress, a good sister, a good friend, and had ever been scrupulous 
not to offend God, and had no reason to doubt her salvation thro' 
Urrist, and that as to the particular scruple she mentioned, she 
Was not to be troubled at it, for God does not expect impossibilities 

 n.'.«-' · ί,····"\ 

124 ΓΛΑΕΥ OF THE 

Jan. 2l-Feb. 3 

or unreasonable performances, where the body is weak and unable 
to do what the mind desires. She remained satisfied. 

22 January.—The last night she seemed not to sleep, and in the 
morning was light-headed. She sent for me early and talked 
disorderly, but frequently recovered herself ; she still declined, and 
her voice grew weaker, took now and then a small cup of broth 
and cordials, but to no purpose. Her pulse gradually diminished. 
The doctors declared there was no hopes. I gave her a poached 
egg. She was a little restless with her blisters, the piles, and a 
short cough, but still almost insensible of pain. 

23 January.—The last night she seemed to sleep, but when she 
sent for me about five a clock in the morning said she had not 
slept at all. She talked disorderly, but recovering herself took 
a cup of broth. Her voice was now scarce to be understood, and 
her weakness grew on. About 12 she desired to see my wife, who 
came, and they kist each other. After dinner she sent for me 
again to tell me she was now in her senses, but should be so but a 
quarter of an hour, for she found herself dying. I had invited 
Mr. Chapman to dinner.to give her the sacrament ; which she had 
once mentioned, but I found her in a condition not to receive, 
and told Mr. Chapman so ; whereon he said that her intention to 
receive was the same in God's eyes as the actually doing it, seeing 
she was not able. I took an opportunity to tell her that it was 
a glorious thing to die in God's favour, and to think that Christ 
had suffered the most painful death to atone for all our sins, and 
that we are able to apply his merits to ourselves by faith in Him, 
which she could do, having lived so good a life ; she cast up her 
eyes and said she hoped she should go to Heaven. She then 
desired I would do generously by the servants of the house, who 
had been troubled and fatigued on her account. She had great 
difficulty.to speak, and it was so low I could not hear her but by 
putting my ear to her mouthi. About 8 she desired me to send 
for the mistress of the house, who came, and she told her that 
I would take care of everything, meaning to pay her. After this 
she said she would sleep and lay quiet, but it appeared she did 
not sleep. 

24 January.—About three a clock this morning she shewed 
herself in perfect senses, and from that time till half an hour after 
four, when she expired, prayed continually to herself, clasping 
her hands often together, and sometimes joining them together 
over her head, speaking continually till her voice sunk, but so 
low that what she said could not be heard. She died away more 
gradually than a lamp going out, or a lamb falling to sleep, and 
they who were in the room, for I could not bear to be there, said 
they never in their lives saw nor heard of so composed and gentle 
and sweet an end. 

" Mark the death of the righteous, their end is peace." 

She was but 39 years, and was possest of all the great virtues 
men esteem in others. The greatest piety, even to scruple, without 
affectation ; the greatest compassion and generosity in her temper, 
the greatest principles of honesty and justice, all added to extra 
ordinary good sense. Her courage was as great as any generals, 
but she could not stand the shock of my brother Dering's death : 
from that moment she fell desperately ill, and continued declining 
to this day. The thought of death alarmed her nothing, the parting 

FIRST VISCOUNT PBECIVAL. 125 

1730-1. 

with her sister and me, and with her little child, whom she was 
so fond of, was with such resignation to God's will, that in this last 
five .days' illness she did not desire to see the latter once, her sister 
but twice, and me only to talk of her soul, and to deliver her 
directions. Surely, if any of this age have gone to Heaven, a 
place is secured for her. 

25 January, Monday.—This day I agreed with an undertaker 
to carry her corpse to Arwaston to be buried by her husband, 
and hired a mourning coach to attend the hearse, and have ordered 
that her maid Hannah Eady and her other maid servant, together 
with Hossack, my valet de chambre, to go to Arwaston in it, and 
my sister's coachman to drive the hearse. 

I writ also to my cousin Cornwallis, parson of Arwaston, to preach 
a sermon, and to Fisher, my brother's steward, to be chief mourner ; 
and to Richard Philips to speak to Mr. Sansón, Commissary of the 
Packets at Harwich, to the Mayor Baker, to Clements, Coleman 
and Dumaresque, to bear up the pall, with him. 

28.—The corpse set out, and ourselves the same to London, 
where I arrived the 31. 

February 1.—I went to Charlton and returned at night, leaving 
orders that my sister's two scriptores wherein were papers should 
be sent me to London. 

In the evening, brother Percival, Mr. Clerk, and Lord Grantham 
called on me. 

The same day Mr. Sands brought in the Pension Bill, which was 
voted to be read; for it, 144; against it, 140. 

The estimate of the land forces was likewise voted ; for it, 240 ; 
against it, 130. 

2.—Came to see me, Mr. Dieupar, Blackwood, Colonel Selwin, 
brother Percival, Sir Edmond Bacon, John Temple, Lord 
Palmerston his brother, Horace Walpole, Mr. Southwell, and 
Mr. Augustus Schutz. The last came twice (as I found by 
Sir Robert Walpole's sending) to try me about the Pension Bill, 
but I flatly refused to be against it, telling him that my honour 
and conscience obliged me to be for it. He said the King was 
much set against the Bill ; I replied I was sure his Majesty would 
like me the better for showing I had a principle, for he must con 
clude by my not serving his inclinations in this affair, that the 
zeal I have professed and shown on other occasions proceeds from 
a principle. 

Horace Walpole desired me to be next day at the House, because 
the affair of the Hessian troops came on, which I promised ; he 
at the same time gave me a pamphlet (which he and Mr. Pointz 
together writ), entitled, " Considerations on the Present state of 
affairs in Great Britain." I told him I would read it for pleasure, 
but not for conviction. 

At night brother Parker and cousin Le Grand came to see me. 

a.—This day, Colonel Flower, Colonel Midleton, Mr. Burr, 
J^olonel Schutz, Mr. Tripland, came to see me, and I returned 
the visit of Mr. Clerk ; after which I went to the House, it being 
j 8reat day, for the maintaining the Hessian troops was to be 
aebated and resolved to be opposed. 

s.1™'Speakers for the Court, and against, were as follows : 
oír William Strickland, Secretary at War, made the motion for 
reterring the consideration of it to a Committee, but the other 

 126 DTABY OF THE 

Feb. 3-8 

side entered directly on the matter, and were not so much as for 
considering it at all. 

The anti-courtiers who spoke were—Mr Heathcote, Mr. Noel, 
Mr. Geer, Mr. Sands, Daniel Pulteney, Mr. Barnard, Mr. Vyner, 
Mr. Wortley, Mr. Plummer, Sir Joseph Jekyl, Mr. Windham, 
Lord Tyrconnel, Mr. Digby, Mr. Oglethorp, Sir Thomas Aston, 
Lord Morpeth, Captain Vernon, Sir Thomas Sanderson, 
Mr. Oglethorp (sic). 

The courtiers were—Sir William Strickland, Sir William Young, 
Mr. Cornwallis, Mr. Whitworth, Mr. Fortescue, General Sutton, 
Sir Edmund Bacon, Mr. Lewis, Colonel Bladen, Lord Malpas, 
Mr. Winnington, Sir Archer Crofts, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Verney. 

At nine at night we carried the question for referring it to a 
Committee, 249 ; against, 164. The great objection was that 
these troops are not necessary, or, if any, that Englishmen should 
be employed, which, however, they differed in among themselves, 
and that these troops were only kept to defend Hanover. But 
the necessity of them was shown ; we ought to make peace sword 
in hand ; if we should disband these troops (which none of the 
Allies have done by theirs), the alliance would be dissolved, and 
the Emperor would not comply, which otherwise he will be obliged 
to do soon, for want of money to pay his armies. That Hanover 
has indeed a collateral benefit by being defended by the help of 
these troops, but the main advantage is to the common cause in 
covering Holland ; and were the advantage alone to Hanover 
we ought at least to look on the Electorate as a Protestant ally, 
and it should not fare the worse for being under our own King. 

Sir Thomas Aston wished the King would part with Hanover 
to his second son, and Mr. Barnard declared if any would make 
the motion he would second him. 

Mr. Daniel Pulteney and Sir Joseph Jekyl endeavoured to show 
that it was a crime in the Ministry to ask for money to maintain 
the Hessians, because not- particularly mentioned in the King's 
Speech ; and they also urged that the Treaty with the Landgrave 
of Hesse did not now subsist, nor was signed by a British Minister ; 
but all this was very well answered. 

February 4.—Mr. Cornwall and Mr. Ferguson came to see me, 
and I went to Sir Robert Walpole's levée, who thanked me for 
my service yesterday. I told him I only did my duty, but had 
many thanks to return him, especially for his last favour in for 
warding and so soon dispatching the pension granted to the poor 
widow for whom he saw me wear these cuffs He said he did it 
with a great deal of pleasure ; I replied it put me under obligations 
to his Majesty that in all things consistent with my honour and 
principle, and conscience, I should show myself zealous for his 
Majesty's service. He answered, I spoke like an honest man, 
but the King desired nothing but what was right. I said I believed 
so, but both his Majesty and himself perceived there was a great 
spirit of opposition to his measures, also to his own person, and 
what I said was to assure him that what I meant was not only 
in support of the King, but personally with respect to himself. 
He took the compliment with great pleasure, and said I might 
depend on any services he could do me, then told me my 
Lord Grantham had spoken to him for a pension for my niece 
Dering, and asked me if one hundred pounds a year would do. 

FIRST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 127 

1730-1. 

I replied, it was very kind to offer it before desired, that it would 

help to maintain the child, and I should be much obliged to him 

for it. He answered he would do what he could in it with pleasure, 

and so I took my leave, and visited Lord Grantham and brother 

Percival. 

Lord Grantham told me he had made my compliments to the 
King and Queen for the pension my sister had granted her, and 
that the King said he had a great value for me, and should always 
take opportunities of showing it. My Lord told me also that he 
had spoke to Sir Robert about a pension for my niece, and then 
asked me if I would be for the Pension Bill. I answered I could 
not in honour and conscience, and I wished his Majesty would 
forbear opposing it, because I verily believed it would be carried, 
and it would only disgust his people, which though he was too 
strong to apprehend, yet his goodness would rather have their 
love ; than their hate or fear. He said Sir Robert told him I would 
not be for it, nor Sir Philip Parker either, which shows how the 
Ministry have been telling noses. 

In the evening I called on the Spring Garden families and 
Lady Londonderry. 

5.—To-day Colonel Negus, Mr. Duncomb, Mr. Clark, 
Mr. Oglethorp, and Sir John Bland came to see me. I called 011 
Horace Walpole, Sir Edmond Bacon, and Lord Palmerston. I 
went to the House, where we put off the second reading the Pension 
Bill to Thursday. At night brother Parker came. 

6.—To-day I visited Colonel Selwyn, Mr. John Temple, 
Lord Wilmington, and afterwards went to Court, the King seeing 
company for the first time since his late feverish cold and inflam 
mation of the throat. He stayed out but a very little time, and 
spoke but to three persons. I was the first. He said, I had been 
ill at Bath, he heard, and when did I come to town ? I answered, 
I had been in no danger, only a little pain ; that I came to town 
on Sunday. He said pain was bad enough. As little and few 
as these questions appear, yet at our Court they are a great many, 
for it seems to me as if his Majesty, knowing his dignity, is careful 
of what he should not say, rather than what he should. His 
question to the Duke of Newcastle was whether the wind was fair 
for packets. To which he answered he could not tell, which I 
thought an odd reply from a Secretary of State. The third he 
spoke to was the Duke of Argyle about a cure for a cold. 

My brother Percival came home to dinner with me, and in the 
evening Mr. Oglethorp came again to talk over the Carolina settle 
ment, which is in a good way. The Board of Trade have reported 
in favour of it, and we the undertakers or managers have the 
government of the people we send thither for twenty-one years, 
with a large track of land granted, that lies between two rivers. 

After he went away, cousin Southwell came and sat an hour. 

Sunday, 7.—Went in the evening to the King's Chapel ; after 
wards visited Lady Londonderry, Horace Walpole and lady, 
Mother Parker and lady, cousin Southwell and lady. Lady 
Londonderry only at home. 

Monday, 8 February—This day I returned visits to Colonel Negus, 

j Q^kwood, Mr. Flower, Mr. Augustus Schutz, Colonel Schutz, 

otv, nThomas Hanmer· Afterwards I went to Court to wait 

n the Queen, who was very civil to me. After dinner, I went to 

 128 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 8-13 

the House, where a debate arising whether the estimate for the 
Wolfembottel troops in our pay should be referred to a Committee 
(which was a surprise upon the members), it was carried in the 
Committee to refer, 194 ; against, 112. 

Tuesday, 9.—I went to the Committee appointed to consider 
of the Bristol petition, complaining of the decay of the woollen 
manufacturer, and desiring further care may be taken to prohibit 
the exportation of Irish and English wool, and that Irish yarn 
may come in duty free. Mr. Scroop was in the chair, and eleven 
petitions were read to the same purpose, six whereof prayed that 
Irish yarn might come in duty free. After which the Committee 
examined several witnesses to the truth of the allegations of the 
petitions, and then resolved that the petitioners had made good 
their petitions. It appeared that both English and Irish wool 
is carried daily in great quantities to Rotterdam and other parts 
of Holland, to Liège, Aix-la-Chapelle, Dunkirk, and other parts 
of Flanders, as Bruges, Menin, Lisle, etc. ; to Bordeaux in France, 
and manufactured at Abbeville, Tancarville, Charleval, Elbeuf 
in Languedoc, etc. 

That the Flemish wool is coarse and hairy, and cannot make 
vendible cloth or stuff without a mixture of English or Irish wool ; 
that neither can the French wool, and that the mixture is one 
pound of English wool to two pounds of foreign. 

That since the Parliament of Ireland took of the duty laid in 
Ireland upon wool exported to England, the French King appre 
hending the Irish raw wool would not be run to France so freely 
as usual, had half a year ago repealed the ancient edicts that 
prohibited the importation of foreign wool and bay yarn into 
France, choosing rather to pay for our yarn than to be wholly 
deprived of our wool, which showed the necessity they are under 
to make use of foreign wool. 

That French cloth has been sold in England and Ireland ; that 
as much wool is run from England as from Ireland to France, 
and that nothing is easier than to run wool down the river from 
London, which one of the informers of the Committee himself 
did, and owned to us telling us the manner. 

That 'twas the general opinion of all the persons examined, that 
if the Parliament will take off the duty on Irish yarn, as the Irish 
Parliament has done that on raw wool exported to England, 
England will have all the wool and yarn Ireland can spare, and 
France have none of it, and they added that the people of Ireland 
desired nothing more than that England should have it. 

Notice was taken of one article of complaint in the petition 
from Exeter, namely, that Ireland manufactures stuffs and camlets 
which they run to Lisbon. This was verified by one evidence, 
who says his master, Sir Peter Delinee, had a letter from his corres 
pondents at Lisbon telling him that the Irish stuffs quite beat 
out the English there, because they sold thirty per cent, cheaper, 
and were better liked, and therefore that correspondents sent 
Sir Peter a pattern of Irish stuff, desiring him to get as good made 
as cheap in England, if it could be. This was yet a stronger argu 
ment for taking off the duty on Irish yarn. In conclusion, all the 
Committee appeared well satisfied to take off the duty on Irish yarn. 

After dinrier I went to the Bedford Arms Tavern in the 
little peaches Covent Garden, and met Mr. Oglethorp, Colonel 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAL. 

129 

1730-1. 

Carpenter, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Hucks, Mr. Towrs, junior, Mr. 
Heathcote, Captain Heathcote, Mr. Moor, and Mr. Digby, to 
consider of a scruple arisen in some gentlemen's heads, whether 
the acceptance of the government of the colony we are sending 
to Carolina, doth not vacate our seats in Parliament, and what 
we should do to remedy it, supposing it so. Some gentlemen 
proposed to take the sense of the House upon it, but others said 
that was not conclusive, nor of certain security, for we are by 
our charter to be incorporated for twenty-one years, and another 
Parliament may be of another mind. Mr. Oglethorp proposed 
to have a short Act of Parliament to qualify us for holding our 
seats, as is provided for in the South Sea Act in favour of several 
members at that time of the House constituted directors of that 
Company. We all agreed to it, only I proposed Sir Robert Walpole 
should be first acquainted with it, or otherwise it would look as 
if we slighted the King's Charter and prerogative, besides that 
'tis but a fitting compliment to the Ministry, who if they pleased 
might from the beginning have stifled our design. So Mr. Oglethorp 
and I are to acquaint Sir Robert on Thursday next with it, when 
we meet him in the House. 

Cousin Fortrey dined with me to-day, and acknowledged his 
debt to my brother Dering of 100Z., which he said he would pay 
in May next. 

Wednesday, 10.—I stirred not out, being employed in my niece 
Bering's affairs. Dr. Couraye and brother Percival dined with 
me. Colonel Schulz called on me, Dr. Hollins and brother Parker 
likewise. 

One Dunworth, in Ireland, sent me a proposal of 10 shill. an acre 
for the first seven years, 10s. Qd. the next seven years, and 11 shill. 
the remainder, of a lease of lives or 41 years of the farm of 
Ballinegurroh, which fell into my hands by the death of Phil. Crofts, 
Esq., on the 29 of Jany. last. I also had a letter from Mr. Taylor 
that Jo. Pureell had offered 251. a year for Gusteenard for a new 

It now is certain that the King of Spain has declared by a 
manifesto to our Court that he will be bound no longer by the 
Seville Treaty and that he has concluded a new treaty with the 
Emperor. We had just concluded an alliance with the Emperor 
in which Holland and Prussia were joined, but upon the Ministry 
of Hanover insisting that something should be done in particular 
for Hanover, the Emperor had renounced his treaty, a matter 
that I much deplore, and which will exceedingly endanger the 
Ministry. 

Thursday, 11 February.—This day I called on cousin Le Grand, 
went afterwards to the House, where the Pension Bill was com 
mitted for Tuesday next without opposition. 

Friday, 12.—Stayed at home the morningj and dined with 
Mr. Dodington, where the company were Sir Robert Walpole, 
Horace Walpole, Lord Harvey, Sir George Saville, Mr. Bridges, 
Mr Hedges, Sir William Strickland, Mr. Carey, Mr. Camell. 
Mr. Niçois. 

Saturday, 13.—Visited Mr. Cornwall, and Sir John Guise. After 
wards went to Court to get my son introduced to the King and 
Ween for the first time. He kissed their hands, and the Queen 
"ad the goodness to tell me she had heard a great many good 

Wt- 84408, E 9 

 Í f/ù" '·· 

130 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 13-16 

things of him. I replied I had taken care to breed him a loyal 
subject. She said in return whatever came out of my hands 
must be good. 

Sunday, 14.—Went to morning chapel, prayers at 8. Afterwards 
went to the Prince's levée to get my son introduced, which was 
done. The Prince said as the Queen had done, that he had heard 
a very good character of my son, a great many good things said 
of him. I answered his Royal Highness was very good to receive 
favourable impressions of him. He asked me several questions 
about him, as also of my niece Dering and my wife. 

Mr. Clerk dined with me, and in the evening cousin Le Gendre 
came, and acquainted me that Monsr. De Berville and Monsr. Colande 
in France were well, and always asked after me. 

Monday, 15.—This morning Baron Botmar visited me, and 
afterwards I went to the Committee appointed to sit on the Bristol 
petition against Irish and English wool run to foreign parts, where 
a certificate was given in evidence of five thousand two hundred 
and fifty-nine pieces of camlet wrought in Ireland and sold in 
Lisbon, anno. 1729 ; and of four thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-six pieces of the same sold there anno. 1730, each piece 
containing one hundred and ten yards at two hundred and twenty 
rees per yard, which I computed at about seventeen pence three 
farthings. The certificate was to satisfy that the account of pieces 
of camlet above mentioned was taken out of the King of Portugal's 
Custom House books, and Mr. Compton, our Consul, signed it, with 
several eminent Portugal merchants. It appeared to us in evidence 
that these pieces were sold thirty per cent, cheaper, and yet were 
better than the English camlets sent thither, and that while they 
lasted, the English goods lay on hand. That they were run from 
Cork, rolled up and put into sacks or canvas. That other Irish 
stuffs were likewise run to Lisbon as friezes, ratines, shaloons, 
calamancas, etc. Another evidence, one Thomas Alien, a Turkey 
merchant, informed us that he was seven years ago at Marseilles, 
where he was shown silk and mohair yarn of Sherba (a place in 
Turkey) made up for to be sent to Dublin ; that Marseilles sends 
annually thither to the quantity of sixty or eighty bales, each bale 
worth about one hundred and thirty pounds sterling. 

A third evidence said that our English cloth sent from Leghorn 
had a duty in Turkey lately laid on it of twenty per cent., which 
amounts almost to a prohibition, which he attributed to the Turkey 
Company, who laboured to discourage private traders to that 
Empire, and thereby greatly hurt the export of our manufactures ; 
but Sir John Williams, a member of our House and the greatest 
exporter of cloth in England of any private man, denied there 
is any such duty, and so did other merchants who attended to 
inform the Committee. But one Higham, a factor, insisted it was 
true, and said himself had a letter of it with orders to put the 
French mark on our goods, that they might pass under that 
disguise. 

Many of the Committee thought this enquiry into the procedure 
of the Turkey Company did not relate to the business of the Com 
mittee, which was by order of the House only to consider of the 
petitions delivered against the running of wool, and to report 
whether the allegations therein contained were true. But other 
gentlemen said we were to consider of the low state of our manu- 

FIRST VISCOUNT PERCIVAl·. 

131 

1730-1. 

facture, which took in the means that have brought it to this 
pass, and how to redress things ; and therefore they thought it 
proper we should inform ourselves of a great variety of things. 
Sir William Young therefore mentioned the great inconveniencies 
arising from an Act passed seven years ago, prohibiting raw silk 
coming from Leghorn, which he hoped the House would repeal, 
and Mr. Sands thought it might be proper to pass a law to prohibit 
Ireland's trading with France in that commodity. Sir William 
Young replied he could not go so far as that, for we might as well 
pretend to hinder Ireland from trading at all with that kingdom ; 
that it was hard to tie Ireland up so strictly, but he believed the 
French are already hindered from sending their raw silk to us. 
There were none present could tell truly how that matter stands. 
In conclusion, Sir John Williams and one or two more said that 
taking off the duty upon Irish yarn, and watching well the coast, 
would retrieve our manufacture, and so we broke up without coming 
to any resolution, only to meet again on Thursday. 

The Barbadoes merchants, distrusting their success at the 
Council Board, and unwilling to wait the petition expected from 
New England, which will oppose their desires, intend, as I am 
informed, to petition the House very speedily. A member of our 
House, who is much concerned for Barbadoes, told me they intend 
to drop their complaint against Ireland, and would persuade me 
that Ireland will be a garner by depriving us of trading with the 
French plantations, if we are suffered to bring sugars and rum 
directly from Barbadoes ; I answered, we should lose the beef 
trade in a great measure when we lost one of our markets, and 
that Barbadoes would afterwards give us their own price ; besides, 
that the sugars we took from Barbadoes is but a very small 
quantity, but if England would take off the hardships we lie under 
as to the enumerated goods, it would be well for England and 
all of us. He agreed to it, and said he levelled only against New 
England, which in a little time will without some extraordinary 
care ruin Barbadoes by her traffic with the French planta 
tions. 

There is a meeting of the Barbadoes merchants and some Irish 
gentlemen this night, to which I was invited, but could not go. 
I shall know what will be resolved on, and will give you an account. 
In the meantime the Ministry are, I think, for putting off the affair ; 
and I know Mr. Hambleton is pretty sanguine ; so I hope things 
will end well for us. 

I dined at home, and brother Parker came in the evening. 

Tuesday, 16 February.—I went to a private Committee appointed 
to bring in a Bill for qualifying my cousin Ned SouthweU for his 
employment of Secretary of State in Ireland, by suffering him to 
take the oaths in England instead of Ireland. Afterwards I 
attended the Committee appointed to consider of the petitions sent 
up from Yorkshire for altering the law, by making presentments in 
English instead of Latin, and I left them, being of opinion they 
will be able to do little upon it. 

I then went down to the House, where several more petitions 
were presented relating to the bad state of our manufacture, and 
desiring the duty on Irish yarn may be taken off ; some estimates 
and accounts were given in, and then Sir Abraham Elton presented 
a petition from the merchants of Bristol complaining of the 

 m 

I II 

132 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 16 

Spaniards continuing to take our ships in America, and desiring 
redress. 

Sir William Windham thereupon said this was a proper oppor 
tunity to enquire what our commissioners sent last year to 
Spain have done towards settling our demands of restitution 
for the injuries done us by the Spaniards, and moved to address 
the King for an account thereof, which was seconded. 

Sir Charles Wager said there were vigorous orders sent to the 
West Indies to our ships to protect our trade a good while since, 
and believes those orders are by this time arrived, that more ships 
are speedily to be sent for that purpose, and therefore does not 
see any occasion the Bristol merchants have to petition, since 
all is already done that can be done. 

Colonel Bladen said the Treaty of Seville leaves the report of 
the transactions between our commissioners and the Spanish 
commissioners to be made to the Kings of England and Spain, and 
requires no report from them till the disputes are finally adjusted, 
but as the final adjustment is not made, the King is not ripe to 
inform the House, wherefore it would be to no purpose to address. 
That the truth of the thing is, the King has been as backward to 
go into a war for the sake of Don Carlos, as the King of Spain has 
been forward he should, and therefore the King of Spain has been 
dilatory in settling this dispute about their capture of our 
ships. 

Will. Pulteney observed a contradiction between Sir Charles 
Wager and Colonel Bladen ; that one said vigorous orders were given, 
which he understood was to take the Spanish ships, which was in 
effect to make war on the Spaniards, but the other said the King's 
purpose was not to make war ; he hoped we should do justice to 
our merchants, and address the King as had been moved ; and 
he hoped, too, when the House sat upon the petition, that we 
should enter into a consideration of Gibraltar, and the works 
carrying on there. He further desired to know if the King of 
Spain has not declared the Treaty of Seville no longer binding. 

Bladen answered him, that there was no contradiction between 
him and Sir Charles Wager, for the protection of our trade in ever 
so vigorous a manner could not be understood a falling out with 
Spain. 

Pelham said he was against the address, because no knowledge 
could yet be obtained ; that as to the Treaty of Seville's being 
broke by the King of Spain it is not true, it still subsists, only 
there have been delays in the execution, but 'tis now under con 
sideration how to execute it. At last the Bristol petition was 
ordered to be considered this day fortnight in a Committee of the 
whole House, and it was likewise agreed to address the King to 
lay before us what proceedings have been made by our commis- 
missioners towards settling our disputes relating to the captures. 
The House then called for the order of the day, and called over 
the names of defaulters, who all but two appeared in their places. 

Then the House resolved itself into a Committee upon the 
Pension Bill, and Sir Edward Stanley was called to the chair. 
The blanks were filled up, and no sort of opposition given, till 
the day for receiving the report was moved for. Mr. Sands moved 
for to-morrow, Sir Robert Walpole for Thursday ; numbers of 
members called out to report it immediately. 

ÏIBST VISCOUNT PEECIVAL. 133 

1730-1. 

Upon this Pelham got up, and said he was indifferent for Thursday 
or to-morrow, but if gentlemen would press it so fast as to have it 
now, he would be against it, and even against the Bill itself. Sands 
said he was for making dispatch with the Bill, because our readiness 
therein would clear the reputation of the House from reflections 
the country cast on us as if we were a pensioned Parliament. 

Mr. Pelham said he hoped that had never been suggested and 
made a ground for bringing in this Bill ; he was sorry now to dis 
cover it, and it would oblige him to be against the Bill ; however 
he would acquiesce in receiving the report to-morrow. Mr. Danvers 
said he was just come out of the country, and that all expectations 
were raised that this Bill should pass, and that it was certainly 
true, the country does believe we are a pensioned Parliament. 

Sir Joseph Jekyl made a long speech in a historical way to show 
how former Parliaments have been pensioned, and the difficulties 
cast in the Parliament's way by the Court to prevent a former 
Pension Bill. That though he would not say the present Parliament 
is pensioned, he would venture to apply to us what was said of 
a former Parliament by one who had been Speaker, namely, that 
if it was not pensioned he was sure it was very well officered. 
Mr. Sands, seeing the spirit of the House, retracted his motion 
for Wednesday, and desired the report might be now received. 

Sir Robert Walpole said a division against receiving the report 
now or Wednesday would be no honour nor advantage to the Bill, 
and therefore he wondered that gentlemen who were for the Bill 
would press the receiving it now, since they run the risk of a 
division, because of the unparliamentariness of huddling a matter 
of such consequence so fast, and the ill consequence of it in future 
times ; what would those gentlemen have said if other matters which 
have -been carried by majorities against them, had been pressed 
in like manner ? That the weakest member in the House could 
not have spoke so weakly on this affair as Sir Joseph Jekyl had 
done ; that he should not oppose receiving the report now, since 
he saw the House inclined for it, but he could wish we deferred till 
to-morrow for order sake, and because he disliked every part of 
the Bill and intended to speak against it. Sir William Windham 
said jokingly he was glad to see the time come that Sir Robert 
complained of a majority ; that for his own part he had long 
complained of it, nevertheless, if the majority were at this time 
irregular in desiring to receive the report now, he should be against 
them. That since Sir Robert was against the Bill, he should 
have opposed the committal of it, or if he was against the filling up 
the blanks, he should have spoke at the time. He knew nobody 
desired a division, it had not yet appeared that any did, because 
no opposition has yet been made to the Bill. After this, Sir Edward 
Stanley made his report, the question for doing it now, being put 
by the Speaker, and only three or four gentlemen crying No. 

Dined at home, and in the evening visited Sir John Evelyn, 
who told me Mr. Walker and he would meet Sir Philip Parker at 
my house and talk over the means for recalling Captain John 
Philips to Harwich. 

Afterwards I visited the Bishop of Lichfield, my old tutor, 
«·. Smalbrook, who complained much of the infidelity of the times, 
and that we have a Republican party in the House of Commons, 
such as Sands, etc. At night Sir Philip Parker came to see me. 

I 

 •I 

II· 

ΓΙ* 

1 

134 DIARY OF THE 

Feb. 17 

Wednesday, 17 February 173Ç.—This morning I went to the 
Duke of Dorset's levée, and, being alone with him, we talked over 
the affairs of Ireland. Afterwards I went with my wife, and proved 
the will of my sister. Then I went to the House, where the Pension 
[Bill] had a third reading, and occasioned a debate until near six 
o'clock, when the question being put for passing it, it went without 
a division, only the Ministry and Placemen who were against it 
thought fit to declare their sentiments. The persons who spoke 
in the debate were in order as follows :— 

For the Bill—1, Mr. Sands ; 3, Mr. Oglethorp ; 5, Mr. Windham ; 
7, Mr. Bramston ; 8, Mr. Bootle ; 9, Mr. Papilion ; 10, Mr. Bootle 
again ; 13, Will. Pulteney ; 15, Will. Pulteney again ; 16, Bootle 
again ; 17, Mr. Heathcote ; ' 18, Mr. Danvers ; 19, Papilion again ; 
21, Old Bromley ; 22, Will. Pulteney again ; 24, Oglethorp again ; 
25, Sir John St. Aubin. 

Against the Bill—2, Sir Archer Crofts ; 4, Sir William Young ; 
6, Sir William Strickland ; 9, Sir William Young again ; 11, 
Mr. Winnington ; 12, Sir William Young again ; 14, Mr. Winnington 
again; 20, Sir Robert Walpole ; 23, Pelham; 26, Sir Charles Wager. 

After Mr. Sands had put the House in mind of the order of the 
day, namely, the giving the Pension Bül a third reading. 

Sir Archer Crofts rose up, and declared his dislike of the Bill, 
because it restrained freedom of debate. At this there was a loud 
laugh, and gentlemen asked if a pensioner were free. He proceeded 
to show the necessity there is, that the Crown should have an 
influence over the House, to carry on the nation's interest and 
service, and instanced King William's reign, which prince was 
continually thwarted, and his wise measures spoiled by a wicked 
and desperate faction, for want of a proper influence over the 
House of Commons ; so that he must needs say a wicked and 
desperate opposition to Court measures in Parliament has done 
more hurt to the nation than a base submission to them. Here 
the House laughed again as loud as before. To apply this wicked 
and desperate opposition to the present times, he observed the 
universal joy expressed at his Majesty's accession to the Crown, 
yet how soon did a wicked and desperate opposition to his measures 
arise when gentlemen attempted to take from him his revenue, 
and but the other day declared their wishes that they could force 
from his Majesty his Hanover dominions. He therefore declared 
it necessary the Crown should have an influence over the House, 
which influences this Bill destroyed. Another objection he said 
he had to the Bill, namely, that it imposes an oath, and an oath 
of such a nature that we are sure will be broken. That the multiply 
ing of oaths is a wicked thing, and only on some, and those great 
occasions allowable, but the present case he thought did not 
require it. 

Mr. Oglethorp said he was unwilling to interrupt that gentleman 
while speaking, but now he must call him to order, and desire him 
to explain himself what he meant by the words " wicked and 
desperate opposition." That he hoped he meant none within 
the House, for none who speak for liberty can do it wickedly and 
desperately. Upon this, Sir Archer explained himself that he 
only meant an opposition without doors, and the opposition made 
in former Parliaments, which excuse, though a lame one, was 
indulgently accepted. 

ÍIRST VISCOUNT PEBCIVAL. 135 

1730-1. 

Then Sir William Young gave his reasons for not approving the 
Bill, and said there can be but two reasons offered for passing it, 
1st, The preventing evil consequences from the Courts corrupting 
the members by secret pensions, or places given in trust to others 
for their benefit. But this is no reason to press a Bill of this nature 
now, when every gentleman who had yesterday and before spoken 
in favour of the Bill acquitted the House from even the suspicion of 
corruption. 2nd, That good times are the only opportunities for 
passing Bills of this nature, but had this reason been really a sub 
stantial one in the opinion of those gentlemen who brought the 
Bill in, they would certainly have mentioned it by way of preamble, 
whereas the Bill has no preamble at all, so that no foundation 
appears why such a Bill should pass. That he was against the 
Bill for many reasons. First, It carries an imputation on the 
House as if it is corrupt and wants to be purged, whereas no one 
person has been shown to have a pension, or to hold a place in 
trust. Secondly, It has been said that the country is possessed 
of an opinion the House is corrupt, but the passing a Bill of this 
nature will confirm them in that opinion, for they will believe we 
think so ourselves. Thirdly, This Bill will weaken the support 
of the Royal Family, as it will give occasion to scribblers and 
disaffected persons to spread their venom. Fourthly, Supposing 
the Bill ever so good in itself, it is not seasonable at this time, 
for it will represent the King to foreign Courts as if he had no 
interest with his Parliament, but by bribing and corrupting the 
members. Fifthly, No instance has been given that the laws in 
being are not sufficient to prevent corruption. 

Mr. Windham spoke next, and observed the uncommon appro 
bation given this Bill from the rise of it to this day, having been 
acquiesced in by all parties, and even the blanks filled up yesterday 
in the Committee without a division ; that now to speak against 
it after such universal concurrence appears strange to him. That 
he must insist, that good times only, a good reign, and an un- 
corrupt House of Commons is the only opportunity for passing 
such a law, and will always be an opportunity. That if the casting 
an imputation on the House be a reason for opposing the Bill now, 
it will always be a reason in future times, and we must give up 
the hopes of ever preventing corruption. That we are not only 
to consider the present honour and freedom of Parliaments, but 
to secure this freedom to our posterity. That the balance of 
power in the legislature, the poverty and luxury that reigns and 
disposes the subject of corruption and baseness, and the welfare 
of the Royal Family, who can never be easy and safe but in a 
confidence the subject entertains that it is not in the power of the 
Crown to bribe the legislature, all conspire to make this Bill 
necessary. 

Sir William Strickland then gave his reasons against the Bill, 
and said the question was, whether it is now proper such a Bill 
should pass. He argued that it will be understood as a libel 
against the Government, especially after the pains which has 
been taken in print to vilify everything this Parliament has done. 
-Tuât the Craftsman and other libellers first endeavoured to mis 
represent the Ministry in order to remove a great man from the 
' councils ; when disappointed therein, they attacked the 
and proceedings of the Parliament ; last of all, they levelled 

1 »l,,, 

 136 DIAEY OF THE 

Feb. 17 

against Majesty itself. He saw no good could come from the 
Bill, but many inconveniences, and looked on it as an indirect way 
to compass very evil ends. 

Mr. Bramston spoke next for the Bill. He said the best and 
clearest proof the House could give that it is uiicorrupt, is to pass 
the Bill. Gentlemen seem to mistake it, those who wish the 
Crown should have an influence over the House, will still have their 
wish, for the power of rewarding merit by gratuities and pensions 
is not taken away, only the members so rewarded are to be made 
known, whch may prove to the honour of those gentlemen if 
deserving, and to the honour of the Crown too, in letting the world 
see how merit is considered by our Princes. That to infer from 
the incorruptness of the House that this is an improper time for 
such a Bill, is absurd, for only an incorrupt House can pass it, 
and he wondered any gentleman should say it weakened his 
Majesty's support. What, is it by corruption that the King sup 
ports himself ? The argument against the Bill, drawn from the 
unfitness of multiplying oaths, was of no weight, for this oath 
will not make men wickeder than they were before, for it is a very 
small addition of crime, if any, in a man who takes a secret bribe to 
betray his country and his trust in a legislative capacity if he 
should forswear himself. If a highwayman should rob a traveller, 
and being taken up on suspicion should swear to the constable 
he was innocent, no man would think him more a rogue for his 
swearing. To conclude, whatever fate the Bill should meet with, 
this benefit would arise : if passed it would be a security for future 
Parliaments, if rejected a warning to our electors. 

Mr. Bootle spoke next, and said the Court had no need of an 
additional influence by secret pensions, for a way had of late years 
been found to split offices, as the Treasury, Admiralty, etc., and 
so to fill the House with members, who held their places by no 
other tenure but the mischief they did their country in this House. 

These words were immediately taken down by Mr. Winnington, 
and Sir William Young rose up, warmly insisting the gentleman 
should explain his words, for he took himself to be touched by 
them, and thought they carried such a reflection, he could not 
sit a moment longer if Mr. Bootle did not explain his meaning. 

Mr. Bootle replied he spoke of former times, and even of former 
reigns, and wondered how he could be understood to mean the 
present Parliament, with which Sir William Young declared himself 
satisfied. 

Mr. Pulteney then got up, and said he would justify what Bootle 
had advanced, and apply it to present times. The gentleman 
was observing that a great number of officers were members, by 
the invention of splitting employments ; that by their means the 
Crown has a great influence over the House, because they have 
their employments on account of their seats in Parliament. He 
affirmed there were now two hundred